OFFJCIAI.      PI^OCEEDIX(  ,^ 

OF  THE 

NATIONAL   REPUBLICAN   CONVENTIONS 

OF 

L856,  I860,  1864  and  1892 


The  Secretary  of  the  late  Republican  National  Convention  at  Minneapo- 
lis was  directed  to  prepare  and  have  published  the  Proceedings  of  the  first 
three  Republican  Conventions,  viz.:  Of  the  years  1856,  at  Philadelphia  ; 
1860,  at  Chicago,  and  1864,  at  Baltimore.  The  volume  also  includes  pro- 

iinysof  the  antecedent    National   Republican   Convention  held  at   Pitts- 
burgh in   February,   lS"i(.i,  as   reported  by   Horace  ( Ireeley.  a   most  valual.de 
reprint,  and  a  skt-tch  of  the  earliest  Republican  organization  on  record. 
Copies  may  be  obtained  as  follows  : 

PRICES. 

Proceedings  of  1856,   1860  and  1864,  included  in  one  volume,  cloth 

binding-,  postage  prepaid,  $2.00 

Ten  copies  by  expn  .  ^I'J. (Ml 

Proceedings  of  lv»L',  bound  in  cloth,  single  copy,  postage  prepaid.  $1.50 

of  1892.  bound  in  paper,  single  copy,  postage  prepaid.          $1.25 
of  I*;t2,  ten  copies,  paper  covers,  by  expn  -lu.tn) 

of  lSi»2,  twenty-live  copies,  paper  covers,  by  expre- 
of  1S(J2.  lift}'  copies,  by  express.  paper  covers. 
Discount  to  the  Trade. 
All  orders  may  be  addressed  to 

CHAS.   W.  JOHNSOX,  ^eeretary. 

No.  'J.~>9  First    Avenue  South, 

M  IXXUAI'OUS.    M  I  XX. 

HARRISON  &  SfllTH.   Publishers. 

niNNEAPOLIS 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF-  THE 


Republican  National  Conventions 


OF 


1856.  1860  AND  1864, 


INCLUDING     PROCEEDINGS    OF     THE    ANTECEDENT 
NATIONAL  CONVENTION  HELD  AT  PITTSBURG, 
IN    FEBRUARY,   1856,   AS   REPORTED    BY 
HORACE  GREELEY. 


Pt'BLlSHEI>  AND  COPYRIGHTED  BY 

CHARLES  \V.  JOHNSON, 

MINNEAPOLIS     MINN. 


THE  PROCEEDINGS. 


THESE  proceeding's  are  published  under  the  authority  of  the 
following  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Convention  prepare  a  full 
report  of  the  Republican  National  Conventions  of  1856,  1860  and 
1864,  and  cause  them  to  be  sold  at  the  cost  of  printing-,  and  a 
similiar  arrangement  shall  also  be  made  for  the  publication  of 
the  Proceedings  of  this  Convention. 

Adopted  June  10, 1892. 

CHAS.  W  JOHNSON, 

Secretary. 


COF»  Y  RIO  HT\ 
1BQ3. 


M  I  N  \  KAPOLIS,  MINN.: 
HARRISON  &  SMITH,  PRINTERS. 
1893. 


236-3 


THE  EARLIEST  ORGANIZATION'  OF  RECORD. 


Hon.  Lewis  Clephaiie,  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  has  furnished  the 
compiler  with  a  pamphlet  on  the  "  Birth  of  the  Republican  Part}-," 
in  which  the  claim  is  broadly  made  that  the  initiator}'  proceedings 
towards  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party  were  com- 
menced by  the  Republican  Association  of  Washing-ton  in  1855, 
and  led  up  to  the  February  convention  in  Pittsburg  in  1856. 

The  compiler  does  not  assume  thus  to  settle  the  question 
of  origin,  for  there  are  several  other  claimants  in  a  g-eneral  way, 
for  the  honor;  but  he  submits  an  abridgment  of  Mr.  Clephane's 
pamphlet  as  an  introduction  to  the  reports  of  the  conventions  that 
follow,  for  the  very  good  reason  that  no  other  authentic  record 
has  been  accessible,  relative  to  the  inauguration  of  the  great 
Republican  organization  which  carried  the  nation  through  a 
civil  war,  and  preserved  the  Union  of  States,  and  which  has 
administered  the  government  for  the  greater  part  of  the  last 
thirty  years. 

THE  WASHINGTON  REPUBLICAN  ORGANIZATION. 
On  the  19th  of  June,  1855,  a  small  club  was  organized  in  Wash- 
ington and  issued  the  following  as  its  platform: 

DECLARATION,  PLATFORM  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN 
A-><  ICIATION  OF  WASHINGTON,  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Whereas,  by  the  repeal  of  the  eighth  section  of  the  act  for  the 
admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union,  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  have  been  opened  to  the  introduction  of  slavery, 
and  all  the  compromises,  real  or  imginar}',  upon  that  subject,  are 
thus  violated  and  annulled,  and  deep  dishonor  inflicted  upon  the 
anv  in  which  we  live: 

Now,  therefore,  in  co-operation  with  all  those  throughout  the 
land  who  oppose  this  and  other  similar  measures,  which  we  deem 
to  be  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  and  which  are 
designed  to  extend  and  perpetuate  slavery,  we  do  associate  our- 
selves together,  under  the  name  and  title  of  THE  REPUBLICAN 
ASSOCIATION  OF  WASHINGTON.  D.  C. 

And  we  adopt  the  following  as  our  political  Platform,  to  wit: 

FIRST.  That  Congress  possesses  no  power  over  the  institution 
of  slavery  in  the  several  States;  but  that,  outside  of  State  juris- 


432566 


4  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

diction,  the  constitutional  power  of  the  Federal  Government 
should  be  exerted  to  secure  LIFE,  LIBERTY  and  HAPPINESS  to  all 
men,  and  therefore, 

SECOND.  There  Should  In  m  i'lu-r  slavery  nor  involuntary  servi- 
tude, except  for  «he  puni^hnu  :n  of  crime,  in  any  of  the  Territories 
of  the  United  States. 

THIRD.  The  p.-  >,  !••  afe  the  rightful  source  of  all  political  power; 
and  all  officers  .-n.-ul.I.  .is  Jar  ae  practicable,  be  chosen  by  a  direct 
vote  of  the  people. 

FOURTH.  Candidates  for  political  offices  should  be  men  of  un- 
doubted integrity  and  sobriety,  and  pledged  to  support  the  prin- 
ciples of  this  Platform  by  all  lawful  and  constitutional  means. 

Xo  president  was  elected  at  that  meeting-,  but  efforts  were  made 
to  induce  Hon.  Francis  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  to  accept  the  presidency.  He 
declined. 

On  Jan.  17,  1856,  there  was  published  and  circulated  largely  by 
tin-  Washington  Association  an  appeal  to  the  country  to  organize 
clubs,  as  follows: 

A  CIRCULAR  TO  THE  FRIENDS  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  MOVEMENT 
THROUGHOUT  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

REPUBLICAN  ROOMS,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.  Jan.  17. 1856. 

Dear  Sir. — The  undersigned  have  been  appointed  a  committee, 
on  the  part  of  the  association,  whose  declaration,  platform  and 
constitution  accompany  this,  to  address  a  circular  letter  to  our 
Republican  friends,  urging  upon  their  attention  the  importance 
of  immediate  and  thorough  organization  of  clubs  or  associations, 
somewhat  similar  to  our  own,  in  every  city,  town,  and  village  in 
the  Union. 

The  power  and  influence  of  these  organizations  cannot  be  over- 
estimated by  the  friends  of  freedom.  They  are  all  important  to 
carry  on  a  political  campaign,  and  it  will  be  a  matter  of  impos- 
sibility to  compete  with  those  arrayed  against  us  in  the  approach- 
ing contest  without  them.  They  are  the  most  powerful  and  only 
efficient  means  for  bringing  out,  concentrating,  and  making 
known  our  true  strength.  They  will  serve  to  rally  the  people,  in- 
spire them  with  confidence  and  enthusiasm,  and  furnish  the 
information  necessary  to  expose  and  fairly  meet  the  sophistry 
of  pro-slavery  demagogues.  We  have  seen  the  power  of  these  as- 
sociations fully  manifested  in  recent  elections.  Let  the  friends 
of  freedom  learn  wisdom  even  from  their  enemies.  We  go  into 
the  contest  as  a  new  and  untried  parly,  opposing  old  and  well- 
organized  parties  sustained  and  backed  by  Government  patronage 
or  bound  together  by  old  party  ties.  We  must  compel  these 
parties  to  show  where  they  stand  on  the  only  great  issue  now  be- 
fore the  country—Slavery  or  Freedom.  We  must  force  them  to 
array  themselves  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  this  question,  and 
consider  every  man  who  is  not  openly  and  avowedly  on  the  side 
of  freedom  as  against  it.  How,  then",  is  this  to  be  done,  unless 
the  friends  of  freedom  are  themselves  united?  And  how  can  they 
be  better  and  more  efficiently  united  than  by  these  organizations? 

Again  we  recommend  prompt  organization.  If  there  be  but  six 
persons  in  your  town  who  sympathize  with  you  in  this  move- 
ment, organise  with  these  six.  Do  not  despair.  If  a  Republican 
Association  can  be  put  in  successful  operation  in  Washington 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856, 1860,  1864.  r> 

C  it y,  under  the  immediate  frown  of  the  National  Government,  and 
in  a  cit^-  dedicated  to  slavery,  where  is  there  the  city,  town,  or 
village,  in  the  North,  East,  or  West,  that  cannot  do  likewise? 

We  appeal,  sir,  to  j'ou,  to  make  this  a  personal  duty — to  set  about 
at  once  bringing  the  friends  of  the  Republican  Movement  together, 
for  the  purpose  of  organization  on  a  platform  similar  to  the  one 
which  accompanies  this,  and  which  you  will  find  so  liberal  on  the 
slavery  question  that  every  man,  who  is  not  entirely  wedded  to 
slavery  and  its  interests,  may  stand  upon  it,  without  its  interfer- 
ing with  any  of  his  former  party  predilections. 

And  now.  a  word  as  to  the  association  we  represent.  You  will 
perceive  in  the  -tth  and  5th  articles  of  the  Constitution  its  main 
object.  We  propose  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Republican  Mem- 
bers of  Congress,  and  all  Associations  that  may  be  formed 
throughout  the  States,  similar  to  our  own,  as  a  "National  Com- 
mittee," for  the  dissemination  of  political  information  among1  the 
masses.  We  have  taken  a  Hall  in  a  central  position,  established 
a  Reading-room  for  the  benefit  of  our  visiting  Republican  friends, 
and  have  made  arrangements  for  the  issue  in  pamphlet  form  of  all 
important  speeches  that  may  be  made  during  the  present  Con- 
gress. We  have  also  engaged  the  services  01  a  very  competent 
German  translator,  with  the  intention,  should  the  means  be  af- 
forded, to  have  many  of  the  speeches  translated  into  the  German 
language. 

It  must  be  apparent  to  you  that  the  comparatively  few  who 
compose  this  Association  cannot  contribute  all  the  funds  neces- 
sary to  carry  on  so  important  a  work;  nor  can  the  Members  of 
Congress,  who  always  expend  large  sums  in  the  publication 
of  their  speeches,  be  expected  to  meet  all  the  demands  of  a  Presi- 
dential campaign,  however  liberally  disposed  they  may  be.  It  is 
often  desirable  to  distribute  hundreds  of  thousandsof  copies  of  a 
single  speech,  or  other  publication,  which,  of  course,  cannot  be 
done  without  considerable  expense. 

How,  then,  is  this  expense  to  be  met,  and  how  are  these  speeches, 
v\;e..  to  be  circulated?  Simply  through  the  active  exertions  of 
these  proposed  organizations,  in  collecting  and  forwarding  funds 
and  names  for  that  purpose.  The  Administration  party  are  al- 
ready at  work.  Kvery  office-holder  is  regularly  assessed  to  meet 
the  expenses  of  the  campaign.  We  have  no  such  facilities,  nor  do 
we  desire  any  such.  Our  aid  must  come  from  the  voluntary  con- 
tributions of  the  people.  Will  any  doubt  fora  moment  the  utility 
of  scattering  broadcast  over  our  land  such  documents  and 
speeches  as  will  have  a  tendency  to  enlighten  the  public  mind  on 
all  those  exciting  questions  which  will  more  or  less  engross  their 
attention  during  the  approaching  important  political  crisis?  We 
think  not. 

We  have  ever}-  facilitj*  here,  through  our  Republican  friends  in 
Congress,  of  issuing1  speeches  and  other  documents,  at  the  least 
possible  expense;  and  by  the  voluntary  labors  of  the  members 
of  the  Association  in  directing,  and  the  co-operation  of  Members 
of  Congress,  we  hope  to  have  the  people  fully  supplied  with  the 
right  kind  of  political  reading  matter. 

We  have  therefore  to  request  that,  should  you  organize  a  Re- 
publican Association,  or  should  there  be  one  already  in  existence 
in  3-our  place,  you  will  urge  upon  its  members  the  importance 
of  at  once  collecting  funds  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  and  dis- 
seminating the  proper  kind  of  documents  among  the  masses, 


6          ,  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

ritlu-r  hv  your  Association  or  our  "  National  Committee."  These 
speeches  and  documents  can  be  directed,  singly,  to  such  names 
as  you  may  send  us,  or  they  can  be  put  up  in  packages  and  sent 
to  any  one  person  (free  of  postage),  to  be  by  him  distributed,  as 
may  in-st  suit  the  parties  ordering. 
\Vf  also  particularly  make  the  following  requests: 

1.  That  the  names  of  the  officers  of  each  Association  formed  be 
sent  us,  as  speedily  after  its  organization  as  possible,  and,  when 
practicable,  the  number  of  its  members. 

2.  That  a  list  be  made  out,  and  forwarded,  of  all  persons  in  your 
vicinity  to  whom  it  may  be  desirable  1o  forward  speeches  and 
other  documents — not  only  friends  of  the  cause,  but  persons  of  all 
parties — and  marking,  opposite  each  name  on  the  list  so  sent,  to 
which  of  the  political  parties  the  individual  belongs,  that  we  may 
send  documents  adapted  to  each  particular  case.     These  lists  will 
be  entered  in  books  to  be  kept  for  that  purpose  by  our  Associa- 
tion, and  suitable  documents  will  from  time  to  time  be  sent  them. 

3.  Much   good    might   be  accomplished  by   each   Association 
regularly  corresponding  with  the  one  here,  giving  information 
relative  to  the  state  of  things  in  their  several  precincts,  or  general 
political  intelligence. 

In  conclusion,  and  even  at  the  hazard  of  being  considered  im- 
portunate, let  us  again  urge  the  importance  of  an  immediate  and 
thorough  Organization. 

Yours  truly, 

DANIEL  R.  GOODLOE, 
H.  S.  BROWN, 
LEWIS  CLEPHANE, 

Committee. 

E^~Address,    "L.  Clephane,  Secretary  Republican    Association, 
Washington,  D.  C." 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864. 


THE  PITTSBURGH  CONVENTION. 


THE  FIRST  CALL. 

A  call  for  a  National  Convention  was  issued  January  17, 1856,  for 
a  meeting  to  be  held  at  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  on  the22dday  of  February, 
1836, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  17, 1856. 
To  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States: 

In  accordance  with  what  appears  to  be  the  general  desire  of  the 
Republican  Party,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
Republican  press,  the  undersigned,  chairmen  of  the  State  Repub- 
lican Committees  of  Maine,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana  and  Wisconsin,  hereby 
invite  the  Republicans  of  the  Union  to  meet  in  informal  Conven- 
tion at  Pittsburg,  on  the  22cl  February,  1856,  for  the  purpose  of 
perfecting  the  National  Organization,  and  providing  for  a  Na- 
tional Delegate  Convention  of  the  Republican  Party,  at  some 
subsequent  day,  to  nominate  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and 
Vice-Presidency,  to  be  supported  at  the  election  in  November, 
1856. 

A.  P.  STONE,  of  Ohio. 

J.  Z.  GOODRICH,  of  Mass. 

DAVID  WILMOT,  of  Pa. 

LAWRENCE  BRAINERD,  of  Vt 

WILLIAM  A.  WHITE,  of  Wis. 

Pursuant  to  this  call  the  Pittsburg  Convention  assembled. 

On  the  evening  of  February  21st  an  informal  meeting  of  dele- 
gates to  the  Convention  was  held  in  the  parlors  of  the  Monongahela 
Hotel,  Pittsburg,  for  the  purpose  of  a  preliminary  arrangement 
of  the  Convention.  After  consultation,  it  was  decided  to  select 
one  man  from  each  state,  and  request  them  to  meet  at  8  o'clock 
next  morning. 

After  some  difficulty  the  following  gentlemen  were  gathered 
together:  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  111.;  Hon.  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio; 
Edward  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York;  Geo.  K.  S.  Bingham,  of  Michigan; 
J.  W.  Stone,  of  Boston,  C.  M.  K.  Puleston,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Lewis 
Clephane,  of  Washington.  At  that  meeting  a  plan  for  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Convention,  including  the  selection  of  Hon.  Francis 
P.  Blair,  Sr.,  for  president  of  the  convention  was  adopted,  and 
Owen  Lovejoy  was  selected  to  open  the  Convention  with  prayer. 


8  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

HORACE   GREELEY'S  DAILY  AND  MAIL  REPORT  TO  THE 
NEW   YORK  TRIBUNE. 


<Com piled  from  files  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  by  courtesy  of  Hon.  WHITE- 
LAW  REID.) 

THE  LATEST  NEWS  RECEIVED  BY  MAGNETIC  TELEGRAPH. 

PITTSBURG,  Thursday,  Feb.  21, 1856. 

The  Republican  Convention  tomorrow  will  be  far  more  numer- 
ously attended  than  was  anticipated.  Delegates  from  twelve 
states  and  the  Territory  of  Minnesota  are  already  here  with  Mr. 
Wood,  from  Kansas.  There  is  a  free  conference  this  evening-. 
Francis  P.  Blair  will  probabl}*  be  president.  Joshua  R.  Giddings 
and  Win.  Allison  are  the  only  Members  of  Congress  I  have  yet 
seen,  but  there  are  many  ex-Members.  Maryland  and  Kentucky 
are  the  only  Slave  States  as  yet  represented,  but  a  Delegate  from 
Missouri  is  expected.  Nineteen  Delegates  from  New  York,  in- 
cluding all  who  left  the  City  yesterday  morning,  are  present. 
The  general  desire  is  to  act  firmly,  but  prudently.  H.  G. 

SECOND  DISPATCH,  10  p.  M. 

An  informal  preliminary  meeting  of  Republican  Delegates  has 
been  held  this  evening  and  largely  attended.  Lieutenant-Gov. 
Bingham,  of  Michigan,  presided.  Mr.  Wood,  of  Kansas,  was 
among  the  speakers.  A  meeting  of  Republican  editors  is  now 
assembling  at  the  St.  Charles.  The  Convention  will  organize  at 
ten  to-morrow  morning.  H.  G. 

To  the  Associated  Press: 

A  large  number  of  the  Delegates  to  the  Republican  Convention 
arrived  here  to-day  and  among  them  are  Joshua  R.  Giddings  and 
D.  F.  Kimball,  of  Ohio,  Gov.  Bingham,  of  Michigan,  and  Horace 
Greeley,  of  New  York. 

The  convention  will  be  one  of  the  most  important  ever  held 
here. 

An  informal  meeting  of  delegates  takes  place  this  evening  to 
arrange  preliminaries. 

THE  LATEST  NEWS  RECEIVED  BY  MAGNETIC  TELEGRAPH. 
The  Republican  Convention  Editorial  Correspondence  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune. 

FIRST  DAY, 

PITTSBURG,  Friday,  Feb.  22. 

The  Republican  Convention  is  very  numerously  attended,  all 
the  Free  States  being  represented,  with  citizens  of  Maryland, 
\  Irginia,  South  Carolina,  Kentucky  and  Missouri.  John  A.  Kino 
was  elected  President  pro  tern.  Francis  P.  Blair  is  permanent 
President.  There  were  brief  speeches  this  morning  by  Messrs. 
Greeley,  Giddings,  Gibson,  of  Ohio,  Codding  and  Lovejoy,  of 
Illinois,  and  others.  A  strong  Committee  on  Address  and  Reso- 
lution was  appointed.  More  delegates  are  announced  by  telegraph 
as  on  the  wa}-.  All  is  enthusiasm  and  harmony.  H.  G. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1806*  1860,  1864.  9 

SECOND   DISI'ATt   II. 

The  Republican  Convention  has  completed  its  first  day's  ses- 
sion, and  has  accomplished  much  to  cement  former  political  dif- 
ferences and  distinctions  and  here  to  mark  the  inauguration  of  a 
National  party,  based  upon  the  principles  of  Freedom.  The 
gathering  is  very  large  and  the  enthusiasm  unbounded.  Men 
are  acting  in  the  most  perfect  harmony  and  with  a  unit}'  of  feel- 
ing seldom  known  to  political  assemblages  of  this  magnitude. 
The  bodj-  is  eminently  Republican  in  principle  and  tendency.  It 
combines  much  of  character  and  talent,  with  integrity  of  purpose 
and  devotion  to  the  great  principles  which  underlie  our  Govern- 
ment. Its  moral  and  political  effect  upon  the  country  will  be 
felt  for  the  next  quarter  of  a  century.  In  its  deliberations  every- 
thing has  been  conducted  with  marked  propriety  and  dignity. 
The  appointment  of  the  Hon.  F.  P.  Blair  as  President  was  hailed 
with  unbounded  enthusiasm. 

The  scene  which  followed  was  exciting  beyond  description. 
Cheers  went  forth  and  handkerchiefs  were  waved  for  some 
minutes  after  he  took  his  seat  as  presiding  officer.  The  great 
Hall  has  been  crowded  throughout  the  day  and  during  the  even- 
ing. Hundreds  went  away  because  it  was  not  possible  to  gain 
admittance.  The  day  has  been  principally  occupied  by  the  Com- 
mittees in  preparing  their  reports  and  by  the  Delegates  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  in  listening  to  speeches  from  eminent 
gentlemen  who  represent  the  several  States.  Among  the  most 
effective  speeches  of  the  occasion  is  one  made  by  Mr.  Remline, 
of  Cincinati.  It  was  pointed  and  eloquent  and  was  received  with 
much  applause.  The  speaker  has  until  recently  been  a  supporter 
of  the  Administration.  He  is  now  thoroughly  Republican.  The 
Committee  on  Address  will  not  report  until  to-morrow  morning. 
The  business  of  perfecting  a  National  organization  will  come  up 
to-morrow  forenoon.  Adjourned.  H.  G. 


SECOND  DAY. 

PlTTSBURG,  Saturday,  Feb.  23,  1856. 

The  Convention  met  at  9  o'clock.  In  the  absence  of  the  Presi- 
dent, who  was  in  attendance  at  a  meeting  of  the  Committe  on 
Address  and  Resolutions,  Mr.  Sherman,  of  New  Jersey,  took  the 
chair  at  the  opening  of  the  session.  A  great  part  of  the  morning 
was  spent  in  speaking.  Mr.  Arney,  of  Illinois,  stated  that  as  the 
various  committees  were  not  ready  to  report,  the  time  of  the  Con- 
vention might  be  occupied  by  addresses,  and  he  moved  that  one 
delegate  from  each  state  represented  be  invited  to  speak,  each  one 
being  limited  to  ten  minutes.  The  motion  was  adopted,  and 
Mr.  Stone,  of  Massachusetts,  presented  the  condition  of  parties  in 
that  state,  affirming  that  the  number  of  Republicans  was  increas- 
ing. Mr.  Bunce,  of  Connecticut,  said  there  was  no  Republican 
party  in  that  state,  but  he  hoped  that  there  soon  would  be.  He 
pledged  Connecticut  for  them  at  the  coming  Presidential  election. 
Mr.  Burrough,  of  New  York,  noticed  the  gentlemen  had  been 


10  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

speaking  for  several  states.  He  had  but  a  short  history  to  relate. 
He  (Bunco)  had  said  all  we  had  to  do  was  to  go  home  and  enjoy 
victory.  He  (Borrough)  wished  it  was  so  in  New  York.  We  have 
many  organizations  embittered  against  us  to  overcome  before  we 
can  succeed.  To  be  successful  we  must  exercise  prudence.  It  is 
easy  to  make  a  small  party  on  the  Slavery  question.  To  do  this 
we  can  purchase  Gerrett  Smith's  patent  right;  but  to  establish  a 
large  party,  we  must  make  concession.  He  thought  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  American  party  could  be  brought  over  to  their  cause. 
Mr.  Clephane,  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  spoke  commeiidingly 
of  the  efforts  of  the  Washington  Republican  Association.  Gov. 
Bingham.of  Michigan,  read  a  long  letter  from  Cassius  M.  Clay  to 
the  Washington  Association  commending  the  Republicans  pre- 
sent. 

Dr.  Gazzam,  of  Pittsburgh,  spoke  briefly  of  the  progress  of  Anti- 
Slavery  in  this  quarter.  He  invited  the  Members  of  the  Conven- 
tion to  attend  the  Kansas  Aid  meeting  to-night. 

The  Committee  on  Organization,  through  their  Chairman,  Mr. 
Julian,  of  Indiana,  made  a  report.  It  recommended  the  following- 
National  Executive  Committee: 

Morgan,  of  Nexv  York,  Chairman;  Fogg,  of  New  Hampshire; 
Banks,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Brainard,  of  Vermont;  Xiles,  of  Con- 
necticut; Chase,  of  Rhode  Island;  Stone,  of  Ohio;  Leland,  of  Il- 
linois; Spooner,  of  Wisconsin;  Clephane,  of  District  of  Columbia; 

Paulison,  of  New  Jersey; ,  of  Delaware;  Wilmot,  of 

Pennsylvania;  Blair,  of  Missouri;  Field,  of  Kentucky;  Stephens, 
of  Iowa;  Gross,  of  Indiana;  Dickie,  of  Michigan; ,  of  Vir- 
ginia; Blair,  of  Mary  and. 

The  report  further  recommended  that  the  National  Executive 
Committee  be  authorized  to  add  to  their  number  one  Member 
from  each  state  not  represented,  and  to  till  vacancies;  also  the 
holding  of  the  National  Convention  for  the  nomination  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  17th  of  June,  to 
consist  of  Delegates  from  each  state  double  the  number  of  their 
representation  in  Congress,  and  that  the  Republicans  of  each 
state  be  recommended  to  complete  their  organization  atthe  earliest 
moment,  by  the  appointment  of  State  and  County  Committees, 
and  the  formation  of  clubs  in  every  town  and  township  through- 
out the  land.  The  Committee  on  Address  and  Resolution  re- 
ported, through  their  Chairman,  Abijah  Maim,  of  New  York.  The 
Address  commences  by  expressing  unalterable  attachment  to  the 
Union,  and  a  determination  to  preserve  it;  at  the  same  time  it 
recommends  all  true  Republicans  to  oppose  further  extension 
of  Slavery.  It  should  be  kept  where  it  now  exists. 

A  history  of  the  various  acts  of  the  General  Government  re- 
garding Slavery  was  given,  and  an  account  of  the  recent  doings 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  II 

in  Kansas.  Congress  has  a  constitutional  right  to  exclude  Slavery 
from  territories.  It  has  no  right  to  confer  popular  soverignty 
on  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  thus  giving  away  its  own  authority  over 
territories.  The  Address  calls  upon  all  Republicans  to  support 
the  Constitution  against  the  assaults  of  its  enemies,  and  recom- 
mends energetic  measures  for  the  election  of  candidates  for  the 
Presidential  Convention. 

The  resolutions  are  in  substance  as  follows: 

First.  Demands  repeal  of  all  laws  allowing  the  introduction 
of  Slavery  into  Territories  once  consecrated  to  Freedom,  and  the 
resistance  by  constitutional  means  of  the  existence  of  Slavery  in 
any  Territory. 

Second.  Support  by  all  lawful  measures  the  Free-State  men  in 
Kansas  in  their  resistance  to  the  usurped  authority  of  lawless 
invaders,  and  favors  its  immediate  admission  into  the  Union  as 
a  Free  State. 

Third.  Strongly  urges  the  Republican  Organization  to  resist 
and  overthrow  the  present  National  Administration,  as  it  is 
identified  with  the  progress  of  the  Slave  power  to  national  su- 
premacy. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Spaulding,  of  Ohio,  the  address  and  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  with  nine  cheers. 

Mr.  Remelin.  of  Ohio,  said  the  address  should  have  taken  ground 
against  the  Know-Nothing,  in  order  to  bring  in  the  German 
population. 

Mr.  Bond,  of  South  Carolina,  moved  that  a  Committee  of  Safety 
be  appointed  to  meet  any  emergency  that  may  arise  in  case  of 
conflict  in  Kansas  with  the  Federal  troops. 

A  motion  that  the  proceedings  be  printed  in  pamphlet  form, 
and  circulated,  was  adopted.  Thanks  to  the  officers  of  the  Con- 
vention and  the  citizens  of  Pittsburg  were  voted  and  the  Conven- 
tion adjourned. 

Sine  die 


12  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPI  HLICAN 


REPUBLICAN  MASS  MEETING. 


PITTSBURG,  Saturday,  Feb.  23.  1856. 

A  large  mass  meeting  was  held  here  to-night  to  aid  the  emigra- 
tion to  Kansas,  of  those  who  feel  determined  to  use  every  means 
to  secure  the  establishment  there  of  a  Free  State,  and  to  aid  such 
of  the  present  inhabitants  of  Kansas  as  have  declared  themselves 
against  what  is  termed  lawless  aggression  and  unconstitutional 
coercion.  George  W.  Jackson  was  the  President  of  the  meeting. 
and  D.  D.  Eaton  Secretary.  The  proceedings  of  a  former  meeting- 
were  read  and  approved  and  a  constitution  adopted. 

Horace  Greeley  addressed  the  meeting.  He  recounted  the  diffi- 
culties which  sorrounded  settlers  in  Kansas  and  said  that  we 
must  do  all  we  can  for  them.  He  hoped  they  would  be  so  well 
armed  there,  that  no  fighting  would  be  necessarj-.  There  was  110 
fear  of  the  Kansas  Free  settlers  being  the  aggressors.  He  recom- 
mended those  who  wish  to  hew  out  an  honest  competency  to  go 
and  settle  in  Kansas,  assuring  them  that  it  was  destined  to  be  a 
Free  State. 

The  Hon.  Geo.  Darsie  and  Wm.  E.  Stevenson  were  then  appointed 
to  receive  subscriptions. 

Mr.  Wood,  from  Kansas,  was  called  to  the  stand.  He  said  he 
rejoiced  at  this  demonstration  to-night.  It  proved  that  the  young 
sister  "  Kansas,"  was  not  forgotten.  He  had  resided  in  Kansas 
for  eighteen  months  and  had  within  that  period  seen  armed 
hordes  of  Missourians — ten  thousand  of  them  headed  by  prom- 
inent men  of  the  United  States,  such  as  Colonel  Doniphati,  Colonel 
Young,  Vice-President  Atchison,  and  others.  He  concluded  by 
telling  many  anecdotes  of  the  braver}-  of  the  men  and  women 
of  Kansas. 

Mr.  Redpath,  of  Missouri,  followed,  and  in  a  short  speech  denied 
the  assumption  that  the  mass  of  the  people  of  Missouri  were 
parties  to  the  outrages  in  Kansas. 

Mr.  Bailey,  of  Kentucky,  was  called  for,  but  declined  making  a 
speech,  when  Mr.  Sinclair,  of  Michigan,  took  the  stand  and  made 
a  few  remarks. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  13 

He  was  succeeded  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Chandler  who  said  he  believed 
with  Mr.  Greeley,  that  Sharp's  rifles  were  very  great  peacemakers, 
and  that  there  was  not  much  danger  of  introducing"  too  mail}- into 
Kansas.  Although  I  am  cowardly  a*  to  my  person,  yet  if  pent  up 
in  Kansas,  I  believe  I  would  feel  inclined  to  be  shot  rather  than 
to  swear  to  support  their  laws.  I  never  saw  so  much  insult  in  any 
document  as  in  the  proclamation  of  President  Pierce.  But  the 
President  did  not  write  that  document.  Caleb  dishing  wrote 
it,  for  no  other  man  in  the  nation  could  embody  so  many  lies  in 
the  same  space.  Should  a  drop  of  blood  be  spilled  in  the  pursu- 
ance of  that  proclamation,  the  Administration  would  be  politic- 
ally buried  beyond  the  power  of  resuscitaion.  The  people  of 
Kansas  needed  aid,  and  needed  it  now,  or  never.  He  had  fearful 
forebodings  as  to  the  future  conditions  of  the  citizens  of  Kansas. 
He  (Chandler)  had  seen  over  half  a  century  of  years,  but  lie  was 
ready,  should  it  come  to  the  worst,  to  doff  his  black  cloak,  don  a 
lared  one,  and  battle  in  their  behalf. 

Mr.  Newson,  of  Minnesota,  followed.  He  said  Minnesota  had 
earnestly  been  waiting  to  see  if  an  outbreak  would  occur  in  Kan- 
sas. If  it  did.  Minnesota  would  do  good  work  in  the  cause  of 
Freedom.  He  (the  speaker)  was  ready  to  volunteer  to  fight  against 
the  oppressors  of  Freedom  in  Kansas. 

Mr.  Ashley,  of  Virginia,  next  made  a  short  speech,  in  which  he 
stated  he  was  in  favor  of  the  plan  published  in  The  National 
Era  for  the  settlement  of  Kansas. 

Adjourned. 


14  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


THE  CALL  FOR  THE  NOMINATING  CONVENTION. 


The  Convention  appointed  an  Executive  Committee  to  call  a 
convention  for  the  nominating  of  candidates  to  be  supported  for 
the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
The  Committee  met  in  Washing-ton  on  March  21,  1856,  for  that 
purpose;  and  so  important  was  the  wordingof  that  call  regarded, 
so  as  to  offend  no  one  and  draw  in  from  the  ranks  of  all  parties, 
that  two  days  were  spent  in  session  at  Willard's  Hotel  in  prepar- 
ing the  call  for  the  nominating  convention.  The  call  was  as 
follows: 
To  the  People  of  the  United  States: 

The  People  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to  past  political 
differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  to  the  policy  of  the  present  Administration, 
to  the  extension  of  Slavery  into  the  Territories,  in  favor  of  the 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  State,  and  of  restoring  the  action 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  the  principles  of  Washington  and 
Jefferson,  are  invited  by  the  National  Committee,  appointed  by 
the  Pittsburg  Convention  of  the  22d  February.  1856,  to  send  from 
each  State  three  delegates  from  ever}-  Congressional  District,  and 
six  delegates  at  large,  to  meet  in  PHILADELPHIA,  on  the 
seventeenth  day  of  June  next,  for  the  purpose  of  recommending 
candidates  to  be  supported  for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

E.  D.  MORGAN,  New  York, 
FRANCIS  P.  BLAIR,  Maryland, 
JOHN  M.  NILES,  Connecticut, 
DAVID  WlLMOT.  Pennsylvania, 
A.  P.  STONE,  Ohio, 
WILLIAM  M.  CHASE,  Rhode  Island, 
JOHN  Z.  GOODRICH,  Massachusetts, 
GEORGE  RYE,  Virginia, 
ABNER  R.  HALLOWELL,  Maine, 
E.  S.  LELAND,  Illinois, 
CHARLES  DICKIE,  Michigan, 
GEORGE  G.  FOGG,  Newhampshire, 
A.  J.  STEVENS.  Io\\  a, 
CORNELIUS  COLE,  California, 
LAWRENCE  BRAINEKD.  Vermont, 
WILLIAM  GROSE.  Indiana, 
WVMA.N  SPOONER,  Wisconsin, 
C.  M.  K.  PAULISO.N,  New  Jerse}-, 
E.  D.  Williams.  Delaware, 
JOHN  G.  FEE,  Kentucky, 
^AMES  REDPATH,  Missouri, 
LEWIS  CLEPHANE,  Dist.  of  Columbia. 

National  Committee. 
WASHINGTON,  March  29, 1856. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  15 

PROCEEDINGS . OF  THE  NATIONAL  REPUBLI- 
CAN  CONVENTION 

HELD   AT   PHILADELPHIA,  JUNE   17th,  18th  AND  19th,  1856. 


The  delegates  elected  to  the  Convention,  pursuant  to  the  call 
of  the  National  Committee  appointed  by  the  Republican  National 
convention,  held  at  Pittsburg  on  the  22d  of  February,  1856,  as- 
sembled at  the  Musical  Fund  Hall,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on 
Tuesday,  17th  June,  1856,  at  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon. 

The  assemblage  was  called  to  order  by  the  Hon.  Edwin  D. 
Morgan,  of  New  York.  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee,  and  addressed  by  him  as  follows: 

Delegates  of  the  Convention.  Representatives  of  the  Heart  and 
the  Hope  of  the  Nation:  The  day  and  the  hour  appointed  for  this 
gathering  have  arrived  ;  and  in  behalf  of  my  associates  of  the 
National  Committee.  I  now  call  this  vast  assemblage  to  order,  in 
doing  which  1  may  be  indulged  for  a  moment.  You  are  assembled 
for  patriotic  purposes.  High  expectations  are  cherished  by  the 
people.  You  are  here  to-day  to  give  direction  to  a  movement 
which  is  to  decide  whether  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  to 
be  hereafter  and  forever  chained  to  the  present  national  policy 
of  the  extension  of  human  slavery.  Not  whether  the  South  is  to 
rule,  or  the  North  to  do  the  same  thing;  but  whether  the  broad, 
national  policy  our  fathers  established,  cherished  and  forever 
maintained,  is  to  be  permitted  to  descend  to  her  sous,  to  be  the 
watchword,  the  text  and  the  guiding  star  of  all  her  people.  Such  is 
the  magnitude  of  the  question  submitted.  In  its  consideration. 
let  us  avoid  all  extremes — plant  ourselves  firmly  on  the  Platform 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  taking  no  position  which  does 
not  commend  itself  to  the  judgment  of  our  conciences,  our 
country,  and  of  mankind.  Of  the  wisdom  of  such  a  policy,  there 
need  be  no  doubt;  against  which  there  can  be  no  successful 
-lance.  I  now  propose  to  nominate  for  temporary  chairman 
of  this  Convention,  a  distinguished  citizen  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  whose  name  occupies  a  high  position  in  the  history  of  his 
country,  known  and  honored  throughout  the  United  States.  I 
nominate  the  Hon.  Robert  Emmet.  [Tumultuous  cheering.) 

The  question  being  taken  on  the  nomination  of  the  Hon.  Robert 
Emmet,  of  New  York,  for  temporary  President  of  the  Convention, 
was  responded  to-byau  unanimous  "aye;"  and  Mr.  Morgan  as- 
signed Moses  H.  Grinnell,  of  New  York,  and  George  Hoadley,  Jr., 
of  Ohio,  to  conduct  the  temporary  President  to  the  chair. 

Mr.  Emmet  was  conducted  to  the  chair  amid  the  moat  tumul- 
tuous applause,  and  addressed  the  Convention  as  follows: 
SPEECH  OF  JUDGE   EMMET. 

Gentlemen,  Delegates  to  the  Republican  Convention:  I  feel 
deeply  the  honor  which  3-011  have  just  conferred  upon  me,  and  I 


16  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

return  3-011  my  sincere  thanks  for  it.  Certainly  it  is  owing  to  no 
merit  of  mine  that  I  have  been  singled  out  for  this  compliment. 
Nothing  beyond  the  zeal  which  I  feel  in  the  common  cause  that 
has  brought  us  here  together  could  possibly  entitle  me  to  it. 
[Cheers.]  And  in  that  respect  I  claim  not  to  be  behind  any  one 
of  you.  [Renewed  cheers.|  I  can  say  that  my  antecedents  have 
been  all  Democratic.  [Cheers.]  For  fifty  years  I  can  consider 
that  I  have  been  allied  to  that  party,  until  that  part}'  left  the  only 
platform  upon  which  I  could  remain  with  it.  [Loud  cheers.] 
Fellow  citizens,  the  formation  of  a  new  party  in  a  republic  like 
ours,  after  an  existence  of  eighty  years,  is  a  singular  event  in  his- 
tory, and  one  that,  perhaps,  will  require  explanation  atthe  hands  of 
the  historian.  It  is  one,  however,  that  can  only  be  justified  by  strong 
and  irresistible  causes;  and  the  question  here  is,  whether  we,  in 
organizing  this  new  Republican  party  in  this  country,  at  this 
late  day,  are  justified  by  the  causes  which  have  induced  us  to 
form  that  organization.  In  the  early  days  of  this  republic,  when 
our  government  was  founded,  perhaps  things  were  as  favorable 
as  now  for  the  accomplishment  of  such  an  object,  and  even  more 
so  than  ever  existed  in  any  part  of  the  world,  in  any  stage  of  its 
history.  But  there  was  one  unfortunate  element  that  created  a 
difficulty,  and  that  has  been  the  cause  and  the  source  of  our 
trouble  from  that  time  down  to  the  present.  It  was  early  seen  by 
the  great  men  of  that  day,  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  some 
provision  to  prevent  that  cause  of  trouble  to  which  I  have  alluded, 
and  which  I  will  now  name  out.  viz.:  Southern  slavery  [cheers] 
from  becoming  a  cause  of  still  greater  evils  to  the  country. 
Without  exception,  all  the  great  men  of  that  day  foresaw  and  pre- 
dicted that  slavery,  although  it  could  not  be  summarily  and 
suddenly  abolished,  would  die  out  in  this  country.  All  acknowl- 
edged that  it  was  an  evil.  All  acknowledged  that  it  was  the 
policy  of  the  country  gradually  to  get  rid  of  it.  That  was  the 
policy  of  that  day.  That  policy  led  to  the  adoption  of  what  was 
called  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Fellow  citizens,  I  feel  that  it  is 
out  of  place  in  me  or  in  any  delegate  occupying  the  situation  of 
temporary  chairman  here,  to  enter  largely  into  these  matters, 
because  we  are  now  in  a  process  of  transition  to  a  state  of  organi- 
zation, and  it  is  not  perhaps  properly  in  place  for  me  to  go  into  a 
full  statement  of  all  the  matters  which  are  to  be  the  subject  of 
discussion  here,  and  therefore  I  shall  endeavor  to  be  as  brief  as 
possible,  and  I  beg  your  forbearance  if  I  make  any  mistake  in 
that  respect,  and  that  you  will  pass  over  any  errors  which  I  may 
commit  in  going  beyond  the  line  which  properly  ought  to  be 
prescribed  to  me  in  my  present  position.  [Cheers.]  I  say  that 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  adopted  in  1820  as  the  only  measure 
that  could  give  peace  to  this  country.  Slavery  wa*  here.  It 
existed  in  the  Southern  States.  It  was  not  the  wish  either  of  the 
South  or  the  North  at  that  time  that  it  should  come  into  the  free 
States,  that  it  should  come  further  than  where  it  was.  Now.  I 
grant  that  if  possibly  all  were  slaveholding — if  there  was  no  such 
element  of  discord — if  there  was  no  antagonism  between  slavery 
and  freedom  in  this  country,  it  might  be  a  paradise — it  might  be 
a  paradise  with  all  slaveholding  States,  though  not  such  a  para- 
dise as  I  would  like  to  live  in  [cheers];  but,  in  its  way.  the  elements 
of  discord  would  not  exist  there.  That,  however,  was  not  possible. 
Freedom,  fortunately,  had  the  larger  share  here,  and  Freedom 
would  never  permit  Slavery  to  absorb  her  up,  and  to  engross  the 
whole  of  this  fair  territory.  [Cheers.]  What  was  to  be  done,  then? 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 183ft,  i860;  i-  17 

We  could  not  make  all  the  Southern  States  free  at  once.  \Ve  had 
then  to  draw  a  line;  and  let  it  be  understood  that  it  was  by  that 
line — the  Missouri  Compromise — slavery  was  to  be  limited,  and 
that  it  should  never  extend  north  of  it.  Well,  gentlemen  dele- 
gates, that  compromise  was  respected,  honored,  lauded,  upheld 
by  all  the  people  of  this  country  until,  unfortunately,  a  demagogue 
found  his  way  into  her  councils,  [loud  applause,]  who  undertook 
to  break  down  that  solid  compact,  entered  into  between  the  States 
of  this  Union,  for  purposes  intended  to  prevent  the  very  conse- 
quences which  have  followed  from  its  repeal.  Why,  gentlemen, 
the  incursion  into  Kansas  \vas  the  logical  result  and  effect  of  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  What  else  could  have  been 
expected?  [Cheers.]  All  the  horrors  that  have  aroused  this 
country,  as  they  have  existed  in  Kansas  since  the  irruption  of  the 
Missouri  borderers  there,  may  be  traced  directly  and  logically  to 
that  act.  We  are  now  met,  then,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting,  and, 
if  possible,  of  subduing  the  power  and  influence  of  the  administra- 
tion and  the  party  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  all  those  evils. 
[Loud  cheers.]  The}-  have  met  at  Cincinnati ;  they  have  been 
beforehand  with  us.  The  great  Democratic  part}'  of  this  country 
— a  name  which,  independent  of  the  late  acts  of  the  party,  1  have 
always  honored  and  have  always  looked  up  to  till  I  ceased  to  be- 
long to  it — that  great  party  calling  itself  the  Democratic  Party, 
has  met  and  adopted  their  platform.  And  a  worse  platform  for  a 
Democratic  platform  I  never  read.  [Loud  cheers  and  laughter.] 
They  repeat  the  cant  about  squatter  sovereignty.  Squatter 
vSovereignty!  what  is  it?  Is  it  the  popular  will?  If  it  is,  it  is  a 
political  syllogism.  It  is  the  popular  will  that  must  govern 
everything  in  this  country.  But  the  popular  will  might  be  exer- 
cised by  the  people  when  they  are  in  a  state  of  organization  to  do 
it.  That  is  the  meaning  of  the  "exercise  of  the  popular  will." 
But  squatter  sovereignty,  as  applied  to  a  Territory,  is  a  fallacy,  a 
delusion,  and  a  snare.  It  was  the  extension  of  the  great  principle 
of  ''popular  will"  through  this  quaint  idea  of  squatter  sovereignty 
for  the  purpose  of  making  it  applicable  to  the  condition  of  the 
Territory,  and  for  the  purpose  of  enabling,  through  that  delusion, 
the  quasi-squatters  from  Missouri,  who  came  in  there  with  their 
bowie-knives  and  revolvers,  to  control  the  elections,  to  say,  "  \\V 
are  for  the  time  being-  the  sovereigns,  and  will  not  only  control 
the  elections,  but  we  will  make  laws,  bloody  in  their  character, 
like  the  laws  of  Draco,  to  rule  this  Territory  for  ever.  [Loud 
cheering.]  Well,  they  adopted  that  platform,  and  they  nominated 
as  their  candidate,  James  Buchanan.  Now,  gentlemen,  I  have 
known  Hon.  James  Buchanan  for  forty  years  and  upwards,  inti- 
mately ;  and  I  say  here,  that  some  of  the  dearest  and  most 
cherished  recollections  of  my  life  are  connected  with  my  associa- 
tions with  him.  I  would  defend  his  personal  character  if  assailed. 
But  his  political  character— if  I  were  not  in  deadly  hostility  to 
that,  I  would  not  be  here.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  do  not  complain 
of  Mr.  Buchanan  because  he  has  been  a  politician  by  profession 
from  the  time  he  became  a  man.  There  is  nothing  dishonorable 
in  a  man's  being  a  politician  by  profession — I  do  not  say  "by 
trade."  [Laughter  and  applause.]  And  although  he  is  already  in 
the  field,  I  do  not  blame  him  for  having  been  a  Federalist  once. 
[Renewed  cheering.]  And  for  having  said  in  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  moment  (he  was  a  young  man  at  the  time),  that  if  he  thought 


18  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN- 

he  had  one  drop  of  Democratic  blood  in  his  veins,  he  would  let  it 
out.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  That  would  do  exceedingly  for  a 
Fourth  of  July  oration  to  an  audience  assembled  like  that,  and  at 
that  time.  But  I  do  blame  him  in  that,  after  he  had  expressed  his 
opinion  in  regard  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  after  he  had  bowed 
in  adhesion  to  it,  as  every  patriot  of  the  day  did,  yet  when  he 
found  certain  men  of  his  party  breaking  down  that  fabric  of 
liberty,  he  had  not  strength  enough  to  resist.  I  blame  the  Hon. 
James  Buchanan  for  having  shown  a  want  of  firmness,  a  want  of 
self-reliance,  a  want  of  adhesion  to  principle,  and  an  over-zealous 
devotion  to  party  in  several  acts  of  his  life.  And  I  take  his  very 
last  act:  his  adhesion  to  this  spurious  platform  of  Democracy  at 
Cincinnati.  I  ask  no  more  than  the  very  words  in  which  he  has 
sent  in  that  adhesion,  or  iti  which  he  has  expressed  it,  in  his 
answer  to  the  committee  who  waited  upon  him  at  Wheatland. 
He  acklowledges  that  he  is  no  longer  James  Buchanan,  a  free 
agent,  with  the  right  of  expressing  whatever  will  or  opinion  he 
may  have  of  his  own;  but  that  he  is  bound  to  that  platform,  and 
to  every  plank  of  it,  and  that  he  has  no  right  or  power  to  remove 
or  alter  one  plank  of  it— an  admission  that  he  has  allowed  himself 
to  be  chained  to  the  Juggernaut  of  Slavery,  and  that  he  allows 
himself  to  be  dragged  headlong  by  it.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  make  all 
allowance,  fellow  citizens,  for  the  impossibility  of  a  man  in  this 
country,  who  is  a  politician,  who  is  a  party  man,  of  his  haviughis 
own  willj  and  carrying  it  out  in  all  respects.  It  is,  I  allow,  im- 
possible. The  very  theory  of  our  popular  Government,  by  part}*, 
is  the  concession  of  the  minority  to  the  majority.  Every  man 
must  concede  something.  No  man  can  have  everything  in  the 
arrangement  of  public  affairs  precisely  as  he  would  wish.  But  I 
do  not  understand  how  a  man  should,  after  the  lapse  of  two  or 
three  years,  make  such  a  complete  summer-set  as  my  friend  James 
Buchanan  did  on  the  subject  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and 
tumble  himself  headforemost  into  the  Cincinnati  platform  with 
as  little  scruple  as  he  did.  [Cheers.]  Fellow  citizens,  I  am  afraid 
I  am  tiring  you  with  this  discursive  ramble.  [Loud  cheers,  and 
cries  of  "Goon!  goon!"]  I  came  here  because  my  duty  required  me 
to  come.  My  conscience  told  me  that  if  I  was  able  to  get  to 
Philadelphia  I  was  bound  to  be  here.  [Cheers.]  I  appreciated 
the  honor  that  was  conferred  upon  me  in  being  nominated  a 
delegate,  and  I  do  now  say,  we  being  all  assembled  here,  that  no 
man  in  any  country  can  boast  at  this  moment  of  a  higher  position, 
or  one  more  dignified,  than  that  of  a  delegate  holding  a  seat  in 
this  Convention.  [Loud  cheers.]  We  are  here  for  noble  and  high 
and  holy  purposes.  They  may  laugh  at  us.  They  may  call  us 
Black  Republicans  and  Negro- Worshippers.  Why,  if  they  were 
not  traitors  and  buffoons,  they  would  find  something  better  than 
tli;it  to  apply  to  us.  [Cheers  and  shouts  of  "That's  it!"]  They 
may  say  that  we  mean  to  concentrate  and  gather  under  our  wings 
all  the  odds  and  ends  of  parties — all  the  isms  of  the  day.  Be  it 
so.  Let  them  come  to  us  with  all  their  isms.  We  will  merge 
them  all  in  that  great  ism,  patriotism.  [Rapturous  and  prolonged 
cheering.]  How  can  it  be  otherwise  than  that  the  Republican 
Part}-,  represented  here  as  it  is,  should  combine  in  itself  elements 
from  the  other  parties  that  have  existed  in  this  country?  How 
c;m  it  be  otherwise?  I  ask.  We  find  a  large  number  of  Democrats 
here  who  have  woke  up,  like  myself,  on  the  subject.  [Cheers.]  In 
1848  I  was  simple  enough  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Democratic 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856, 1860,  1864.  19 

Party  in  the  State  of  New  York — some  of  the  shining-  lights — 
some  of  the  leading-  powers  of  the  party,  were  g-oing-  to  lead  us  on 
to  that  point  of  perfection  in  politics  that  \ve  always  hope  to  attain — 
that  the>-  formed  a  party  that  we  could  follow  conscientiously.  Well, 
we  had  a  platform  at  Buffalo.  I  gave  in  my  adhesion  to  it,  and  I 
confess  I  have  seen  no  reason  to  chang-e  the  grounds  on  which  I 
gave  that  adhesion,  from  that  day  to  this.  [Cheers.]  I  was  content 
to  be  called  a  Free-Soiler  then.  1  am  content  to  be  called  a  Free- 
Soiler  now.  [Cheers.]  Nay,  more,  fellow  citizens,  I  am  proud 
of  it.  [Renewed  cheers.]  And  if  there  was  not  another  single  man 
in  the  community,  over  all  the  broad  expanse  of  the  country,  who 
would  avow  himself  a  Free-Soiler,  I  would  do  it,  and  will  do  it 
to  the  day  of  my  death.  [Tremendous  cheering.]  I  despise  nick- 
names in  politics.  You  call  a  man  an  Abolitionist.  For  what? 
Because  he  thinks  that  slavery  should  be  abolished?  Xo,  cer- 
tainly not.  for  he  will  say  he  himself  thinks  it  ought  to  be  abol- 
ished. What,  then,  do  you  mean  by  an  abolitionist?  Oh,  a 
political  abolitionist?  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  And  that  is  tin- 
way  a  nick-name  is  conferred.  Now,  I  say  this  boldly,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  that  the  hearts  of  my  hearers  at  this  moment  respond 
to  it;  there  is  not  a  man — an  honest  man,  who  understands  his 
own  rights,  and  the  rights  of  others— who  respects  the  immortal 
Declaration  of  Independence — who  does  not  hope  to  see  the  day 
— not  a  hope  perhaps  which  can  be  realised  within  the  time  allotted 
to  any  of  us — but  hopes  to  see  the  day,  when  such  a  thing  as  human 
bondage  shall  not  exist  in  the  world.  [Vehement  and  long-con- 
tinued cheering.]  That  is  an  honest  abolitionist.  [Renewed 
cheers.]  That  is  the  abolitionism  which  I  avow,  and  which  I  am 
not  ashamed  to  avow  [Loud  cheers.]  I  trust  that  day  will  come. 
I  am  not  for  convulsing  our  country  with  efforts  to  force  it — to 
lor. 'stall  it.  Let  God  in  his  good  providence  bring  it  when  it  is 
right  and  proper  that  it  should  come.  In  the  meantime, 
are  \ve  to  sutfer  from  the  existence  of  this  evil?  Are  we  to  be  para- 
lysed in  our  Free  States  here  by  those  Slaveholders  wielding  all 
the  power  in  the  country,  filling  up  every  office,  sending  in  their 
man  invariably  for  President,  making  their  men  our  Judges, 
sending-  their  nominees  away  as  our  foreign  Ministers,  and,  when 
we  remonstrate,  telling  us,  "Yes,  doughfaces,  we  are  doing  that ; 
we  will  do  that;  we  intend,  if  you  rebel,  to  subdue  you — to  crush 
you  out!"  [Cheers.]  Men  of  the  East,  to  you  this  taunt  has  been 
particularly  directed  ;  to  you  has  this  threat  been  made.  I  ask 

S3U — you  who  represent  the  blood  that  was  shed  at  Lexington,  at 
orchester  Heights,  and  at  Concord — are  you  prepared  to  submit 
to  such  a  taunt  as  that?  [Loud  shouts  of  "No!  no!"J  To  such  an 
insult?  [Reiterated  shouts  of  "No!  no!"[  To  such  a  slur 
upon  your  political  energj"?  [Continued  cries  of  "  No!"]  No, 
I  am  sure  3*011  are  not.  But,  fellow  citizens,  let  us  not  get  excited 
upon  this  point.  [Laughter.]  We  come  to  treat  Slavery  not  as  a 
moral  question.  And  let  me  be  understood  as  emphatically  sug- 
gesting the  propriety  of  keeping  up  that  distinction.  Slaver}-  is. 
so  far  as  our  functions  are  concerned  with  it,  a  political  evil;  and 
we  do  not  come  here  to  discuss  whether,  according  to  the  great 
abstract  principles  of  right  and  wrong,  the  laws  of  God  and  the 
behests  of  the  Bible,  Slavery  be  right  or  wrong.  Whether  it  be 
moral  or  immoral,  it  exists  here  among  us,  and  we  must  manage 
it  as  well  as  we  can.  We  must  repress  it.  We  must  prevent  it 
from  being,  as  its  nature  always  urges  it  to  be,  aggressive.  [Loud 


20  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

cheers.]  We  must  keep  it  back.  If  we  cannot  restore  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line  by  an  act  as  solemn,  and  a  great  deal  more 
honest  as  an  act  of  legislation  than  the  act  by  which  it  was  re- 
pealed, we  must  find  some  way  to  do  it.  At  this  moment,  the  fires 
of  civil  discord  are  raging  in  Kansas.  At  this  moment,  that 
doomed  portion  of  our  Territory  is  suffering  all  the  consequences 
from  that  act.  Would  to  God  that  we  had  the  power  of  enabling 
them  by  a  more  summary  process  than  the  election  of  a  President 
to  get  rid  of  their  present  evils!  [Loud  cheers.]  And  I  am  not 
without  hope,  fellow  citizens,  that  that  process  is  going  on  even 
now,  [cheers,]  and  that  we  will  get  cheering  news  from  Kansas 
yet  Iii  the  meantime,  let  us  proceed,  great  party  as  we  are,  con- 
stitutionally. Let  us  proceed  to  nominate  a  man  as  our  candidate 
for  the  office  of  President,  and  in  doing  that  let  us  observe 
what  I  have  already  alluded  to.  Each  man  cannot  have  his 
favoritr.  \Ve  come  here  to  make  concessions.  We  come  here  to 
act  in  harmony.  We  come  here  to  act  unanimously  in  the  cause, 
;!-  I  hope  and  trust  we  will.  [Cheers.]  And  although  it  is  natural 
and  it  is  proper  that  there  should  be  preference  for  particular 
mm,  preference  for  a  man  is  not  the  true  principle  upon  which 
we  should  act  in  this  Convention. 

A  voice — "That's  it,''  and  cheers. 

We  all  agree  in  principle.  Our  object  is  victory,  and  it  is  a 
legitimate  object.  It  is  one  which  will  redound  with  benefit  to 
the  country;  at  least  we  think  so.  If  we  succeed  in  defeating  the 
nomination  of  the  Democratic  party  and  electing  our  President, 
it  would  take  infinitely  more  words  than  I  could  bestow  on  it,  and 
more  than  you,  perhaps,  would  be  willing  to  spend  in  listening 
to  it,  to  enumerate  all  the  blessings  that  would  flow  from  it.  All 
agreeing  in  principle,  then,  and  all  having  one  high,  noble, 
patriotic  purpose  in  view,  I  invoke  and  call  upon  the  members  of 
this  Convention  not  to  let  their  personal  predilections  for  one 
candidate  more  than  another  interfere  with  an  exercise  of  the 
general  will  of  the  Convention,  founded  upon  the  best  informa- 
tion we  have,  founded  upon  the  best  lights  that  can  shine  upon 
us  at  present  in  regard  to  the  availability  of  the  man  who  is  to 
lead  us  to  victory.  [Cheers.]  Let  us,  then,  fellow  citizens,  proceed 
to  the  good  work;  and  I  trust  that  the  result  will  be  that  we  will 
strangle  this  hydra  of  the  Union  which  is  now  menacing  our 
liberty  and  our  peace;  that  we  will  extirpate  this  canker  that  is 
eating  our  verj'  vitals,  and  extinguish  the  smouldering  fire  of 
treason  and  disunion  that  is  under  our  feet  at  this  moment,  and 
which  may  burst  forth  in  an  instant  and  swallow  up  all  the  fair 
liberties  which  have  been  our  boast  and  pride  since  the  establish- 
ment of  this  Republic.  [Cheers.]  We  are  met  here  to  avert  and  to 
prevent  those  consequences.  We  have  a  high  duty  to  perform, 
and  I  am  sure  that  at  the  close  of  this  Convention  the  people  will 
say  with  one  acclaim,  "Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servants." 
[Voiceferous  and  prolonged  cheering.] 

When  the  applause  which  followed  the  conclusion  of  Mr. 
Emmet's  address  had  subsided — 

On  motion — 

Mr.  George  G.  Fogg,  of  New  Hampshire,  and  Mr.  Thomas  G. 
Mitchell,  of  Ohio,  were  appointed  temporary  secretaries  of  the 
Convention. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS    1S36,  1860,  1864.  21 

The  Rev.  Albert  Branes,  of  Philadelphia,  by  request,  invoked 
the  Divine  blessing  upon  the  assemblage  and  its  proceedings. 

Mr.  A.  P.  Stone,  of  Ohio,  offered  the  following  resolution: 

Resolrecl:  That  a  committee,  consisting  of  one  delegate  from 
each  State  and  Territory  represented  in  this  Convention,  be  select- 
ed by  the  delegates  thereof,  who  shall  act  as  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials, Rules  and  Appointment,  and  report  the  number,  names 
and  post  office  address  of  each  delegate,  together  with  rules  for 
the  government  of  the  Convention. 

The  question  being  taken  on  the  resolution,  the  same  was  unan- 
imously adopted  ;  and  on  calling  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Terri- 
tories, the  following  gentlemen  were  announced  by  the  Chairmen 
of  the  several  State  delegations,  as  members  from  the  States 
respectively. 

THE   COMMITTEE   ON   CREDENTIALS,   ETC. 

Maine,  Mark  H.  Dunnell  ;  New  Hampshire,  William  M.  Weed  ; 
Vermont.  David  E.  Nicholson;  Massachusetts,  Simon  Brown; 
Rhode  Island,  Kdward  Harris;  Connecticut,  Charles  L.  English  ; 
New  York.  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding;  New  Jersey,  Dudley  S.  Gregory; 
Pennsylvania,  S.  Steele  Blair;  Delaware,  Lewis  Thompson;  Mary- 
land, Elias  Hawley;  Kentucky.  James  R.  Whittemore;  Ohio,  L.  B. 
Gunckel  ;  Indiana,  Charles  H.  Test ;  Illinois,  I.  D.  Arnold  ;  Michi- 
gan, George  A.  Cue;  Iowa,  J.  W.Sherman;  Wisconsin,  L.  P.  Harvey; 
California.  Charles  A.  Washburn;  Kansas,  S.  N.  Wood;  Minnesota. 
John  B.  Phillips;  District  of  Columbia,  B.  B.  French. 

Hon.  Daniel  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  offered  the  following 
resolutions: 

Resolved:  That  a  committee  of  one  from  each  State  and  Terri- 
tory represented  be  appointed  to  prepare  and  report  for  the  action 
of  the  Convention  a  platform  of  principles  to  be  submitted  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States;  that  the  member  from  each  State  be 
named  bv  the  delegates  thereof;  and  that  all  resolutions  or  papers 
offered  in  Convention  in  relation  to  such  platform  be  referred  to 
the  committee  thus  appointed,  without  debate. 

Resolred:  That  the  said  committee  be  requested  to  report  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment,  and  that  110  ballot  be  taken  for 
President  or  Vice-President  until  after  the  Platform  is  reported 
and  adopted  by  the  Convention. 

Mr.  John  Bigelow,  of  New  York,  suggested  that  action  upon 
th.'se  resolutions  ought  properly  to  be  deferred  until  after  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  had  been  brought  in  and 
acted  upon. 

Mr.  J.  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  said  that  the  seatsof  none  of  themem- 
liers  appearing  as  delegates  to  this  Convention  were  contested. 
The  Convention  was  harmonious.  He  urged  immediate  action 
upon  the  resolutions. 

A  motion  to  amend  the  first  resolution,  so  as  to  provide  for  two 
members  of  the  committee  from  each  state,  instead  of  one,  was 
put  and  lost. 


-j  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  B.  B.  French,  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  offered  an  amend- 
ment to  the  first  resolution,  to  the  effect,  that  the  same  should 
provide  for  one  member  of  the  committee  "  from  each  State  and 
Territory  represented,  instead  of  from  each  State,"  which 
amendment  was  accepted  by  the  mover  of  the  resolutions  ;  and 
the  question  being-  taken  on  the  resolutions,  as  amended  and 
above  recited,  the  same  were  unanimously  adopted. 

On  calling-  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Territories,  the  following 
gentlemen  were  announced  as  selected  to  constitute 

THE  COMMITTEE  ON  PLATFORM: 

Maine,  Henry  Carter;  New  Hampshire,  Daniel  Clark;  Massa- 
chusetts, E.  Rockwood  Hoar ;  Connecticut,  Thaddeus  Welles ; 
Rhode  Island,  Thomas  Davis  ;  Vermont,  Edward  Kirkland  ;  New 
York,  Preston  King  (great  applause];  New  Jersey,  Edward  W. 
Whelply ;  Delaware,  Edward  G.  Bradford  ;  Ma^laiid,  Francis  P. 
Blair;  Pennsylvania,  David  Wilmot  [applause]  ;  Ohio,  Joshua  R. 
Giddings  [loud  applause];  Michigan,  Isaac  P.  Christiancy ;  Wis- 
consin, John  F.  Potter;  Indiana,  John  D.  Defrees;  Illinois,  George 
T.  Brown;  Iowa,  James  B.  Howell ;  California,  John  A.  Wills; 
Kansas,  J.  M.  Winchell ;  District  of  Columbia,  Jacob  Bigelow ; 
Kentucky,  George  D.  Blakely;  Minnesota,  Alexander  Ramsey. 

Mr.  F.  D.  Kimball,  of  Ohio,  offered  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved:  That  a  committee  of  one  from  each  State  and  Terri- 
tory represented  be  selected  by  the  several  delegations  to  report 
officers  to  this  Convention  for  its  permanent  organization. 

The  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  and,  on  calling  the 
roll,  the  following  named  gentlemen  were  announced  as  selected 
to  compose  the 

COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION. 

Maine,  George  M.  Weston  ;  New  Hampshire,  Levi  Chamberlin; 
Massachusetts,  George  R.  Russell ;  Connecticut,  Charles  Adams  ; 
Rhode  Island,  William  Hoppin;  Vermont,  Ryland  Fletcher;  New 
York,  George  \V.  Patterson;  New  Jersey,  William  D.  Waterman; 
Delaware,  Thomas  Walters;  Maryland,  Elias  Hawley ;  Pennsyl- 
vania, Samuel  A.  Purviance;  Ohio,  George  Hoadley,  Jr.;  Michigan, 
Thomas  J.  Drake  ;  Wisconsin,  M.  M.  Davis  ;  Indiana,  D.  G  Rose  ; 
Illinois,  Cyrus  Aldrich  ;  Iowa,  R.  L.  B.  Clark;  Kansas,  Charles  H. 
Branscomb,  Kentucky,  John  Rimell;  California,  George  W.  Read; 
District  of  Columbia,  Lewis  Clephane;  Minnesota,  John  B.  Phillips. 

Mr.  John  G.  Bergen,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  was  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved:  That  the  daily  meetings  of  this  Convention  be  opt  ned 
with  prayer,  and  that  the  officers  of  the  Convention  make  the 
necessary  arrangements  to  that  effect  by  invitations  to  the  ch'i-yy- 
men  of  the  city. 

Dr.  George  Harris,  of  Maryland,  offered  the  following  resolution: 
Resolved:  That  a  committee  of  one  from  each  State  and  Terri- 
tory represented  in  this  Convention  be  appointed  by  the  several 
delegations  respectively  to  report  the  name  of  one  person  from 


NATIONAL  CON YEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  23 

each  State  and  Territory  to  constitute  the  Republican  National 
Committee  for  the  ensuing  four  years — such  committee,  when  ap- 
pointed, to  elect  their  own  chairman. 

On  taking  the  question,  this  resolution  was  adopted. 

On  motion,  the  selection  of  the  committee  provided  for  by  the 
resolution  was  deferred  until  to-morrow  morning-. 

General  John  J.  Viele.  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution: 

Resolved:  That  the  gentlemen  in  attendance  upon  this  Conven- 
tion, representing  the  radical  Free-Soil  Democracy  of  New  York, 
be  invited  to  take  seats  as  honorary  members  of  this  Convention. 

Gen.  Viele  said  that  there  was  a  delegation  here  from  the 
Council  of  One  Hundred  of  radical  Democrats  of  New  York,  who 
had  seceded  from  the  Democratic  party  in  that  State.  They  were 
the  friends  of  Silas  Wright.  [Cheers.]  They  are  the  men  who 
can  trace  their  Democratic  pedigree  to  Tompkins  and  Clinton  ; 
but  notwithstanding  that,  they  cannot  and  will  not  consent  to  be 
harnessed  to  the  car,  nor  be  dragged  behind  the  Juggernaut  of 
slavery.  [Great  applause.]  I  move,  sir,  that  in  compliment  to 
that  body  of  men,  who,  in  1848.  rolled  up  a  Free-Soil  vote  of  121,000, 
these  representatives  be  invited  to  take  seats  here  as  houorary 
niembers.  [Applause.] 

Hon.  John  Allison,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  there  was  present  in 
the  city  a  large  number  of  delegates  to  the  Pennsylvania  Repub- 
lican State  Convention,  who  were  awaiting  the  action  of  the  Con- 
vention, and  he  hoped  the}- would  be  admitted  to  seats  in  the  hall. 

The  New  Hampshire  and  other  delegations  declared  their  will- 
ingness to  give  up  their  seats,  or  hold  those  who  wished  to  be 
admitted  in  their  laps,  rather  than  that  they  should  be  excluded. 

Judge  Hulbert,  of  New  York,  said  that  inasmuch  as  a  motion  had 
been  made  to  admit  the  delegation  from  the  Council  of  One 
Hundred  from  New  York — a  delegation  from  those  who  were  the 
friends  of  Silas  Wright — a  man  in  whose  tombstone  there  would 
be  more  force  a  century  hence  than  there  was  in  the  myrmidons 
at  Washington — friends  of  a  man  who  had  declared  that,  with  his 
consent,  the  army  of  the  United  States  should  never  be  used  to 
put  slavery  into  Territories  where  it  did  not  already  exist — he 
hoped  it  would  be  passed;  and  that  all  others  who  had  declared 
in  favor  of  the  principles  of  the  party  represented  by  the  Conven- 
tion would  be  admitted  if  possible.  [Applause.] 

The  Maine  delegation  here  declared  that  notwithstanding-  the}- 
had  travelled  a  long  way  to  attend  the  Convention,  the}-  would 
give  up  their  places  rather  than  that  the  delegation  from  the 
"Council  of  One  Hundred"  should  not  have  a  place  in  the  hall. 

On  taking  the  question  upon  the  resolution  of  Gen.  Viele,  the 
same  was  triumphantly  adopted. 


24  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

On  motion,  the  Convention  took  a  recess  until  four  o'clock  this 
afternoon,  the  various  committees  appointed  at  this  session  in  the 
meantime  to  proceed  with  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

AFTERNOON  SESSION. 

TUESDAY,  18th  June,  1856. 

The  Convention  reassembled,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Hon.  Robert  Emmet  in  the  chair. 

Reports  of  Committees  having  been  called  for,  the  Committee 
to  recommend  officers  for  the  permanent  organization  of  the  Con- 
vention, by  George  Hoadley,  Esq.,  their  Secretary,  presented  the 
following  report: 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  report  the  following 
list  of  officers  for  the  Convention: 

President,  Col.  Henry  S.  Lane,  of  Indiana. 

Vice-Presidents — Maine,  Anson  P.  Morrill  ;  New  Hampshire, 
Amos  Tuck;  Vermont,  Heman  Carpenter;  Massachusetts,  Charles 
Francis  Adams ;  Rhode  Island,  Jacob  D.  Babcock ;  Connecticut, 
Chauncey  F.  Cleveland  ;  New  York,  John  A.  King ;  New  Jersey, 
Joseph  C.  Hornblower  ;  Pennsylvania,  Joseph  Ritner  ;  Delaware, 
Samuel  Barr ;  Maryland,  Francis  S.  Corkran  ;  Kentuck}',  George 
D.  Blakey  ;  Ohio,  Noah  H.  Swayne,  Rufus  P.  Spaulding  ;  Indiana, 
John  Beard ;  Illinois,  William  B.  Archer ;  Michigan,  Kinsley  S. 
Bingham;  Wisconsin,  Walter  D.  Mcludoe;  Iowa,  Francis  Spinger; 
California,  Francis  B.  Folger;  Kansas,  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy  ;  Min- 
nesota, Alex.  Ramsey;  District  of  Columbia,  Jacob  Bigelow. 

Secretaries — District  of  Columbia,  Benjamin  B.  French  ;  Maine, 
James  G.  Blaine;  New  Hampshire,  Daniel  Blaisdell ;  Vermont, 
Levi  Underwood;  Massachusetts,  Charles  R. Train;  Rhode  Island, 
Henry  Howard  ;  Connecticut,  Edgar  S.  Tweedy  ;  New  York,  Isaac 
Dayton  ;  New  Jersey,  Henry  Race ;  Pennsylvania,  Robert  P.  Mc- 
Knight,  A.  S.  Raymond;  Delaware,  Benj.  T.  Bye;  Maryland,  Jacob 
Fussel  ;  Kentucky,  William  S.  Bailey  ;  Ohio,  A.  Sankey  Latty  ; 
Indiana,  W.  G.  Terrell ;  Illinois,  George  Schneider  ;  Wisconsin,  C. 
C.  Kuntz;  Iowa,  Wm.  P.  Brazelton;  California,  George  M.  Hanson; 
Kansas,  R.  G.  Elliott;  Minnesota,  j.  B.  Phillips. 

All  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

SAMUEL  A.  PURVIANCB,  Chairman. 
GEORGE  HOADLEY,  JR.,  Secretary. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Daniel  H.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  the  report 
of  the  committee  just  read  was  accepted,  and  the  gentlemen 
named  by  the  committee  were  unanimously  chosen  the  permanent 
officers  of  the  Convention. 

On  motion,  the  Hon.  George  W.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  L.  J. 
Cluirchfield,  Esq.,  of  Ohio,  and  the  Hon.  Samuel  A.  Purviance,  of 
Pennsylvania,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  conduct  the  Hon. 
Henry  S.  Lane,  of  Indiana,  President  of  the  Convention  elect,  to 
the  chair. 


NATIONAL  Cox VENTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  25 

Amid  vociferous  cheers  for  the  Hoosier  State.  Mr.  Lane  was 
conducted  to  the  chair  of  the  Convention,  and,  when  silence  had 
been  restored,  addressed  the  Convention,  in  substance,  as  follows: 

SPEECH  OF  PRESIDENT  LANE. 

Friends  of  Freedom  and  Freemen — The  honor  they  conferred 
upon  him  transcended  the  ambition  of  the  most  deserving-  man 
in  the  Convention,  and,  from  his  inmost  soul,  he  thanked  them 
for  the  honor  the}'  had  done  to  the  gallant  little  State  to  which  he 
belonged.  The  occasion  was  one  of  vast  importance,  and  the  time 
was  propitious  ;  it  was  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill.  [Applause.]  They  had  gathered  in  sight  of  Independence 
Hall,  with  all  its  glorious  revolutionary  recollections.  They 
were  almost  beneath  the  shade  of  those  noble  trees,  under  whose 
young  boughs  their  fathers  gathered  to  institute  a  new,  a  liberal, 
a  free  Government.  [Applause.]  They  were  assembled  during 
one  of  the  most  important  crises  that  had  ensued  since  the  days 
of  the  revolution.  That  day  inaugurated  a  new  era  in  American 
politics.  It  inaugurated  a  new  era — the  resurrection  of  the  North. 
[Great  applause.]  Being  a  stranger  in  the  city,  he  had  experienced 
some  difficulty  in  finding  the  place  of  meeting;  but,  while  looking 
about,  he  discovered  the  flag  of  the  Union  floating  from  the  house- 
top, and,  knowing  that  the  only  National  Party  in  the  country 
would  be  likely  to  gather  beneath  its  ample  folds,  he  had  come  to 
it,  and  found  his  friends.  [Applause.]  But  a  word  as  to  the 
objects  for  the  attainment  of  which  they  had  come  together. 
They  had  gathered  from  a  sense  of  a  common  danger.  [Applause.] 
That  was  what  had  brought  them  together;  and,  consequently, 
they  were  there,  forgetting  their  former  party  ties,  for  the  com- 
mon good  of  all.  and  because  of  their  sacred  love  of  liberty. 
[Applause.]  He  had,  in  all  probability,  as  much  difficulty  in 
breaking  from  his  old  part}' associations.  He  had  been  an  humble, 
but  earnest  and  admiring  follower  of  the  gallant  and  glorious 
Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky.  [Applaxise.]  But  from  the  time  that 
he  heard  the  Nebraska-Kansas  swindle  had  been  consummated, 
he  had  left  the  gallant  Clay  in  his  tomb,  to  follow  principles 
which  require  the  active  support  of  all  true  men.  [Applause.] 
Ah!  when  that  act  was  perpetrated,  how  evident  was  it  that  Henry 
Clay  was  in  his  tomb!  The  name  of  Kentucky  was  not  heard  in 
clarion  tones  against  the  wrong. 

A  voice — "She  will  be  heard  yet."     [Applause.] 

The  speaker  continued:  Yes,  he  believed  she  would  soon  be 
heard.  But  a  word  as  to  the  business  of  the  Convention.  First 
and  most  important  before  them  was  the  vital  principle  of  the 
Republican  party — the  principle  which  they  had  met  to  sustain — 
no  more  slave  States,  and  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  State. 
[Applause.]  For  that  they  were  told  that  they  were  doing  more 
than  they  had  a  right  to  do — that  such  a  movement  was  moment- 
ous. What,  he  would  ask,  what  foundation  had  our  fathers — 
what  guide  had  they  when  they  gathered  in  Independence  Hall 
and  declared  for  freedom?  Why,  rights  which  belong  to  man, 
rights  that  were  born  with  man.  [Great  applause.]  When  the 
great  compromise  was  completed,  it  was  said  that  all  agitation 
on  the  subject  of  slavery  would  cease.  And  so  it  was,  until  a  set 
of  heartless,  brainless  demagogues — Douglas  and  the  rest — dis- 
turbed it.  [Applause.]  And  he  called  God  to  witness  that  he 
designed,  and  he  hoped  that  all  designed  to  meet  the  issue  like  a 


26  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

man.  Such  scenes  had  been  enacted  in  Kansas  as  demanded 
from  every  freeman  all  his  efforts  against  those  who  would  perpet- 
uate the  principles  of  those  who  had  disturbed  that  great  compro- 
mise. Scenes  had  been  enacted  there  which  would  have  disgraced 
the  revolutionary  times  of  France,  which  would  have  disgraced 
the  worst  days  of  the  middle  ages.  These  things  had  been  done 
in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and  done  through  the 
connivance  of  the  present  weak  and  wicked  administration.  The 

Eress — a  free  press — had  been  destroyed,  and  ruffians  from  the 
order  of  Missouri  had  gone  over  and  given  freemen  bad  laws, 
written  in  the  blood  of  the  freemen  who  were  settlers  there.  Take 
a  case  from  his  own  State.  A  young-  man  had  gone  from  there  to 
Kansas  with  his  wife  and  children.  He  had  been  stricken  down 
because  he  had  declared  for  freedom.  His  children  were  now 
friendless,  for  his  wife  was  wandering  about  a  maniac;  and  we 
were  told  that  when  we  endeavored  to  prevent  these  things  we 
were  revolutionary-  If  we  were,  it  was  a  revolutionary  feeling 
sanctioned  by  God,  and  which  all  good  men  must  follow.  In  that 
territory  the  ballot  boxes  had  been  destroyed,  and  officers  and 
laws  had  been  forced  upon  freemen.  And  what  of  the  laws? 
Why,  they  declared  that  if  you  apoke  or  published  anything  that 
encouraged  freedom  you  would  be  imprisoned  in  the  penitentiary. 
If  you  took  a  copy  of  the  Constitution  or  of  the  Bible  and  read  it 
there,  you  would  be  imprisoned,  for  both  were  anti-slaver}*  docu- 
ments. [Applause.]  They  had  all  heard  that  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise was  intended  to  pour  oil  on  the  troubles  of  the  nation, 
with  reference  to  the  subject  of  slaver}*.  The  Democratic  party 
had  declared  they  would  not  touch  it.  But  what  have  they  done? 
And  again,  what  had  they  done  at  Cincinnati?  Why,  with  an  ef- 
frontery that  bordered  on  sublimity,  they  had  again  declared 
that  they  would  not  touch  it.  [Great  applause.]  Their  declara- 
tions were  like  Dead  Sea  fruit — pleasant  to  the  eye,  but  that  turned 
to  ashes  on  the  lips.  Now,  he  would  say  a  word  concerning-  James 
Buchanan.  He  had  nothing  to  say  against  him  personally,  but 
he  had  much  to  say  against  his  multitude  of  antecedents.  When 
a  young  man,  Mr.  Buchanan  was  a  federalist,  and  when  the  last 
flag  of  federalism  floated  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr. 
Buchanan's  was  the  last  hand  that  held  it  there.  His  conversion 
was  sudden,  but  the  light  that  shone  upon  him  was  light  from 
heaven.  It  was  a  peculiar  light,  received  during  the  administra- 
tion of  the  hero  of  New  Orleans.  [Applause.]  They  were  told,  by 
way  of  rebuke,  that  Henry  Clay,  had  he  been  alive,  would  have 
favored  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  A  slander  more  foul  than  that 
had  never  been  perpetrated  against  him  when  alive.  Had  Henry 
Clay  been  alive,  he  would  have  been  with  the  Republican  party 
there  that  day.  [Applause.]  His  first  speech  made  in  Kentucky 
was  in  favor  of  a  gradual  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  [Applause.] 
And  when  the  Greeks  were  struggling  for  freedom,  his  voice  was 
the  first  to  encourage  them  an  call  for  aid.  All  his  words  and  all 
his  acts  were  for  freedom.  [Applause.]  Then  they  were  told  that 
the  great  Daniel  Webster  would  have  favored  it  had  he  been  liv- 
ing. It  was  not  for  them  to  call  up  the  spirit  of  the  great  departed, 
and  therefore  he  would  only  say  to  those  who  uttered  such 
sentiments:  let  them  beware  how  they  slandered  the  dead.  [Great 
applause.]  They  had  met  there  to  decide  who  should  be  elected 
the  standard  bearer,  and  whenever  he  should  be  named  let  them 
follow  the  banner,  and  be  sure  it  would  lead  to  victory.  [Ap- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  27 

plause.]  They  could  follow  it,  for  in  doing-  so  they  would  be 
following'  the  banner  of  the  nation.  There  was  no  disunion  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Republican  party.  It  was  united.  The  disunion  cry 
came  from  the  South.  It  was  uttered  only  by  demagog-ties  and 
believed  by  fools.  [Applause.]  It  was  uttered  by  South  Carolina 
— by  the  unhung  milliners  there  who  still  have  the  halter  of  Gen. 
Jackson  about  their  necks.  [Great  applause.]  They  called  the 
men  of  the  North  abolitionists.  If  to  sympathize  with  the  freemen 
of  Kansas,  and  to  oppose  the  acts  of  the  men  from  Missouri  who 
had  invaded  that  territory  was  abolitionism,  they  might  write 
"Abolitionist"  all  over  him.  and  more,  when  he  had  died,  they 
might  write  "Abolitionist"  on  his  tombstone.  To  say  that  to 
refuse  adhesion  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  bill  was  treason,  was  to  say 
what  he  did  not  believe.  If  it  was,  they  might  get  their  marshals 
ready,  for  he  intended  to  declare  it  upon  every  stump  during-  the 
campaign.  [Applause.]  On  a  beautiful  evening,  in  Philadelphia, 
the  watch  cried,  "A  beautiful  night,  and  all  is  well — and  Lord 
Cornwallis  is  taken!"  [Applause.]  And  if  they  were  true  to  their 
duty,  in  November  next,  the  watchman  in  Philadelphia  would  cr\- 
again,  "It  is  a  beautiful  night,  and  all  is  well — and  James  Buchan- 
an is  taken!"  [Great  applause.]  But  to  have  that  occur,  they 
must  work — work  unitedlj*  and  earnest^-.  Do  that,  a  triumph 
was  sure. 

The  Vice-Presidents  and  Secretaries  then  took  their  places  upon 
the  stand,  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

The  Hon  Klbridge  E.  Spanieling,  from  the  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials and  on  Rules  for  the  Government  of  the  Convention, 
presented  the  following  report  in  part: 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  report  the  following  resolution 
in  respect  to  the  contested  seats  from  Pennsylvania,  viz.: 

Resolved:  That  B.  D.  Patengill,  Charles  D.  Cleveland,  John  F- 
Gilpin,  of  the  first  district ;  William  S.  Pierce,  William  Elder* 
Henry  C.  Gary,  of  the  second  district;  Joseph  J.  Gillingham- 
Thomas  E.  Cavender,  and  Mahlon  Dickinson,  of  the  third  district- 
and  George  H.  Earl,  William  B.  Thomas,  and  Passmore  William- 
son, of  the  fourth  district,  are  entitled  to  seats  in  this  Convention, 
as  delegates  from  their  respective  districts. 

The  committee  further  report  the  following  resolutions  for  the 
government  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention: 

Resolved:  That  in  voting  for  a  candidate  for  President,  the 
States  be  called  in  their  order,  and  that  the  chairman  of  each 
delegation  present  the  number  of  votes  given  to  each  candidate 
for  President  by  the  delegates  from  his  State,  each  State  being 
limited  in  its  votes  to  three  times  the  number  of  electors  to  which 
such  State  is  entitled:  Provided,  that  no  State  shall  give  a  larger 
vote  than  the  number  of  delegates  actually  present  in  the  Con- 
vention; 

And  Provided:  That  Kansas  shall  be  considered  for  this  pur- 
pose as  a  State,  with  the  same  electoral  votes  as  any  other  State 
entitled  to  only  one  representative  in  Congn-ss. 

Resolved:  That  the  same  rule  shall  appl}-  to  the  nomination  of 
Vice-President. 

Resolved:  That  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  be 
adopted,  so  far  as  they  are  applicable  to  this  Convention. 

All  which  is  respectfullv  submitted  in  part. 

Philadelphia,  17th  June,  1856. 

ELBRIDGE  G.  SPAULDING,  Chairman. 


28  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Denning  Duer,  of  New  Jersey,  the  report  of 
the  committee  was  accepted,  and  the  resolutions  were  adopted; 
and  the  gentlemen  reported  as  entitled  to  seats  in  the  Convention, 
from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  were  admitted  to  seats  accord- 
ingly. 

An  inquiry  having  been  made  as  to  whether  anything  was  said 
in  the  report  about  a  two-thirds  rule,  the  President  said  the  sub- 
ject was  not  attended  to,  but  he  supposed  Republicans  were 
willing  to  abide  the  will  of  the  majority. 

On  motion  of  the  Hon.  George  W.  Patterson,  it  was— 

Resolved:  That  the  Committee  on  Credentials  be  requested  to 
report,  together  with  the  names  of  the  members  of  this  Conven- 
tion, the  post  office  address  of  each  member,  and  that  the  chairman 
of  each  State  delegation  be  requested  to  furnish  the  same  to  the 
committee. 

On  motion,  the  Hon.  Caleb  Smith,  of  Indiana,  was  invited  to 
address  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Smith  was  cordially  welcomed  by  the  Convention,  and 
spoke,  in  substance,  as  follows: 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  CALEB  SMITH. 

Mr.  Smith  ascended  the  platform  amid  loud  applause,  and  said, 
that  although  he  felt  very  much  honored  by  this  most  unexpected 
call,  yet  he  would  confess  he  felt  himself  much  embarrassed  in  a 
Convention  like  this,  where  were  so  many  gentlemen  more  dis- 
tinguished than  himself;  but  he  could  not,  in  justice  to  the  gallant 
State  to  which  he  belonged,  refuse  to  respond  to  this  call  to  occupy 
their  attention  for  a  few  moments.  They  had  met  here  to-day,  he 
continued,  for  a  very  important  object,  and  the  action  of  this  body 
was  calculated,  in  his  judgment,  to  exercise  a  great  influence  on 
the  future  government  of  this  country.  This  Convention  repre- 
sented a  party  of  a  character  which  no  political  party  had  ever 
before  assumed.  We  were  called  upon  to  vote  to  consider  ques- 
tions not  of  mere  expediency,  but  questions  on  the  decision  of 
which  depends  the  perpetuity  of  this  government  and  confedera- 
tion. This  party  was  obviously  brought  together  forno  ordinar3r 
purpose.  A  nation's  welfare  and  continued  existence  depended 
upon  its  patriotism.  The  man  must  indeed  be  insensible  who 
could  not  now  see  the  dark  cloud  which  overhangs  the  horizon 
of  our  country.  He  would  be  the  last  of  those  to  favor  a  party 
based  on  sectional  issues,  and  the  calumnies  that  were  heaped  on 
this  Republicon  party,  as  a  sectional  party,  he  repelled  with  con- 
temptuous denial.  There  never  was  a  party  since  the  days  of 
Washington  so  national  in  its  aim  as  this,  for  its  object  was  to 
preserve  and  extend  freedom,  and  was  not  freedom  national? 
[Cheers.]  The  South  had  lately  promulgated  the  view  that  slavery 
\\as  national  and  freedom  sectional.  It  was  for  the  Republican 
party  to  assert  and  maintain  the  nationality  of  freedom  and 
extend  liberty  wherever  the  flag  of  our  country  waves.  [Cheers.] 
The  Republican  party  had  no  desire  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
States  where  slavery  already  exists.  If  the  slaveholders  wish  to 
hug  their  chains  in  darkness,  let  them,  but  they  were  not  to  be 
allowed  to  extend  slavery  into  new  territory  bought  by  the  com- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS    iv>6,  1860,  1864.  29 

moil  blood  and  the  common  treasure  of  both  sections.  [Cheers.) 
If  they  looked  back  ten  years,  it  would  be  found  that  there  was 
not  then  a  man  north  of  Mason  and  Dixoii's  line  who  did  not 
recognize  and  favor  Republican  principles,  and  assert  the  power 
of  the  general  government  over  slavery  in  the  Territories.  But 
men  had  changed,  and  times  had  changed.  The  nominee  of  the 
Democratic  party  was  now  expected  to  embody  Mr.  Calhouii's  e.\- 
tremest  views.  Slavery  had  ever  been  aggressive,  and  it  had 
swallowed  up  every  party  in  the  South,  or  brought  it  into  subser- 
vience. Where  were  now  the  great  Southern  Whigs  of  former 
times'-  Where  was  Toombs'r 

A  voice — "In  the  Tombs."     [Laughter.] 

Toombs  and  all  the  leading  Whigs  of  the  South  now  acted  with 
the  Democratic  party,  because  the  leaders  of  that  party  in  the 
North,  in  their  pursuit  of  the  spoils,  overlooked  everything,  and 
were  ready  and  willing  to  humiliate  themselves  in  the  dust  before 
the  car  of  slavery,  and  to  consent  to  be  made  the  instruments  of 
perpetuating  and  extending  its  rule.  [Cheers.]  But  man}-  of  those 
who  formerly  associated  and  were  identified  with  the  Democracy 
had  become  disgusted  with  its  cringing  disregard  of  the  princi- 
ples of  freedom,  and  enlisted  themselves  under  the  banner  of 
Republicanism.  Civil  war  was  now  raging'  in  Kansas,  and  how 
long,  he  asked,  would  the  North  suffer  the  contumelies,  the  in- 
Milts.  the  murderous  atrocities  that  were  now  being  perpetrated 
in  Kansas  on  Northern  men,  because  of  their  devotion  to  freedom? 
The  only  party  by  which  that  state  of  things  could  be  changed 
was  the  Republican  party — a  party  not  organized  to  advance 
the  interests  of  any  man  or  set  of  men,  but  to  maintain  the 
principles  of  freedom.  [Cheers.]  It  was  a  duty  of  the  men  of  that 
party  to  unite  in  nominating  a  man  who  should  embody  and  carry 
out  their  principles,  and  having  nominated  him  to  place  him  in 
the  van.  and  follow  him  unhesitatingly  into  the  thickest  of  the 
fight,  which  must  result  in  their  victor}-.  [Loud  and  continued 
applause.] 

After  vehement  calls  for  a  great  number  of  gentlemen,  Mr. 
Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  took  the  platform  amid  loud  applause. 

MR.   LOVEJOY'S  SPEECH. 

He  said:  Nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  have  their  destiny. 
There  often  appears  on  the  stage  of  human  action  in  this  world 
individuals  who  seem  to  have  been  designed  to  fulfill  a  certain  pur- 
pose. The  same  thing  was  true  in  regard  to  nations.  Each  had 
a  mission  which  it  was  intended  to  perform.  The  question  here 
was.  what  was  the  mission? — the  special  destiny,  or  as  it  has 
sometimes  been  called,  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  American 
nation?  He  had  been  gratified  to  hear  it  announced  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  this  Convention,  that  there  was  a  Providence,  a  Divine 
Power  ruling  over  all  things,  and  a  revelation  from  that  Divine 
Being  to  man,  and  that  there  was  a  higher  law  than  that  created 
by  demagogues.  [Loud  cheers.]  The  mission  of  Pilgrim  Fathers 
was  to  exhibit  the  practicability  of  a  "Church  without  a  Bishop, 
and  a  State  without  a  King.'1  And  he  cared  not  what  may  have 
been  the  creed  of  the  man  who  drew  up  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence— the  truths  it  asserted  were  intended  to  realize  that 
mission,  and  bore  evidence  of  having  been  traced  under  the  direct 
influence  of  a  Divine  inspiration.  [Loud  cheers.]  And  he  thanked 


30  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

God  that  the  principles  of  that  declaration  were  yet  warm  in  the 
great  American  heart.     It  declared  that  Government  derived  their 
power,  not  from  invading  Border  Ruffians,  but  from  the  will  of 
the    governed.      What,  then,  was   the    mission?-      The    manifest 
destiny  of  this  American  people,  who  from  a  handful  of  pilgrims 
on  Massachusetts'  shore  had  mu.tiplied  to  a  nation  of  twenty-four 
millions  of  men?    Was  it  their  destiny  to  chase  niggers?     [Cheers 
and  laughter.]     Was  it  their  destiny  to  go  filibustering  over  the 
continent,  and  having  conquered  new  Territory  to  plant  slavery 
in  it?     [Loud  cheers.]     God  never  designed  this  nation  for  such 
objects  as  that.     What,  then,  was  the  mission  of  America?     It  was 
to  maintain  and  illustrate  the  self-evident  truths  laid  down  in 
that  Declaration  of  Independence.    And  the  question  now  came 
to  us,  whether  we  would  fulfill  our  destiny,  by  maintaining  those 
immortal  truths,  which  we  cherish  in  our  hearts.     He  was  glad  to 
hear  the  President  declare  that  if  to  maintain  those  rights  set 
forth  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  were  abolition,  he  want- 
ed to  have  it  traced  all  over  him,  and  should  be  satisfied  to  have 
such  an  inscription  as  his  epitaph.     [Laughter.]   He  (the  speaker) 
supposed  he  was  an  Abolitionist  on  the  same  principle,  and  this 
was  an  assertion  which  he  was  positive  would  do  no  harm,  for 
when  they  were  talking  about  putting  that  in  a  platform,  he  said 
he  did  not  care  whether  they  put  it  in  the  platform  or  not,  because 
they  would  be  sure  to  take  the  disease  in  the  natural  way,  and  it 
would  be  broken  out  all  over  them  before  the  campaign  ended. 
[Laughter  and  applause.]     Now,  what  was  the  principle  thus  set 
up?    It  was  simply  the  truth  that  all  men  had  been  created  equal. 
It  was  a  reaffirmation  of  that  Divine  truth  which  was  announced 
ages  ago,  when  the  Creator  said:  "Let  us  make  man  in  our  own 
image. '    As  man  was  made  in  the  likeness  of  God, every  man  had 
an  aspiration  after  the  eternal,  and  was  conscious  of  there  being 
a  miniature  God  within  himself;  and  that  image. must   not  be 
crushed,  however  degraded,  for  God  was  there.  There  was  a  germ 
of  immortality  there,  which  at  some  time,  however  remote,  would 
emerge  and  shine  as  a  star  forever  and  ever.    And  it  was  this 
doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  that  lay  at  the  foundation 
of  abolitionism.      [Loud  cheers.]     It  might  be  said  that  such  a 
doctrine  would  carry  us  into  the  slaveholding  States.    True  ;  but 
it  did  not  follow  that  it  demanded  the  exercise  of  any  power  save 
a  moral  one.    He  was  standing  here  in  Philadelphia,  and  might 
be  allowed  to  quote  the  saying  of  Franklin,  who  asserted  that  "he 
would  go  to  the  verge  of  the  Constitution  in  favor  of  freedom." 
But  he  (the  speaker)  would  not  be  satisfied  with  that— he  would 
jump  off  the  Constitution  to  promote  the  same  object.     If  the  old 
Shylock  came  here,  whetting  his  knife  on  his  shoe,  he  would  be 
met  by  the  declaration,  that  we  would  stand  b3'the  bondhowrv.  r 
hard  it  was,  and  that  we  would  give  him  his  pound  of  flesh,  but 
not  one  drop  of  blood.    [Cheers.]     We  were  to  look  Slavery  in  the 
face,  as  our  fathers  looked  the  despotism  of  the  British  George  in 
the  face,   and  expel  it  the  same  way  from  off  free  Territories. 
[Cheers.]     The  slavery  talk  about  sectionality,  and  all  that,  was 
the  sublimity  of  impudence.    The  men  who  charged  the  Republi- 
cans with   sectionalism    were    themselves    going    through    the 
country  crying  "Nigger!  nigger!"  everywhere;  and  yet  when  the 
Republican   party  triumph,  he  wanted  the  South  to  be  treated 
justly.    Let  her  have  her  full  share.    But  the  North  would  stand 
for  freedom,  and  freedom  would  be  maintained.    Heretofore  this 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  31 

country  had  been  ruled  by  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  slave- 
holders, and  the  North  had  been  bowed  down  like  an  elephant  to 
receive  an  ass'  load,  and  staggered  under  their  lash.  Would  they 
consent  to  that?  [Vehement  cries  of  "No!  no!"]  He  felt  more  and 
felt  better — [laughter]— for  this  mighty  gathering,  brought  to- 
gether by  a  common  impulse  of  patriotism,  and  beating  with  fhe 
same  pulses  of  liberty,  than  he  had  ever  felt  before.  They  were  now 
preparing  for  a  stern,  though  bloodless  conflict,  and  Slavery  in 
tli is  struggle  must  go  over  the  precipice.  They  were  afraid  that 
they  could  not  carry  Pennsylvania.  But  they  had  no  cause  for 
such  fear — for  Pennsylvania  would  be  sure  to  give  them  a  major- 
ity, under  any  circumstances;  and  no  matter  whether  it  was  the 
son  of  New  York  who  was  to  be  their  choice— [loud  cheers] — or  the 
noble  son  of  Ohio,  or  the  gallant  Fremont — [loud  cheers] — or  that 
venerable  statesman,  clothed  with  the  ermine  that  never  knew  a 
spot — he  cared  not  who  the  standard  bearer  of  the  part}'  was. 
They  would  unite  to  a  man,  and  carry  him  triumphantly  into  the 
Presidential  seat.  [Loud  and  prolonged  cheering1  and  applause.] 
A  motion  was  again  made  to  adjourn,  but  a  delegate  rose  and 
moved  that  Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  be  invited  to 
address  the  Convention.  The  motion  was  enthusiastically  adopt- 
ed and  the  honorable  gentleman  designated  ascended  the  platform 
amid  a  perfect  storm  of  cheering  and  applause,  again  and  again 
renewed. 

HON.    HKNKY    WILSON'S   SPEECH. 

He  said:  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  need 
not  say  that  this  kind  greeting  is  to  me  a  source  of  gratification. 
I  have  been  more  accustomed  to  look  into  the  stern  faces  of  foes 
than  to  meet  the  glances  of  friends.  [Cheers.]  Sir,  this  convoca- 
tion of  the  freemen  of  the  United  States  here  to-day  is  a  source  of 
gratification  to  every  lover  of  liberty  on  the  North  American 
Continent.  [Cheers.]  This  is  not  the  convention  of  a  party — it  is 
the  assemblage  of  the  freemen  of  the  country  of  all  political 
parties.  [Loud  cheers.]  This,  sir,  is  a  convention  coming  here  to 
place  in  nomination  a  ticket,  around  which,  we  trust,  the  lovers 
of  human  liberty  all  over  the  country  will  gather  without  refer- 
ence to  the  divisions  of  the  past.  Sir,  our  object  is  to  overthrow 
the  Slave  Power  of  the  country,  now  organized  in  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  country.  [Loud  cheers.]  The  present  administration 
now  embodies  in  itself  the  organized  slave  interest  of  the  Repub- 
lic. Mr.  Buchanan  represents  this  day  the  Democracy  of  Franklin 
Pierce,  for  he  had  ceased  to  be  James  Buchanan,  and  must  square 
himself  to  the  platform  of  the  party.  [Great  cheers.]  The  Demo- 
cratic party,  supporting  this  administration — an  administration 
that  has  plunged  this  nation  into  a  civil  war — assembled  in 
convention,  adopted  a  platform  dictated  by  the  slave  interest 
of  the  country,  nominated  James  Buchanan,  and  he  ceased  to  be 
a  Pennsylvania  freeman,  and  must  square  his  conduct  by  the 
terms  and  conditions  of  that  platform.  [Cheers.]  Now,  sir,  we 
wish  to  defeat  James  Buchanan,  to  overthrow  that  platform,  to 
enthrone  Liberty  in  the  Government  of  this  Republic.  [Cheers.] 
Sir,  the  Republican  part}-,  young,  vigorous,  fresh  organized  for 
liberty,  cannot  do  it  alone  and  unaided. 

A  voice — "That  is  so." 


:i-_>  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

The  old  Whigs  of  the  country  can  make  no  successful  organiza- 
tion to  defeat  that.  The  American  Party  is  powerless  as  an 
organization,  alone,  to  overthrow  that  power.  Independent 
Democrats,  men  who  follow  the  great  doctrines  of  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, who  believe  in  pure,  unadulterated  progressive  Democracy, 
that  embraces  in  its  affections  the  whole  globe— this  Democracy 
oan  make  no  successful  effort  alone  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party;  but,  sir,  these  men  can  unite  and  they  can  defeat 
that  party,  [loud  cheers,  and  cries  of  "The}-  will  do  it!"]  and  I  call 
ui)on  the  members  of  the  Republican  party  assembled  here  to-clay 
to  come  here  in  the  spirit  of  a  lofty,  self-sacrificing  patriotism, 
and  adopt  a  policy  liberal  and  generous  towards  others,  and  lay 
the  foundation  for  this  union  of  all  parties  to  save  this  Republic. 
[Loud  cheers.]  I  call  upon  the  Whigs— men  who  believe  in  the 
words  of  Daniel  Webster— that  we  must  seize  the  first,  the  last 
and  every  occasion  to  oppose  the  extension  of  the  slave  pow- 
er. I  call  upon  these  Whigs  to  stand  now  by  the  doctrines 
of  that  great  leader  whom  they  followed  so  mari}-  years. 
[Cheers.]  I  call  upon  independent  Democrats,  on  the  men  who 
have  fought  the  battles  of  Democracy,  but  who  have  fought  not 
the  battles  of  slavery — who  have  stood  by  the  Democratic  part}-, 
but  who  can  follow  their  black  banner  no  longer — to  come  here 
and  unite  with  us  in  this  glorious  effort.  Come  here  and  let  us 
make  a  true  Democratic  party,  that  shall  represent  the  genuine 
Democracy  of  America.  [Cheers.]  And,  sir,  I  ask  Americans — 
men  who  profess  an  exalted  patriotism  and  love  of  country,  and 
broad  and  expansive  nationality — I  ask  them  to  come  here  and 
unite  with  us  to  save  the  first  principles  of  American  liberty- 
free  speech,  a  free  press,  free  soil,  free  Kansas.  [Cheers,  and  a 
voice — "And  Freemont."]  Then  let  us,  one  and  all,  of  all  parties, 
forget;  and,  in  the  words  of  Whittier,  "Let  us  forgive — forgive, 
unite."  [Loud  cheering.]  And  then,  gentlemen,  coming  here  in 
this  party,  willing  to  sacrifice  all  our  personal  feelings,  let  us  join 
with  each  other,  from  every  State  in  the  Union,  and  select  a  can- 
didate round  whom  we  can  all  rally,  with  the  hope  of  winning  a 
glorious  victory.  For  myself,  I  would  sacrifice  any  man  and  any 
Friend  on  earth  to  unite  American  Freemen  for  the  rescue  of  the 
American  Government  of  the  United  States  from  the  power  of 
slavery.  [Loud  cheers.]  Look  now  at  our  friends  in  Kansas,  who 
are  periling  all  of  life  and  of  hope — who  lie  down  at  night  with 
the  conviction  that  their  little  dwelling  may  be  burned  over 
them  before  morning,  or  the}-  themselves  may  be  murdered 
because  they  love  liberty.  I  say  that  when  these  men  are  thus 
being  sacrificed,  it  becomes  us  to  sacrifice  our  personal  prefer- 
ences for  the  cause  of  human  liberty  in  America.  [Loud  cheers.] 
Gentlemen,  civil  war  rages  beyond  the  Missouri.  This  adminis- 
tipn  of  Franklin  Pierce  has  forced  that  war  upon  us.  Franklin 
Pierce  went  to  the  Cincinnati  Convention  with  the  light  of  the 
burning  dwellings  of  Kansas  flashing  upon  his  brazen  brow. 
[Loud  cheers.]  He  went  there  with  the  blood  of  the  murdered 
freemen  of  Kansas  dripping  from  his  polluted  hands.  [Loud  and 
continued  cheering.]  Aye,  that  Convention  spewed  out  the  thing 
it  had  used.  [Cheers.]  It  spewed  him  out,  and  to-day  he  has  gone 
down  too  beneath  the  withering  scorn  and  contempt  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  [Loud  cheers.]  Then  there  is  Judge  Douglas,  the 
man  who  brought  forward  this  repeal  of  the  Missouri  prohibition 
of  slavery;  he  went  into  that  Convention  with  high  hopes,  and  he 


.NATIONAL  CONYKNTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  33 

came  out  of  it  with  his  hopes  blasted  forever.  [Cheers.]  The 
Slave  Power  saw  that  it  had  used  Pierce  all  up.  [Cheers.]  But 
there  was  not  a  particle  of  life,  or  of  strength,  or  of  hope  in  him. 
and  the  Slave  Power  flung  him  out  of  the  window  of  that  Cincin- 
nati Convention.  [Cheers.]  The  Slave  Power  knew  that  Douglas 
had  forever  blasted  himself  before  the  American  People, and  that 
he  never  could  receive  their  suffrages.  [Cheers.]  But  the  Slave 
Power  wanted  a  tool — it  wanted  the  vote  of  a  Northern  State,  and 
it  casts  its  eye  to  Pennsylvania  and  James  Buchanan.  The 
gentleman,  sir,  with  a  glorious  name.  Judge  Emmet,  who  presided 
over  us  this  morning,  (cheers,]  told  us  that  Mr.  Buchanan  had 
once  said  that  if  he  had  a  drop  of  Democratic  blood  in  his  veins, 
he  would  let  it  out.  Well,  sir,  that  is  an  excellent  expression  for 
the  candidate  of  a  party  that  has  eliminated  every  Democratic 
principle  from  its  platform.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  We  have  got 
a  Democrat  that  never  had  a  drop  of  Democratic  blood  in  his 
veins,  because  he  is  undoubtedly  a  man  of  truth,  and  if  he  had 
had  a  drop  of  it  in  him,  it  would  have  been  let  out.  And  we  have 
got  a  platform  that  has  not  a  single  Democratic  principle  em- 
bodied in  it.  No,  not  a  one.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  And  this 
party,  calling  itself  the  Democratic  Party,  now  stands  before  the 
country,  and  has  placed  its  hope  upon  the  commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Sir,  the  gentleman  who  preceded  me  said  you  could  not  throw 
PemiS3'lvaiiia  away.  She  must  vote  with  her  Northern  sister.  Sir, 
the  freemen  of  Pennsylvania  met  this  crisis  with  the  boldness 
with  which  their  fathers  met  the  crisis  in  177").  Pennsylvania 
will  repudiate  this  son  of  hers,  and  give  her  vote  to  the  nominee 
of  this  Convention.  [Loud  cheers.]  And,  sir,  I  say  that  we  of  the 
East,  of  the  West,  and  of  the  Centre  States,  owe  it  to  our  common 
country,  and  the  cause  of  libert)*,  to  carry  every  free  State  in  the 
Union  for  Liberty.  [Cheers.]  The  argument  is  all  ours.  The 
moral  sentiment  of  the  nation  is  ours.  Everything  that  sustains 
the  great  cause  is  fighting  to-day  upon  our  side.  [Cheers.]  Our 
brethren  who  went  out  with  us  to  carry- free  institutions  beyond 
the  Missouri,  are  being  nm-dered  for  loving  liberty.  A  Senator 
of  a  sovereign  state  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  for  denouncing  the 
crime  against  Kansas,  has  been  stricken  senseless  on  the  floor  of 
the  American  Senate. 

A  voice — "Three  cheers  for  Sumner."  [Rounds  of  vociferous 
cheering,  again  and  again  renewed,  greeted  this  demand.] 

A  voice — "  Three  groans  for  Brooks."  [A  storm  of  groans  and 
yells  was  elicited  in  response.] 

Mr.  Wilson  resumed.  We  are  not  only  fighting,  he  said,  to  save 
Kansas,  to  make  a  Free  State  beyond  the  Missouri,  but  we  are 
fighting  to  vindicate  freedom  of  speech  in  the  National  Congress. 
[Loud  cheers.]  I  see  by  telegraphic  dispatches  from  Washington 
that  the  announcement  is  made  when  that  question  comes  up  in 
the  House  the  Southern  gentlemen  are  to  make  threats  and  per- 
haps to  execute  them.  [Shouts  of  "Let  them  dare!  let  them  dare!''] 
Gentlemen.  I  believe  that  the  men  who  represent  you  have  made 
up  their  minds.  [Vociferous  cheers  and  cries  of  •'  Good!  bravo!"] 
I  believe  they  are  firmly  resolved  to  speak  their  sentiments  with 
entire  and  absolute  freedom.  [Renewed  cheering.]  I  believe 
they  have  made  up  their  minds  to  go  where  duty  requires  them 
to  go,  vote  as  duty  requires  them  to  vote;  and  I  believe  they  have 
3 


34  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

made  up  their  minds  to  defend  their  persons  and  their  lives 
whenever — [tremendous  and  long  cheering-]— whenever,  wherever, 
however,  by  whomsoever  assailed.  [Great  cheering.]  No,  gentle- 
men, threats  will  not  silence  the  freemen  of  the  North.  We  know 
we  have  behind  us  fifteen  millions  of  freemen— [cheers]— we  know 
that  if  we  fail  in  the  exercise  of  our  constitutional  duties,  and  in 
defense  of  our  constitutional  rights,  that  gallant  and  true  men  all 
over  the  North  will  step  into  our  places,  and  fill  them  better  than 
we  can  do.  [Loud  cheers.]  Gentlemen,  trouble  yourselves  with 
no  anxiety  about  affairs  in  Washington.  We  will  take  care  of  our- 
selves. [Thundering  cheers.]  We  want  to  have  it  known  all  over 
the  land  that  the  representatives  of  the  Northern  freemen  are 
ready  to  take  care  of  themselves  in  the  performance  of  their  duty. 
[Cheers.]  But  while  we  make  that  resolution  and  adhere  to  it,  in 
God's  name,  gentlemen  of  the  North,  resolve  to  do  your  duty  and 
to  blot  out  out  the  Slave  Power  of  the  country.  [Cheers.]  We  can 
do  it,  aye,  and  I  believe  in  my  soul  we  can  do  it.  [Loud  cheers.] 
But  I  feel  here  to-day  that  millions  are  looking  with  trembling 
anxiety  upon  the  deliberations  of  this  Convention.  Disappoint 
them  not,  gentlemen,  by  any  pett}-  little  interest  in  the  division. 
Consult  with  each  other  in  candor  and  in  frankness,  and  then 
nominate  a  man  upon  whom  you  can  unite  with  the  most  votes, 
and  who  is  true  to  your  principles.  [Cheers.]  If  the  bold,  gallant 
Fremont  is  your  candidate  —  [enthusiastic  cheering] — we  will 
rally  around  him  the  young,  the  gallant  spirits  of  the  Republic; 
if  McLean — the  learned  McLean — 

A  voice — "Three  cheers  for  McLean."  [Loud  and  prolonged 
cheering.] 

Another  voice — "Three  cheers  for  Fremont."  [An  overwhelming 
shout  that  almost  made  the  building  shake  was  the  response.] 

Mr.  Wilson,  you  are  divided  now  in  regard  to  your  cheers  for 
Fremont  and  McLean.  After  either  of  them  receives  your  nomi- 
nation I  hope  there  will  be  no  dividing  cheers. 

A  voice — "Take  the  vote  now." 

Several  voices — "  No." 

Mr.  Wilson,  gentlemen,  if  you  nominate  the  present  speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives— [cheers]— the  first  man  who  led  us 
to  victory,  let  us,  all  of  us  of  the  North,  rally  around  him  and 
sustain  the  liberty  of  our  country. 

A  voice— "Three  cheers  for  Banks."     [Loud  cheering.] 

Mr.  Wilson,  if  jrou  nominate  Salmon  P.  Chase — [great  cheering] 
—  one  of  the  foremost  men  of  the  Republic— let  us,  all  of  us,  rally 
around  him  and  place  him  in  the  Presidential  Chair,  that  he  is  so 
well  qualified  to  fill.  And,  gentlemen,  if  in  this  Convention  you 
should  place  your  suffrages  upon  the  foremost  statesman  of 
America,  Win.  H.  Seward — [three  bursts  of  frantic  cheering,  wav- 
ing of  hats,  handkerchiefs,  &c,,  the  whole  assemblage  rising  en 
masse,  with  which  Win.  H.  Seward's  name  was  received,  prevent- 
ed the  speaker  from  proceeding  for  several  minutes.] 

Mr.  Wilson,  aye,  gentlemen,  I  say  this  foremost  statesman  of 
America,  and  a  man  fit  to  lead  the  movement  in  which  we  are  en- 
gaged. All  of  these  men  I  believe  to  be  true,  to  be  reliable,  to  be 
fully  with  us  in  the  movements  in  which  we  are  engaged.  And, 
gentlemen,  whoever  we  may  nominate  from  among  them  or  others 
that  I  name,  let  us,  one  and  all,  unite;  for  our  cause  is  the  cause 
of  Liberty  and  the  cause  of  Patriotism.  Gentlemen,  I  thank  you 
for  your  kindness  and  for  the  attention  with  which  you  have 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  35 

listened  to  the  few  desultory  remarks  I  have  thrown  out,  and  I 
close  by  saying  that  the  freemen  of  the  North  have  a  right  to 
govern  this  country,  and  we  have  assembled  here  to-day  to  take 
the  Government  of  the  Republic  arid  to  be  the  party  of  the  Con- 
stitution, of  the  Union — of  union,  of  law,  of  order,  and  of  property. 
[Tremendous  cheering,  amidst  which  the  honorable  gentleman 
resumed  his  seat.] 

On  motion,  the  Convention  adjourned  till  to-morrow,  Wednes- 
day morning,  at  ten  o'clock. 


SECOND  DAY'S  PROCEEDINGS. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Wednesday,  18th  June,  1856. 

The  Convention  assembled  at  ten  o'clock. 

Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  President,  in  the  chair. 

The  proceedings  were  opened  with  a  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Ansou 
Rood,  of  Philadelphia. 

On  motion,  the  reading  of  the  Journal  of  yesterday's  proceed- 
ings was  dispensed  with. 

Hon.  Elbridge  G.  Spaulding,  from  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials, submitted  the  following  report  of  the  names  and  post  office 
address  of  the  members  of  this  Convention: 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION, 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  18, 1856. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials,  etc.,  to  whom  it  was  referred  to 
report  to  the  Convention  the  names  and  post  office  address  of  the 
members  of  this  Convention,  respectfully  report  the  following 
roll  of  the  members  of  this  Convention,  specifying  their  several 
post  office  addresses. 

Roll  of  the  Members  of  the  Convention. 
MAINE. 

Atison  P.  Morrell,  Readfield;  Edward  Kent,  Bangor;  Abner 
R.  Hollowell,  Bangor;  Theophilus  Cushing,  Frankfort;  Henry 
Carter,  Portland;  George  M.  Weston,  Bangor. 

1.  William  Willis,   Portland ;  James   M.    Deering,   Saco  ;    S.   C. 
Adams,  Newfield. 

2.  M.  H.  Dumiell,  Norway;  T.A.  D.  Fesseden,  Auburn;  Jonathan 
Russ,  N.  Sharon. 

'A.  H.  Kenned}-,  Waldoborough;  Francis  Cobb,  Rockland;  N. 
Abbott,  Belfast. 

4.  A.  Garcelon,  Lewiston;  Wm.  Connet,  Fairfield;  J.  G.  Blaine, 
Augusta. 

5.  Joseph  Bartlett,  Bangor;   John  H.  Rice,  Monson;    W.  M.  £. 
Brown,  Solon. 

6.  N.  Blake,  Portage  Lake;  A.  K.  P.  Wallace,  Milbridge;  A.  M.  P. 
Emerson,  Olaiid. 


36  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN* 

N"E\V  HAMPSHIRE. 

William  >I.  Weed,  Sandwich;  Amos  Tuck,  Exeter;  Dan'l  Clark, 
Manchester;  Benj.  Pettitigill,  Salisbury;  Daniel  Blaisdell,  Han- 
over; Levi  Chamberlin,  Keene. 

1.  H.  S.  Spear,  Laconia;  Win.  Conn,  Portsmouth;  G.  P.  Folsom, 
Dover. 

J.  Geo.  G.  Fogg,  Concord;  A.  F.  Pike,  Franklin;  I.  W.  Smith, 
Manchester. 

3.  D.  A.  Burnside,  Lancaster;  Alvah  Smith,  Lempster;  G.  Cum- 
mings,  Lisbon. 

VERMONT. 

H.  Hall,  North  Bennington;  Heman  Carpenter,  Xorthfield;  E. 
Fairbanks,  St.  Johnsbury;  William  Skinner,  Royalton;  L.  Brain- 
ard.  St.  Albans;  L.  Underwood,  Builingtoii. 

1.  D.  E.  Nicholson,  Walingford;   E.  D.  Warner,  New  Haven;   H. 
K.  Slayton,  Calais. 

2.  E.  Kirkland,  Brattleboro;  R.  Fletcher,  Proctorsville;  Win.  F. 
Dickinson,  Chelsea. 

3.  Rolla  Gleason,  Richmond;   H.  H.  Reynolds.  Alburgh;  W.  L. 
Sowles,  Swanton  Falls. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

T.  D.  Elliot,  New  Bedford;  Simon  Brown,  Concord;  C.  W.  Bel- 
lows, Pepperell;  Charles  Allen,  Worcester;  Moses  Kimball,  Bos- 
ton; Homer  Bartlett,  Lowell. 

1.  R.French,  New  Bedford;   C.  G.  Davis,  Plymouth;  Z.  D.  Bas-' 
set.  Hyannis. 

2.  Guilford  White,  Easton;  G.  B.  Weston.Duxbury;  C.  A.  Church, 
West  port. 

3.  C.  F.  Adams,  Quincy;  George  R.  Russell.  West  Roxbury;  F. 
W.  Bird,  Walpole. 

4.  William  Brigham,  Boston;  Ezra  Lincoln,  Boston;  R.  C.  Nich- 
ols, Boston. 

5.  Francis  B.  Fay,  Chelsea;   B.  C.  Clark,  Boston;  Jas.  W.  Stone, 
Boston. 

6.  S.  H.  Phillips,  Salem;  John  B.  Alley,  Lynn;   Richard  P.  Wa- 
ters. Salem. 

7.  Chas.  Hudson,  Lexington;  Thos  J.  Marsh.  Waltham;  M.  Mor- 
ton, Jr.,  Andover. 

8.  C.  R.  Train,  Farmingham;  J.  A.  Goodwin,  Lowell;  E.  R.  Hoar, 
Concord. 

9.  P.  E.  Aldrich,  Worcester;  A.Walker.  North  Brookfield;  Ivers 
Phillips,  Fitchburg;  Artemas  Lee,  Templeton. 

10.  E.  Hopkins,  Northampton;  C.  A.  Perry,  North  Saleni;   M.  D. 
Whittaker,  Chicopee. 

11.  D.  W.  Alford,  Greenfield;  Z.  M.  Crane,  Dalton;  E.  B.  Gillett; 
Weetfield. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

W.  Hoppin,  Providence;  Byron  Dj*man.  Bristol;  Edward  Har- 
ris. \\  oonsocket;  Wm.  M.  Chace,  Providence;  R.  G.  Hazard,  Peace- 
dale;  Nicholas  Brown,  Providence;  G.  Manchester,  South  Ports- 
mouth; Thos.  Davis,  Providence;  H.  Howard,  Providence;  J.  D. 
Babcock,  Ashaway;  Stephen  Benedict,  Pawtucket;  E.  Pendleton, 
\Vm.  Sheldon,  Providence. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  37 

CONNECTICUT. 

John  M.  Niles.  Hartford;  Benj.  Sillimati,  New  Haven;  D.  F.  Rob- 
inson, Hartford;  Charles  Ives,  New  Haven;  C.  F.  Cleveland,  Hamp- 
ton; Charles  Adams,  Litchfield. 

1.  D.  Loomis,  Kockville;    Jas.  X.  Bunce,  Hartford;    T.  Welles, 
Glastenbuiy. 

2.  B.  Doug-lass,  Middletown;  C.  L.  English,  Xew  Haven;  Elihu 
Spencer,  Middletown. 

3.  D.  P.  Tyler,  Brooklyn;  A.  Brandagee,  North  London;   Moses 
Pierce,  Norwich. 

4.  F.  S.  Wildman.  Daiibury;     Geo.  D.  Wadhams,  Wolcottville; 
W.  B.  Hoyt,  Daiibury. 

NEW    YORK. 

Philip  Dorsheimer,  Buffalo;  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  New  York; 
Preston  King-.  Ogdensburgh;  Robert  Emmet,  New  York;  Charles 
Cook,  Havana;  D.  W.  C.  Littlejohn.  Osweg-o. 

1.  John  A.  King,  Jamaica;  \V.  \V.  Leland,  Queens;   D.  G.  Floyd, 
Green  port. 

2.  Abijah  Mann,  Jr.,  Brooklyn;  Rollin  Sanford,  New  York;  John 
G.  Bergen,  Brooklyn. 

3.  D.  H.  Tompkins,  New  York;    Andrew  Bleakley,  New  York; 
Hiram  Barney,  New  York. 

4.  Anthony-  j.  Bleecker,  New  York;  James  Kelly,  New  York;  \Ym. 
Jones,  Jr.,  New  York. 

5.  John  Big-elow,   New  York;    James   F.   Freeborn,   New  York; 
Geo.  H.  Andrews,  New  York. 

6.  W.  Curtis  Noyes,  New  York;  Isaac  Sherman,  New  York;  Jos. 
C.  Pinckney,  New  York. 

7.  John  Keyser,  New  York;  Charles  C.  Leigh,  New  York;  Lymaii 
Sherwood,  New  York. 

8.  Edgar  Ketchum,  New  York;  *Isaac  Day-ton,  New  York;  Chas. 
Kiddle.  New  York;  A.  Oakey  Hall,  New  York. 

9.  W.  Bleakley,  Yerplancks;    Lewis  C.  Platt,  West  Plains;    J. 
Watson  Webb,  New  York. 

10.  G.  M.  Grier,  Orange;  H.  R.  Luddington,  Sullivan;    Amb.  S. 
Murray,  Orange. 

11.  Jackson  H.  Shultz,  Ulster;  Win.  H.  Romeyn,  Ulster;   Henry 
Wynkoop,  Greene. 

12.  John  S.  Gould,  Columbia;    Aug.  L.  Allen,  Dutchess;    D.  C. 
Marshall,  Dutchess. 

13.  John  J.  Viele,  Rensselaer;    G.  Reynolds,  Rensselaer;   A.  B. 
Oliti,  Rensselaer. 

14.  J.  L.  Schoolcraft,  Albany;  B.  R.  Wood,  Albany;  C.  F.  Crosby, 
Albany, 

15.  A.  Pond,  Saratoga;   J.  T.  Masters,  Washington;   P.  Richards, 
Warren. 

16.  George  W.  Goff,  Essex;  Geo.  W.  Palmer,  Clinton;  A.  B.  Parm- 
alee,  Franklin. 

17.  W.  W.  Golding,  St.  Lawrence;    H.  P.  Alexander,   Herkimer; 
Ezra  Graves,  Herkimer. 

18.  Simon  H.  Mix,  Schoharie  ;  John  Wells,  Fulton  ;  R.  Elwood, 
Schenectady. 


*  Mr.  Ketchum  liavin_r  been  obliged  to  leave  for  home  before  the  close  of 
the  Convention,  Mr.  Dayton  \\ii~  appointed,  by  the  delegation,  in  his  place. 

432566 


38  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

19.  Win.   H.  Averil,  Otsego ;  Aug.   R.  El\vood,   Otsegx> ;   J.   H. 
Graham,  Delaware. 

20.  Richard    Hulbert.   Oneida ;    Tim.  Jenkins.   Orieida ;    Alaric 
Hubbell,  Oneida. 

21.  R.  H.  Deuell,  Cortland  ;  Wm.  Stuart,  Broome  ;  G.  W.  Blunt, 
New  York. 

22.  A.  B.  Coe,  Madison  ;  Sam.  D.  Clark,  Madison;  S.  M.  Tucker, 
Oswego, 

23.  J.  K.  Bates,  Jefferson ;  David  Alger,  Lewis  ;  Joseph  Fayel, 
Jefferson. 

24.  R.  Hebbard,  Onondago ;  Joseph  J.  Glass,  Onondago ;  E.  L. 
Soule,  Onondago. 

25.  E.  B.  Morgan,  Cayuga;  \Vm.  Wasson,  Cayuga;  Robert  Eniiis, 
Wayne. 

26.  M.  H.  Lawrence,  Yates;  John  E.  Seeley,  Seneca;  T.  J.McLouth, 
Ontario. 

27.  M.  S.  Barnes,  Thompkins;  Thomas  Farrington,  Tioga;  E.  P. 
Brooks,  Chemung. 

28.  A.  B.  Dickinson,  Steuben;  Wm.  Irvine,  Steuben;  Isaac  L.  En- 
dress,  Livingston. 

29.  Roswell   Hart,  Monroe;    Sam.    G.    Andrews,    Monroe;    Ezra 
Parsons,  Monroe. 

30.  W.  S.  Mallory,  Genessee;  Aug's  Frank.  Wyoming;  Theo.  F. 
Hall,  Allegheny. 

31.  E.  J.  Chase,  Niagara;  Isaac  W.  Swan,  Orleans;  J.  W.  Babcock, 
Niagara. 

32.  A.  M.  Clapp,  Erie;  E.  G.  Spaulding,  Erie;  Theo.  D.  Barton, 
Erie. 

33.  G.  W.  Patterson,  Chautauqua;  R.  E.  Fenton,  Chautauqua;  A. 
G.  Rice,  Cattaraugus. 

NEW  JERSEY 

J.  C.  Hornblower,  Newark;  I.  S.  Mulford,  Camden;  G.  B.  Raj-- 
mond,  Bordentown;  J.  Van  Dyke,  New  Brunswick;  E.  W.Whelpley, 
Morristown;  D.  S.  Gregory,  Jersey  City. 

1.  J.   W.  Hazleton,  M.   Hill  ;  W.   Moore,  Weymouth  ;    Thomas 
Shourds,  Salem. 

2.  Wm.  Parry,  Cinnamenson;  W.  Jay.  Trenton;  Joel  Haywood. 

3.  R.  S.  Kennedy,  Stewartsville;  W.  D.  Waterman,  Somerville; 
Henry  Race,  Pittstown. 

4.  C.  M.  K.  Paulison,  Passaic;  A.  S.  Pennington,  Paterson;  W. 
S.  Johnson,  Newton. 

5.  Wm.  S.  Taitonte,  Newark;  H.  H.  Bowne,  Rahway;  Denning 
Duer,  Hoboken. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

David  Wilmot,  Henry  D.  Maxwell,  Thomas  Williams,  John 
Allison,  John  Dick,  Joseph  Ritner. 

1.  B.  D.  Pettingill,  C.  D.  Cleveland.  John  F.  Gilpiu. 

2.  William  S.  Pierce,  William  Elder,  Henry  C.  Carey. 

3.  Joseph  J.  Gillingham,  Thomas  S.  Cavender,  Mahlon  H.  Dick- 
inson. 

4.  George  H.  Earle,  William  B.  Thomas,  Passmore  Williamson. 

5.  William  Morris  Davis,  Brewster  Randall, Edward  F.Roberts. 

6.  A.  R.  Mcllvain,  William  Butler,  J.  P.  Eyre. 

7.  George  Lear,  Caleb  N.  Taylor,  Joseph  Young. 

8.  Jacob  Hoffman,  John  Sheetz,  William  M.  Baird. 

6.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Thomas  Scottwood.  James  Black. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  i860,  1864.  39 

10.  Eli  K.  Sliffer,  Josiah  Punch,  John  Adams  Fisher. 

11.  David  Taggart,  William  A.  Hanman,  Robert  M.  Palmer. 

12.  P.  M.  Osterhout,  Abinza  Gardner. 

13.  R.  L.  Seeley,  S.  C.  Cook,  Samuel  L.  Cooley. 

14.  Charles  F.  Reed,  Ulysses  Mercun,  John  F.  Averill. 

15.  P.  Hurdic,  G.  Haines. 

16.  C.  H.  Bressler,  Joseph  Speck,  William  W.  Watts. 

17.  A.  King-.  John  E.  Ellis,  G.  W.  Zeigler,  S.  E.  Duffield,  William 
Wright,  John  R.  Heurt. 

18.  S.  S.  Blair,  A.  S.  Raymond,  Jonathan  McWilliam,  J.  M.  Camp- 
bell, Cyrus  Elder. 

19.  C.  P.  Markle,  John  Craig,  John  McEwen. 

20.  J.  T.  Rogers,  William  S.  Moon,  Colin  M.  Reed. 

21.  N.  B.  Craig,  E.  D.  Gazzan,  James  Carother. 

22.  Samuel  Purviance,  George  Darsie,  Robert  P.  McKnight. 

23.  William  F.  Clark.  Richard  P.  Roberts,  Lawrence  McGuffy. 

24.  E.  Cowan,  C.  P.  Ransdell,  S.  P.  McCalmont. 

25.  A.  Huidekoper,  J.  A.  French,  R.  Lyle  White. 

DELAWARE. 

E.  G.  Bradford,  Wilmington;  L.  Thompson,  Pleasant  Hill;  T. 
Walters,  Wilmington;  W.  Bowman,  St.  Georg-es;  Samuel  Barr, 
Wilmington;  *Pusey  Wilson,  Wilmington;  Benj.T.  Bye, Wilming- 
ton; Samuel  X.  Pusey,  Wilmington;  Alex.  H.  Dixon,  Wilmington; 
Jas.  C.  Jackson,  Wilmington. 

MARYLAND. 

E.  P.  Blair,  Washington;  D.  C.;  W.  H.  Farquhar,  Sandy  Spring; 
Elias  Hawley,  Baltimore;  F.  S.  Corkran,  Baltimore;  George 
Harris  Baltimore;  Jacob  Fussell,  Baltimore;  E.  G.  Rayne,  Balti- 
more; John  H.  Wilson,  Rolandsville;  David  Gamble,  Emmetsburg. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

B.  B.  French,  Washington;  Jacob  Bigelow,  Washington;  Lewis 
Clephane,  Washington. 

OHIO. 

R.  P.  Spaulding,  Cuyahoga;  W.  Dennison,  Jr.,  Franklin;  Thos. 
Spooner,  Hamilton;  John  Paul,  Defiance;  E.  R.  Eckley,  Carroll; 
A.  P.  Stone,  Franklin. 

1.  J.  K.  Greene,  Hamilton;  A.  Taft,  Hamilton;  Charles  E.  Cist, 
Hamilton. 

2.  Medard  Fels,  Hamilton;   T.  G.  Mitchell,  Hamilton;  George 
Hoaclley,  Hamilton. 

3.  Josiah   Scott,   Butler;    L.   B.    Gunckel,    Montgomery;    Felix 
Marsh,  Preble. 

4.  }.  W.  Defrees,  Miami;  B.  S.  Kyle,  Miami;  Edward  B.  Taylor, 
Darke. 

5.  J.   M.   Ashley,  Lucas;  Wm.   Sheffield,  Defiance;  A.  S.  Latty, 
Paulding. 

6.  Joseph    Parrish,  Clermont;    Chambers  Baird,  Brown;    Wm. 
Ellison,  Adams. 

T.  Aaron  Harlon,  Greene;  Robt.  G.  Corwin,  Warren;  Charles 
Phillis,  Madison. 

*Mr.  Bye  was  substituted  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Wilson  after  the  opening  of  the 
Convention. 


40  Tin-:  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

8.  George   H.   Frey,   Clarke;  L.  J.  Chrichtield,   Delaware;  Levi 
Phelps.  I'liioii. 

9.  John  Cary.  Wyatidotte;  C.  H.  Gatch,  Hardin;  C.  F.  Smead, 
Ottawa. 

10.  R.  M.  Stimson,  Lawrence;  Milton  Kennedy,  Scioto;   George 
J.  Payne,  Gallia. 

11.  T.  R.  Stanley,  Viiiton;  V.  B    Horton,  Meiggs;  David  Munch, 
Perry. 

12.  N.  H.  Swayne,  Franklin;    J.  Buckingham,  Licking;  Robert 
Neal,  Franklin. 

i:i  Jos.  M.  Root,  Erie;  J.  R.  Osborne,  Huron;  J.  M.  Talmadge, 
Morrow. 

14.  F.  D.   Kimball,  Medina;  Peter  Risser,  Ashland;  H.  E.  Peck, 
Lorain. 

15.  W.   Stanton,   Coshocton;    J.   C.   Devine,   Knox;    W.   A.   Sapp, 
Knox. 

16.  A.  A.  Guthrie,  Muskingum;    Isaac  Greene,   Morgan;    G.    M. 
Woodbridge,  Washington. 

17.  C.  J.  Albright,  Guernsey;  M.  Peniiington,  Belniont;  E.Ellis, 
Belmont. 

18.  C.  Prentiss,   Portage;    C.  P.   Wolcott,  Summit;  J.  A.   Saxton, 
Stark. 

19.  T.  Bolton,  Cttyahoga;  John  F.  Morse,  Lake;  Job  S.  Wright, 
Geauga. 

20.  J.   R.   Giddings,  Ashtabula;    J.   Hutchins,   Trumbull;    T.  J. 
Young, 

21.  jT  Heaton,  Columbiana;  D.  McCurdy,  Jefferson;   R.  Hutton, 
Harrison. 

IOWA. 

F.  Springer,  Columbus  City;  F.  H.  Warring,  Burlington;  J.  B. 
Howell,  Keokuk;  J.  W.  Sherman,  Adell;  J.  W.  Caklwell,  Autunm- 
way;  W.  P.  Brazelton,  Mount  Pleasant;  R.  L.  B.  Clark,  Mount 
Pleasant;  T.  Drumming,  Mason  City;  A.  J.  Stevens,  Fort  Desmoins; 
James  Thorington,  Davenport;  H.  A.  Wiltse,  Dubuque;  J.  Neiding, 
Muscatine. 

WISCONSIN. 

Rufus  King,  Milwaukee;  C.  S.  Chase,  Racine;  J.  F.  Potter,  Mak- 
wanago;  Theodore  Newell,  Kenosha;  W.  D.  Bacon,  Waukesha; 
L.  P.  Harvey.  Sophiere;  X.  W.  Dean,  Madison;  Walter  D.  Mclndoe, 
Warsaw;  M.  Barlow,  La  Crosse;  C.C.  Kuntz,  Sauk  City;  T.  O.  Howe, 
Green  Bay;  M.  M.  Davis,  Portage  City;  C.  L.  Sholes,  Kenosha;  E. 
D.  Holton,  Milwaukee;  D.  R.  Noyes,  Baraboo. 

MICHIGAN. 

E.  J.  Penniman,  Plymouth:  Fernando  C.  Beaman,  Adru-n; 
Noyea  L.  Avery,  Grand  Rapids;  Thomas  J.  Drake,  Pontiac;  Zach- 
ariah  Chandler,  Detroit;  George  Jerome,  Detroit. 

1.  K.  S.  Bingham,  Kensington;  D.  Mclntyre,  Ann  Arbor;  M.  A. 
MrXaughton,  Jackson. 

2.  G.  A.  Coe,  Coldwater;  I.  P.  Christiancy,  Monroe;  W.  J.  Baxter, 
Jonesville. 

3.  H.  G.  Wells.  Kalamazoo;  John  R.  Kellogg,  Allegan;  R. Strick- 
land, Dewitt. 

4.  Whitney  Jones,  Lansing;  A.   P.  Davis,  Flint;    H.  B.  Shank. 
Lansing. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  i860,  1864.  41 

ILLINOIS. 

George  Schneider,  Chicago;  Jesse  O.  Norton,  Joliet;  J.  D. 
Arnold,  Peoria;  George  T.  Brown,  Alton;  J.  B.  Term}-,  Atlanta; 
Miles  S.  Henry,  Sterling;  M.  P.  Sweet,  Freeport;  S.  M.  Church, 
Rockport;  W.  A.  Little,  Elizabeth;  Cyrus  Aldrich,Dixon;  Edward 
R.  Allan,  Aurora;  N.  B.  Judd,  Chicago;  W.  H.  L.  Wallace,  Ottawa; 
Owen  Lovejoy,  Princeton;  A.  W.  Mack,  Kankakee;  T.  J.  Picket, 
Peoria;  A.  C.  Harding.  Monmouth;  \V.  P.  Myers,  New  Boston; 
John  Tilson,  Quincy;  William  Ross,  Pittsfield;  W.  G.  Wilcox, 
Fredericksville;  John  M.  Palmer,  Carlinville;  Henry  Grove,  Peoria; 
S.  C.  Parks,  Lincoln;  Isaac  Whittaker,  Carlinville;  H.  C.  Johns, 
Decatur;  Leancler  Muncell,  Paris;  William  B.  Archer,  Marshall; 
M.  G.  Atwood,  Alton;  Francis  Grimm,  Belleville;  F.  A.  Carpenter, 
Belleville;  David  Welty,  Dixon;  H.  Krisman,  Chicago;  George 
W.  Wait,  St.  Charles. 

INDIANA. 

Henry  S.  Lane,  Crawfordsville;  John  D.  Defrees,  Indianapolis; 
John  W.' Wright,  Logansport;  Charles  H.  Test,  Centreville,  W.  G. 
Terrell,  Lafayette;  J.  W.  Gordon,  Indianapolis. 

1.  V.   C.   Hanna,    Indianapolis;    George    R.    Bearss,    Peru;    J. 
Woods,  Kiiightstown. 

2.  T.  Tyiier.  Cambridge  City;    Thomas   Scott,   Madison;    J.  H. 
Harper,  South  Bend. 

H.  John  J.  Cummins,  Brownstown;  M.  C.  Garber,  Madison;  Wm. 
Sharp,  Vernon. 

4.  George  P.  Buell,  Lawreuceburg;  R.  Robbins,  Greensburg; 
W.  J.  Peaselee,  Shelbyville. 

.">.  M.  L.  Bundy.  Newcastle;  B.  F.  Cla}-pool,  Connersville;  Jacob 
B.  Julian,  Centreville. 

(5.  Jonathan  Harvey.  Indianapolis;  James Ritchey,  Franklin;  J. 
S.  Miller,  Danville. 

7.  Daniel  Sigler,  Greencastle;  L.  A.  Burnett,  Terre  Haute;  F.  M. 
Tyner,  Cambridge  City. 

8.  S.  J.  Beard,  Crawfordsville;  W.  H.  Mallory,  Covington;    A. 
Peters,  Lafayette. 

9.  D.   G.   Rose,  Laporte;    D.   Bearss,   Peru;    T.   H.  Bringhurst, 
I.ou;  111  sport. 

10.  William    Mitchell,   Kendallsville;    A.    J.    Powers,   Warsaw; 
Samuel  Hanna,  Fort  Waviu-. 

11.  C.  D.  Murray,  Kokomo;  James  D.  Conner,  Wabash;  E.  C. 
Wilcox,  Covington. 

KENTUCKY. 

George  D.  Blake}',  Russellville;  John  H.  Rawlings,  Joe's  Lick; 
William  S.  Bailey,  Newport;  James  R.  Wrhittemore,  Newport;  John 
Rimell,  Rock  Castle. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Chas.  A  Wash  burn,  San  Francisco;  George  M.  Hanson,  Marys- 
ville;  John  A.  Wills,  San  Francisco;  George  Wr.  Read,  Yolo;  S.  N. 
Judlona,  Marysville;  A.  G. Coffin.  Mary sville;  F.  B.Folger,  San  Fran- 
cisco; John  Dick.  Orville;  S.  T.  Oates,  Nevada;  William  H.  Cham- 
berlain. Alameda;  Stephen  Clark,  San  Francisco;  Stephen  Smith. 
San  Francisco. 


4_>  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

MINNESOTA. 
Alexander  Ramsey,  St.  Paul;  J.  C.  McCain,  J.  B.  Phillips. 

KANSAS. 

Samuel  N.  Wood,  Lawrence;  Samuel  C.  Pomero3',  Lawrence; 
Martin  F.  Conway,  Topeka;  J.  M.  Winchell,  Council  City;  R.  G. 
Elliott,  Lawrence;  S.  W.  Elbridge  Lawrence;  Charles  H.  Brans- 
comb,  Ossawattamie;  George  F.  Warren,  Leavenworth;  Walter 
Oakley,  Topeka;  Asaph  Allen,  Topeka. 

Mr.  Rowland  G.  Hazard,  of  Rhode  Island,  offered  the  following 
resolution: 

Resolved:  That  the  resolution  adopted  j-esterday,  providing 
for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  report  to  the  Convention 
the  names  of  the  Republican  National  Convention  for  the  next 
four  years,  be,  and  the  same  hereby  is,  reconsidered,  and  that  the 
said  resolution  be  amended  so  as  to  read  as  follows: 

Resolved:  That  the  several  State  and  Territorial  Delegations, 
through  their  chairman,  report  to  the  Convention  the  name  of 
one  citizen  from  their  respective  States  and  Territories,  to  be  a 
member  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  for  the  next  four 
years,  and  that  the  gentlemen  so  appointed  constitute  such  Rep- 
ublican National  Committee,  and  that  they  elect  the  chairman  of 
the  committee. 

On  a  division  on  the  question,  the  motion  to  reconsider  the  reso- 
lution of  yesterday  was  adopted. 

The  motion  to  amend,  and  the  resolution  of  yesterday  as  amend- 
ed, were  then  unanimously  adopted. 

On  calling  the  States  and  Territories,  the  following  named 
gentlemen  were  announced  to  constitute  the  Republican  National 
Committee  for  the  next  four  years,  and  were  appointed  accord- 
ingly. 

REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

Maine,  Joseph  Bartlett,  Bangor;  New  Hampshire,  George  G. 
Fogg,  Concord;  Massachusetts,  John  T.  Goodrich,  Stockbndge; 
Vermont,  Lawrence  Brainard,  St.  Albans;  Rhode  Island,  William 
M.  Chase,  Providence;  Connecticut,  Gideon  Welles,  Hartford; 
New  York,  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  City  of  New  York;  New  Jersey, 
James  N.  Sherman,  Trenton;  Pennsylvania,  Thomas  Williams, 
Pittsburg;  Delaware,  E.  D.  Williams;  Maryland,  George  Harris, 
Baltimore;  Kentucky,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  Frankfort;  Ohio,  Thomas 
Spopner,  Cincinnati;  Illinois,  Hon.  Norman  B.  Judd,  Chicago; 
Indiana,  Dr.  James  Ritchie,  Franklin ;  Michigan,  Zachariah 
Chandler,  Detroit;  Iowa,  R.  P.  Lowe.  Keokuk;  Wisconsin,  John  H. 
Tweedy,  Milwaukee;  California,  Cornelius  Call,  Sacramento  City; 
Kansas,  Martin  F.  Conway,  Lawrence;  District  of  Columbia, 
Lewis  Clephane,  Washington. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  National  Republican  Committee,  held  at 
the  Girard  House  after  the  termination  of  the  Convention, 
Edwin  D.  Morgan  was  chosen  Chairman  and  N.  B.  Judd  Secretary. 

The  Hon.  David  Wilmot,  chairman  of  the  committee  appointed 
yesterday  to  prepare  and  report  for  the  action  of  the  Convention 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  43 

a  Platform  of  Principles  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  reported  the  following-  preamble  and  series  of 
resolutions  to  constitute  such  platform: 

REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM. 

This  Convention  of  Delegates,  assembled  in  pursuanceof  a  call 
addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to 
past  political  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  re- 
peal of  the  Missouri  Compromise;  to  the  policy  of  the  present 
Administration;  to  the  extension  of  Slavery  into  Free  Territory; 
in  favor  of  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  Free  State;  of  restoring 
the  action  of  the  Federal  Government  to  the  principles  of  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  candidates 
for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President,  do 

J?esolre:  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  are  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Republican 
institutions,  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  the  union  of  the  States,  must  and  shall  be  preserved. 

Resoh'ed:  That  with  our  Republican  fathers,  we  hold  it  to  be  a 
self-evident  truth,  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  inalienable 
right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that  the 
primary  object  and  ulterior  design  of  our  Federal  Government 
were  to  secure  these  rights  to  all  persons  under  its  exclusive 
jurisdiction;  that  as  our  Republican  fathers,  when  they  had 
abolished  Slavery  in  all  our  National  Territory,  ordained  that  no 
person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  maintain  this  provision  of 
the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  Slavery  in  the  Territories  of  the  United 'States  by 
positive  legislation,  prohibiting  its  existence  or  extension  there- 
in. That  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial 
Legislature,  of  any  individual,  or  association  of  individuals,  to 

five  legal  existence  to  Slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United 
tates.  while  the  present  Constitution  shall  be  maintained. 

Resolved:  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sove- 
reign power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for  their 
government;  and  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power,  it  is  both  the 
right  and  the  imperative  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Ter- 
ritories those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — Polygamy  and  Slavery. 

Resolred:  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
ordained  and  established  by  the  people,  in  order  to  "form  a  more 
perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty,"  and  contains  ample  provi- 
sions for  the  protection  of  the  life,  liberty  and  property  of  every 
citizen,  the  dearest  Constitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  Kansas 
have  been  fraudulently  and  violently  taken  from  them; 

Their  Territory  has  been  invaded  by  an  armed  force; 

Spurious  and  pretended  legislative,  judicial  and  executive 
officers  have  been  set  over  them,  by  whose  usurped  authority, 
sustained  by  the  military  power  of  the  government,  tyrannical 
and  unconstitutional  laws  have  been  enacted  and  enforced; 

The  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  has  been  in- 
fringed. 


44  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Test  oaths  of  an  extraordinary  and  entangling  nature  have 
been  imposed  as  a  condition  of  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage 
and  holding  office  ; 

The  right  of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by 
an  impartial  jury  has  been  denied  ; 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures, 
has  been  violated  ; 

They  have  been  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  without 
due  process  of  la\v  ; 

The  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  has  been  abridged; 

The  right  to  choose  their  representatives  has  been  made  of  110 
effect ; 

Murders,  robberies,  and  arsons  have  been  instigated  or  encour- 
aged, and  the  offenders  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished  ;  w 

That  all  these  things  have  been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanc- 
tion, and  procurement  of  the  present  National  Administration; 
and  that  for  this  high  crime  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union, 
and  humanity,  we  arraign  that  Administration,  the  President,  his 
advisers,  agents,  supporters,  apologists,  and  accessories,  either 
before  or  after  the  fact,  before  the  country  and  before  the  world; 
and  that  it  is  our  fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of 
these  atrocious  outrages  and  their  accomplices  to  a  sure  and 
condign  punishment  hereafter. 

Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediate^  admitted  as 
a  State  of  this  Union,  with  her  present  Free  Constitution,  as 
at  once  the  most  effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  en- 
joyment of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  which  they  are  entitled, 
and  of  ending  the  civil  strife  now  raging  iiiher  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman's  plea,  that  •' might  makes 
right,"  eifibodied  in  the  Ostend  Circular,  was  in  every  respect  un- 
worthy of  American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame  and 
dishonor  upon  any  Government  or  people  that  gave  it  their  sanc- 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  by  the  most 
central  practicable  route,  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  in- 
terests of  the  whole  country,  and  that  the  Federal  Government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction, 
and.  as  an  auxiliary  thereto,  to  the  immediate  construction  of  an 
emigrant  road  on  the  line  of  the  railroad. 

Resolved,  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  the  improve- 
ment of  rivers  and  harbors,  of  a  national  character,  required  for 
the  accommodation  and  security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are 
authorized  by  the  Constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of 
Government  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation  and  co-operation  of  the 
men  of  all  parties,  however  differing  from  us  in  other  respects,  in 
support  of  the  principles  herein  declared;  and  believing  that  the 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  coun- 
try, guarantees  liberty  of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights 
among  citizens,  we  oppose  all  legislation  impairing  their  se- 
curity. 

The  separate  resolutions  were  read  in  perfect  silence,  and  each 
was  received  with  heart}'  applause.  That  following  the  resolution 
condemning  Polygamy  and  Slavery  was  tremendous. 

The  last  of  the  above  series  of  resolutions  having  been  reported 
by  the  Committee  in  the  words  following: 


NATIONAL  Cox  VEX  TIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  45 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation  and  co-operation  of  the 
men  of  all  parties,  however  differing- from  us  in  other  respects,  in 
support  of  the  principles  herein  declared;  and  believing-  that  the 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  coun- 
try, g-uarantees  liberty  of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights 
among  citizens,  we  oppose  all  prescriptive  legislation  affecting- 
their  security.  [Loud  cheers.] 

A  motion  was  made  to  amend  by  dividing-  the  resolution  and 
striking  out  the  latter  clause.  A  further  motion  was  made  to  re- 
commit the  resolution  to  the  Committee. 

After  an  animated  discussion,  in  which  Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Thomas  Spooner,  of  Ohio,  Mr.  E.  D.  Gazzam, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Charles  Gibbous,  of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  Owen 
Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  participated,  these  several  motions  were 
withdrawn;  and  Hon.  Kinsley  S.  Biiig-ham  moved  to  amend  the 
resolution,  by  striking  out  the  words  "prescriptive"  and  "affect- 
ing," and  substituting  in  the  place  of  the  latter  the  word  "im- 
pairing." 

The  resolution,  with  the  proposed  amendment,  having-  been 
a^ain  read  by  the  Hon.  David  Wilmot.  the  report  of  the  committee 
was  accepted;  and  the  Platform,  as  amended  and  as  above  recit- 
ed, was  adopted  with  hearty  cheers. 

Mr.  John  E.  Seeley,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following-  resolu- 
tion : 

Rcsoli-ed,  That  this  Convention  proceed  immediately  to  take 
an  informal  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President  of  the  United 
States,  to  be  supported  by  the  Republican  part}-  of  the  United 
States. 

Gen.  James  Watson  Webb,  of  New  York,  took  the  platform  in 
opposition  to  Mr.  Seeley's  resolution. 

He  said:  I  beg-  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  convention  for  a 
moment.  [Applause.]  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  rise  for 
the  purpose  of  opposing  the  resolution  which  has  just  been 
introduced,  simply  because  I  think  it  is  premature,  and  that  once 
having-  acted  informally,  and  produced  a  committal  on  the  part 
of  the  gentlemen  assembled  here  for  a  great  and  a  holy  work,  it 
will  be  very  difficult  for  any  of  us  after  that  to  do  that  which  we 
have  assembled  to  do.  An  informal  ballot  now  is  virtually 
doing-  our  work  for  the  rest  of  this  session.  And  in  order  that  we 
may  not  be  called  upon  to  do  that  work  so  hastily,  so  inconsider- 
ately, and  I  fear  ultimately  so  injuriously  to  our  country,  I  ask  of 
you  to  bear  in  mind  what  it  is  that  assembles  together  a  Conven- 
tion here,  the  like  of  which  has  never  before  been  witnessed  in 
our  country.  [Cheers.]  From  the  days  that  the  Convention  as- 
sembled in  the  Constitutional  Hall  here— that  Convention  that 
declared  us  a  free  people— there  never  has  been  such  a  Conven- 
tion assembled  for  such  a  purpose  or  in  such  a  crisis.  *  The  work 
that  they  did.  we  are  sent  here  by  the  people  to  perpetuate. 
[Cheers. ["  And  when  they  came  to  do  their  work,  did  they  listen 
t<>  those  about  them  who'said,  "Do  it  hastily'.-"  Take  the  solitary 
instance  of  the  election  of  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces 
of  the  Revolutionary  army.  It  is  a  matter  of  history,  gentlemen. 


46  THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 

that  for  three  long-  weeks  after  George  Washing-ton  had  been 
selected  in  the  hearts  and  the  feelings  of  that  Convention,  they 
passed  day  after  da}-  and  week  after  week  dispatching  men  to  all 
portions  of  the  country,  inviting-  communication,  stimulating-  in- 
terchange of  opinion,  asking  everybody,  "Are  we  right?"  "Is  he 
the  man'-"  "Can  we  put  the  banner  in  his  hands,  and  thereby 
achieve  that  object  tor  which  we  assembled?"  [Cheers.]  And  are 
we  wiser  than  our  forefathers? 

Voices — "Yes,  certainly."     [Great  laughter.] 

Mr.  Webb— Gentlemen:  I  don't  envy  the  complacency  of  the 
man  who  thinks  he  is  a  better  patriot  or  a  better  man  than  those 
who  gave  us  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  Why,  I  ask,  are  we  here?  We  are 
here  because  the  country  is  in  danger.  We  are  here  because 
a  solemn  compact,  by  which  the  curse  of  Slavery  was  limited  for 
ever  to  latitude  30"  30',  has  been  violently  disrupted,  torn  asun- 
der, and  the  people  of  the  North  told  "  You  shall  have  this  matter 
forced  upon  you."  Now,  what  are  the  people  doing?  Our  people, 
loving  order  and  loving  law,  and  willing  to  abide  by  the  ballot- 
box,  come  together  from  all  parts  of  the  Union  and  ask  us  to  give 
them  a  nomination  which,  when  put  fairly  before  the  people,  will 
unite  public  sentiment,  and,  through  the  ballot-box,  will  restrain 
and  repel  this  Pro-Slavery  extension  and  this  aggression  of  the 
slaveocracy.  What  else  are  they  doing?  They  tell  you  that  they 
are  willing  to  abide  by  the  ballot-box,  and  willing  to  make  that 
the  last  appeal.  If  we  fall  there,  what  then?  We  will  drive  it 
back,  sword  in  hand,  and,  so  help  me  God!  believing  that  to  be 
right,  I  am  with  them.  [Loud  cheers,  and  cries  of  "Good!"]  Now, 
then,  gentlemen,  on  your. action  depends  the  result.  You  may, 
with  God's  blessing,  present  to  this  country  a  man  rallying  round 
it  all  the  elements  of  the  opposition,  and  we  will  thus  become  so 
strong  that  through  the  ballot-box  we  shall  save  the  country. 
But,  if  a  name  be  presented  on  which  we  may  not  rally,  and  the 
consequence  is  civil  war — yes,  nothing  more,  nothing  less,  but 
civil  war — I  ask,  then,  what  is  our  first  duty?  If  every  mind  in 
this  Convention  was  made  up  at  this  moment — if  every  man  had 
one  and  the  same  feeling  with  all  the  rest,  I  would  say  to  you: 
Gentlemen,  as  you  love  your  country,  as  you  love  its  peace,  and 
hope  for  its  future  prosperity,  do  not  act  hastily.  That  which  is  good 
to-day  is  equally  good  to-morrow  and  the  next  day;  and  if  it  will 
not  keep  till  to-morrow  or  the  next  day,  it  had  better  not  be  done. 
[Cheers.]  I  have  no  earthly  object  but  the  general  good.  I  know 
there  are  people  who  think  I  have  been  acting  against  a  particular 
man,  because  I  have  been  acting  for  a  man.  Let  me  now  tell  you, 
after  making  this  appeal  to  you,  that  most  of  the  candidates 
before  this  Convention  are  unknown  to  me.  It  is  well  known,  I 
believe,  that  I  opposed  the  nomination  of  one  who  I  apprehend  is 
the  favorite  of  most  of  the  gentlemen  here.  Why  have  I  done  so? 
From  personal  feelings?  Why,  I  have  never  seen  the  gentleman. 
I  never  met  him;  and  I  am  happy  to  stand  here  and  say  I  never 
heard  one  word  against  him— not  one  solitary  word.  [Cheers.] 
If  the  Convention  nominate  him,  I  do  not  care  what  the  divisions 
may  be  among  you,  I  am  the  man  to  get  up  and  move  that  \vc> 
unanimously  take  him  as  our  standard-bearer.  [Loud  cheers.] 
All  I  ask  of  gentlemen  is,  to  do  what  we  have  been  sent  here  for — 
to  interchange  public  opinion.  Have  we  got  anything  to  give? 
How  have  we  been  heretofore?  I  have  been  in  conventions  before, 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  47 

and  we  have  always  had  something"  to  give.  We  thought  it  fair 
and  just  to  strive  to  get  A,  B,  C,  or  D,  upon  whom  we  thought  to 
confer  something'.  It  is  not  so  now.  All  our  interchange  of 
opinion  may  be  public;  and  I  may  say  that  we  have  nothing  on 
God's  earth  to  give.  But  we  are  looking  for  a  man  who  will  give 
us.  and  who  will  give  the  country  something,  and  that  something- 
is  success.  Why  is  it  there  is  no  one  among-  you  to-day  to  raise 
the  name  of  Wm.  H.  Sewardr  [Loud  cheers.)  It  is  because  they 
who  are  the  most  devoted  of  his  friends  love  their  country  better 
than  an}-  man.  All  men  have  said  "We  love  him;  he  is  the  best 
representative  of  our  principles!"  Yes,  but  because  we  are  told  he 
cannot  carry  Pennsylvania,  we  at  once  sacrifice  him  upon  the 
altar  of  opposition.  [Cheers.]  Then,  if  gentlemen  ask  us  in  the 
same  breath  to  take  a  man  who  is  no  stranger  to  Pennsylvania, 
we  may  say  that  justice  to  our  friends,  and  justice  to  our  princi- 
ples will  require  us  to  make  no  such  sacrifice.  I  make  these  re- 
marks simply  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating-  that  we  of  New 
York,  and  of  all  parts  of  the  country,  have  one  common  object — 
and  that  is,  success;  and  that  we  can  arrive  at  success  l}y  a  free 
interchange  of  opinion,  to  obtain  which  we  should  defer  to  a  later 
hour,  and  a  better  hour,  and  after  more  conference,  an  informal 
ballot. 

Gov.  Kent,  of  Maine,  said: 

I  rise  to  speak  simply  to  the  question  before  the  Convention.  I 
think  I  perceive  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  Convention  to 
go  immediately  into  an  informal  ballot.  I  am  not  g-oing  to  reply 
to  the  gentleman  who  has  just  taken  his  seat;  I  agree  with  him. 
because  I  know  that  the  Maine  delegation  requires  more  time.  I 
think  no  harm  can  come  from  a  short  delay.  We  have  not  had 
sufficient  time  for  conversation,  and  I  had  thought  it  might  be 
well  for  us  before  going  into  a  nomination  to  have  a  grand  con- 
ference committee,  consisting  of  two  from  each  delegation,  [cries 
of  "No!  no!"]  for  the  purpose  of  seeing-  exactly  how  they  stand, 
and  what  action  will  best  tend  to  secure  success.  We  have  come 
here  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  all,  for  a  common  object — against 
the  encroachments  of  slaver}-.  [Applause.]  If  we  would  succeed, 
we  must  unite  all;  and  to  do  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that 
in  making  choice  of  a  standard-bearer,  we  should  make  such  a 
selection  as  will  secure  the  greatest  amount  of  support.  I  think, 
therefore,  that  it  would  be  well  to  have  a  concurrence. 

Gov.  Kent  then  offered  the  following  resolution  as  a  substitute 
for  the  resolution  of  the  member  from  New  York: 

Resolved:  That  a  committee  of  three  from  each  State  and  one 
from  each  Territor}r  be  appointed  by  the  several  State  and  Terri- 
torial delegations,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  in  general  confer- 
ence for  interchange  of  opinion,  this  afternoon,  and  that  the 
balloting  for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  be 
postponed  until  Thursday  morning. 

Mr.  A.  J.  Bleecker,  of  New  York,  said  if  they  waited  until  to- 
morrow before  balloting,  a  large  number  of  delegates  would 
have  gone  home,  and  they  would  not  secure  so  large  an  expression. 

Dr.  Elder,  of  Pennsylvania,  arose  and  said: 

He  had  stood  in  the  storm  before.  He  had  stood  beside  John 
Van  Bureu  in  '48,  [laughter,]  and  they  overbore  their  opponents 
by  the  might  of  their  right.  The  excitement  was  no  evidence  of 


48  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

disunion  ;  it  was  only  the  effervescence  of  a  might}-  movement 
for  harmony.  They  must  harmonize.  Any  delegate  who  could 
not  abide  by  the  will  of  the  Convention  was.  in  the  words  of  Mati- 
talitia,  "So  demm'd  that  he  couldn't  be  any  demm'der."  [Great 
applause.]  He  confessed  that  he  did  not  understand  exactly  what 
was  wanted  by  some  of  the  delegations.  And  therefore  he  thought 
it  would  be  well  that  thev  should  have  a  conference. 

Mr.  Charles  F.  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  desired  to  say  a  word. 
He  said: 

I  have  listened  to  this  discussion,  Mr.  President,  with  a  great 
deal  of  apprehension  and  a  great  deal  of  pain.  I  came  here  to 
contribute  my  mite  to  the  harmony  of  this  Convention.  He  would 
ask  members  to  consider  that  the  enemy  was  listening  and  work- 
ing, and  that  if  they  would  succeed  they  must  act  with  care.  Of 
the  resolutions  which  had  been  read,  he  had  no  more  to  say  than 
that  they  suited  him.  They  had  adopted  them  with  great  unan- 
imity, and  he  feared  that  any  general  conference,  such  as  had 
been  proposed,  would  tend  to  confusion  rather  than  harmony. 
He  woutd  have  them  hold  conferences  out  of  Convention,  and 
when  they  came  in,  to  confine  themselves  to  action  as  much  as 
possible.  [Applause.]  He  believed  that  the  members  fresh  from 
the  people  knew  better  what  the  people  wanted  than  when  they 
had  been  living  from  home.  They  were  liable  to  certain  manipu- 
lations, when  long  absent,  which  sometimes  caused  them  to  for- 
get the  wishes  of  those  who  sent  them.  He  was  therefore  in  favor 
of  proceeding  to  ballot  immediately. 

[The  speaker  retired  amid  loud  cries  of  "Question!  Question!"] 
Judge  Spaulding,  of  Ohio,  said: 

He  wished  that  a  conference  could  be  had,  in  order  that  greater 
unanimity  might  prevail.  There  had  been  several  important 
changes  during  the  forenoon,  and  he  thought  a  conference  was 
necessary  before  proceeding  to  ballot. 

Mr.  Root,  of  Ohio,  also  spoke  upon  the  question.  A  motion  \v;is 
then  made  to  adjourn. 

Gov.  Ritner,  of  Pennsylvania,  wished  the  motion  withdrawn  for 
a  moment,  and  it  was  withdrawn.  After  which  he  remarked  that 
while  he  believed  Pennsylvania  stood  erect,  she  was  now  well 
represented  in  Congress  with  reference  to  the  black  spirit  of 
slavery;  and  while  he  was  satisfied  with  what  had  been  done,  he 
thought  something  might  be  gained  by  delaj' — by  meetings  of 
the  various  delegations.  For  himself,  he  had  no  other  desire  than 
that  the  Convention  should  take  strong  ground  in  opposition  to 
the  extension  of  slavery.  [Applause.] 

Gov.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  said  he  understood  the  question 
before  the  house  to  be  that  they  should  proceed  to  an  informal 
ballot.  He  was  informed  that  the  question  was  on  the  proposal 
for  a  conference.  The  Governor,  continuing,  said  he  supposed  it 
was  on  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  to  proceed  to  an  informal 
ballot,  but  he  had  but  a  few  words  to  say.  He  would  say  that 
there  was  a  name  whose  nomination  by  the  Convention  would  not 
only  gratify  the  New  York  delegation,  but  the  people  of  the  state. 


.NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856, 1860,  1864.  49 

He  alluded  to  Hon.  William  H.  Seward.  [Great  applause.]  In  the 
intercourse  we  have  had  as  delegates  from  New  York,  they  had 
with  one  united  voice  declared  in  favor  of  William  H.  Seward  for 
a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  [Great  applause.]  Nothing-  would 
have  given  the  State  of  Xew  York  more  pleasure  than  to  do  honor 
to  her  favorite  son — a  son  who  had  done  good  service  as  governor 
of  the  state,  and  as  a  senator  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
But  he  had  been  requested  to  withdraw  his  name. 

Gen.  Webb,  of  New  York     "Not  by  Win.  H.  Seward." 

The  Speaker— Yes,  by  a  delegation  not  by  Mr.  Seward  himself. 
But  the  delegation  tcok  that  course  with  a  view  to  show  that  they 
were  willing  to  sacrifice  all  for  the  cause  in  which  they  had  en- 
gaged. 

Mr.  Butler,  of  Pennsylvania,  called  for  the  question  on  the 
adoption  of  the  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of 
Conference,  offered  as  a  substitute  for  the  original  resolution,  and 
the  question  having  been  taken  on  the  resolution,  the  same  was 
lost. 

The  question  then  recurring  on  the  original  resolution  of  Mr. 
Seeley,  of  New  York,  to  proceed  immediately  to  an  informal  bal- 
lot for  a  candidate  for  President,  the  same  was  adopted. 

Judge  Spaulditig.  of  Ohio,  then  took  the  floor,  and  said  that  he 
had  been  requested  to  withdraw  from  the  present  controversy  the 
name  of  a  man  whom  he  had  intimately  known  for  forty  years, 
than  whom  a  better  and  a  purer  man  did  not  live.  [Cheers.]  He 
would,  however,  first  read  the  letter  he  had  received  from  the  gen- 
tleman himself. 

Judge  Spaulding  then  read  the  subjoined  letter  from  Judge 
McLean: 

CHAPEL  WOOD,  June  U,  1856. 

Hon.  H.  P.  Spaulding  and  others,  Delegates  from  Ohio  to 
the  Republican  Convention  at  Philadelphia: — I  have  repeatedly 
declared,  as  some  of  you  know,  that  I  have  no  desire  for  the 
Presidency,  and  that  I  prefer  my  present  position  on  the  Bench. 
From  the  partial  estimate  of  my  services  and  long  experience  in 
public  affairs,  my  friends  have  su  pposed  that  I  might  be  able  to 
contribute  somewhat  to  the  adjustment  of  the  exciting  questions 
which  now  agitate  the  public  mind  and  threaten  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  This  consideration  was  presented  to  me  as  a  reason 
why  I  should  not  refuse  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used,  with  the 
names  of  others,  for  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  ;  at  least,  so 
far  as  to  ascertain  some  indication  of  the  public  opinion;  and 
I  consented,  with  the  understanding  that  I  might  withdraw  it.  at 
an}'  time,  without  any  imputation  of  unkindness  to  my  friends. 

I  feel,  as  I  ought,  the  high  responsibility,  the  firmness  and  the 
wisdom  required  to  discharge  successfully  so  momentous  a  trust 
as  the  chief  executive  office  at  the  present  crisis;  and  I  am 
brought  to  distrust  my  poor  abilities  for  so  eminent  a  charge. 


50  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

But  my  mind  has  been  made  up,  that,  if  elected,  I  would  reform 
the  government,  and  rest  the  executive  power  on  the  great  princi- 
ples of  the  Constitution,  or  fail  in  the  attempt.  On  110  other  con- 
dition could  I  accept  the  office  of  President.  This  involves  no 
sectionalism,  except  that  which  arises  from  the  independence  of 
State  government,  and  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Union. 

The  time  has  arrived  when  a  nomination  is  to  be  made  for 
President.  I  perceive  several  names  are  to  be  brought  before  the 
Convention  for  that  high  office;  and  I  desire  to  say  to  my  friends 
that  to  accomplish  the  object  above  expressed,  will  require  a 
hearty  and  vigorous  co-operation  of  all  the  elements  of  the  party 
about  to  make  the  nominations;  and,  if  these  shall  be  likely  to 
combine  more  strongly  in  favor  of  any  other  person,  I  wish  my 
friends  to  withdraw  my  name,  without  a  struggle  in  the  Conven- 
tion. In  such  an  event,  I  shall  have  done  all  that  can  be  required 
of  a  citizen,  and  I  shall  feel  no  reproach. 

With  sentiments  of  the  highest  esteem  and  obligation,  I  am, 
gentlemen,  your  obedient  servant.  JOHN  McLEAX. 

Judge  Spaulding  said  that,  with  the  discretion  vested  in  him  by 
that  letter  he  would  withdraw  the  name  of  Judge  McLean  from 
the  canvass. 

Mr.  T.  G.  Mitchell,  of  Ohio,  said  he  had  another  communication 
to  read. 

Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  that,  after  what  had  taken 
place,  it  was  much  desired  by  Pennsylvania  that  her  delegates 
should  have  an  hour  for  consultation. 

The  President  declared  any  debate  out  of  order;  but,  if  the 
Convention  chose  to  hear  those  letters,  they  had  a  right  to  hear 
them.  Mr.  Mitchell  prefaced  the  letter  with  some  remarks,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  referred  to  all  the  candidates.  The  names  of 
Fremont  and  Seward  were  loudly  cheered. 
The  letter  was  as  follows: 

COLUMBUS,  Thursday,  June  12,  1856. 

MY  DEAR  SIR — As  you  will  attend  the  Convention  about  to  as- 
semble at  Philadelphia,  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  the 
Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  and  as  it  is  possible  that  some 
friends  of  our  cause,  in  common  with  yourself,  will  desire  to  sub- 
mit my  name  to  the  Convention  in  connection  with  the  first  of 
these  offices,  it  seems  proper  that  I  should  explain  to  you,  briefly, 
but  clearly,  my  own  views  in  relation  to  the  matter. 

I  need  not  say  that  I  should  regard  a  nomination  for  so  dis- 
tinguished a  position,  by  such  a  Convention  as  that  which  will 
assemble  on  the  17th,  as  an  honor  not  to  be  easily  overvalued. 
But  no  one,  perhaps,  knows  better  than  yourself  how  persistently 
and  earnestly  the  labors  of  my  political  life  have  ever  been  di- 
rected to  the  promotion  of  the  cause  of  Freedom,  Progress  and 
Reform,  of  which,  I  trust,  the  Convention  will  prove  itself  a  faith- 
ful guardian.  The  success  of  that  cause  is  infinitely  dearer  to  me 
than  any  personal  advancement,  and  I  should  look  upon  any 
nomination  for  any  office,  however  exalted,  if  prejudicial  to  it,  as 
a  calamity  to  be  dreaded  and  a  voided,  rather  than  as  a  distinction 
to  be  sought  and  desired.  At  the  present  crisis  especial ly,  when 
the  policy  of  Slavery  propagandism,  adopted  by  the  existing 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  186i.  51 

Administration,  has  been  formally  sanctioned  by  the  platform  of 
the  Convention  recently  assembled  at  Cincinnati;  when  the  Free 
State  of  Kansas,  demanding  admission  into  the  Union,  is  repelled 
by  a  part}'  majority,  acting  under  the  dictation  of  the  Slave  power, 
and  when  the  cries  of  our  Free-State  brethren  in  Kansas,  insulted 
oppressed,  despoiled,  imprisoned,  and  in  imminent  jeopardy  of 
life  as  well  as  liberty,  are  appealing'  to  us  for  help,  it  would  ill 
become  any  true  friend  of  liberty  and  j  ustice  to  a  llo\v  any  personal 
considerations  whatever  to  stand  in  the  way  of  that  complete 
union  which  is  essential  to  the  redress  of  these  wrongs. 

I  trust,  therefore,  that  those  generous  friends  who  have  been 
thinking  of  presenting  my  name  to  the  convention,  will  consider 
well  the  effect  of  such  action  upon  our  common  cause.  If,  after 
duly  weighing  all  circumstances,  they  come  to  the  conclusion 
that,  under  existing  conditions,  the  cause  will  receive  detriment 
through  my  nomination,  I  desire  that  my  name  may  be  withheld 
altogether  from  the  Convention.  If  they  come  to  a  different  con- 
clusion, and  determine  to  present  my  name,  let  it  be  distinctly 
understood,  as  my  earnest  wish,  that  it  maybe  at  once  withdrawn 
whenever  it  shall  become  manifest  that  the  nomination  of  some 
other  citizen  will  better  unite  the  friends  of  Freedom,  and  more 
certainly  secure  the  establishment  of  our  principles. 

I  shall  trust  to  j-our  friendship  for  making  these  views  known 
to  our  friends,  especially  in  the  Ohio  delegation,  and,  should  the 
occasion  arise  for  it,  to  the  Convention.  I  shall  cheerfully  abide 
any  action,  which,  upon  consultation  with  our  friends,  you  may 
think  it  best  to  take. 

Faithfully  yours, 

S.  P.  CHASE. 

Mr.  Mitchell  continued  by  saying  that  the  occasion  had  now 
arisen  when  some  of  the  friende  of  Mr.  Chase,  through  him  as 
their  mouth-piece,  took  the  liberty  of  withdrawing  his  name  from 
the  canvass.  [Loud  and  reiterated  cheers.] 

Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  desired  to  say  a  word. 

The  consent  of  the  Convention  was  given. 

Mr.  Stevens  said  he  had  but  one  single  word  to  say.  He  saw 
what  the  current  of  the  Convention  was,  and  he  did  not  desire  to 
oppose  it;  but  he  would  ask  them  to  be  careful  that  the  current 
did  not  sweep  away  their  friends  as  well  as  their  foes.  The  name, 
he  might  say  the  only  name,  which  could  have  saved  Pennsyl- 
vania, had  been  withdrawn.  He  meant  the  name  of  Judge  McLean 
— [cries  of  "No,  no,  not  withdrawn!"]  -and  he  feared  that  in  conse- 
quence of  that  they  would  lose  Pennsylvania  by  50.000  majorit}'. 
[Cries  of  "No!  no!"J  Not  that  he  would  not  vote  with  the  party, 
but  because  he  knew  there  were  a  very  large  number  who  were 
dissatisfied. 

Mr.  Moses.  H.  Gritinell,  of  New  York  said: 

I  do  not  rise  before  you  at  this  hour  to  make  a  speech,  but  my 
heart  is  full  of  the  cause,  and  I  desire  that  we  should  act  for  the 
best.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  excitement  we  have  had  is  but  a  sur- 
laee  excitement,  which  will  do  no  harm;  and  I  am  satisfied  that  a 
short  conference  would  result  in  good;  and.  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  time  for  consultation — especially  with  the  1'ennsy  ivanians 
— I  move  that  the  Convention  take  a  recess  until  five  o'clock  this 
afternoon. 


52  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

On  taking  the  question  upon  the  motion  for  a  recess  until  five 
o'clock  this  afternoon,  the  same  was  adopted,  and  the  Convention 
took  a  recess  until  five  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

EVENING  SESSION. 

The  Convention  reassembled  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

The  President,  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  in  the  chair. 

The  President  announced  that  he  had  in  his  hand  a  letter  from 
a  committee  of  the  National  American  Convention,  now  in  session 
in  the  city  of  New  York/addressed  to  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  Chair- 
man of  the  Republican  National  Executive  Committee,  relative  to 
measures  tending  to  concert  of  action  between  the  two  Conven- 
tions, designed  to  be  communicated  to  this  Convention,  and  asked 
what  was  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention  with  respect  to  the  same. 

On  motion,  the  letter  was  read  by  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  as  fol- 
lows : 

NEW  YORK.  June  17, 1856. 

Hon.  E.  D.  Morgan,  Chairman  National  Executive  Committee: 

SIR: — The  committee  appointed  by  the  National  American  Con- 
vention, to  confer  with  the  Convention  which  meets  to-day  in  Phil- 
adelphia, upon  candidates  to  be  presented  for  the  offices  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President,  take  pleasure  in  transmitting  to  you  a 
copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  National  Convention  upon  the 
letter  addressed  to  said  convention,  through  its  president,  by 
yourself. 

The  committee  transmit  also  a  cop}-  of  the  letter  from  5rourself, 
witli  the  request  that  said  copy,  together  with  the  copy  of  the  pro- 
ceedings had  thereon  by  the  National  American  Convention,  may 
be  laid  before  the  convention  which  assembles  this  day  in  Phila- 
delphia. 

The  committee  take  this  opportunity  to  say  that  they  cannot 
doubt  that  the  spirit  of  candor,  conciliation  and  harmony  which 
dictated  the  letter  from  yourself  to  the  National  American  Con- 
vention, and  which  has  been  responded  to  in  the  same  spirit  with 
a  perfect  unanimity  of  sentiment,  will  also  be  responded  to  in  the 
same  spirit  by  the  convention  at  Philadelphia,  and  that  its  effect 
will  be  to  give  joy  to  the  heart  of  every  lover  of  freedom  through- 
out the  land,  and  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  his  enemies. 

Very  respectfully,  GEORGE  LAW. 

WILDER  S.  THURSTON,  Secretary. 

Mr.  De  Witt  C.  Littlejohn,  of  New  York,  upon  the  subject  of  this 
communication,  offered  the  following  resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  the  communication  just  read  from  a  committee 
of  the  National  American  Convention,  with  the  papers  accom- 
panying the  same,  be  received  by  this  convention,  and  that  the 
same  be  referred  to  a  committee,  to  consist  of  one  member  from 
each  state  represented,  to  report  what  action,  in  their  judgment, 
ought  to  be  taken  by  this  convention  thereupon. 

Mr.  Littlejohn  said  that  he  was  strongly  in  favor  of  a  union  with 
all  the  friends  of  freedom.  He  believed  the  North  American  Con- 
vention was  actuated  by  the  same  feelings  that  warmed  the  Re- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864. 


53 


publican  Convention.  It  was  but  right  that  that  great  part}-  rep- 
resented by  the  North  American  Convention  should  have  one 
candidate  on  the  ticket  nominated  by  the  Republican  Convention. 

Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  said  it  pained  him  to  be  compelled  to 
oppose  the  motion.  The  convention  had  invited  all  to  come  in 
who  were  opposed  to  the  present  administration.  If  a  committee 
were  appointed  to  communicate  with  the  North  Americans,  he 
should  wish  the  committee  appointed  to  confer  also  with  conven- 
tions or  other  bodies  representing  citizens  of  foreign  birth.  He 
could  not  believe  that  the  Chairman  of  the  National  Committee 
was  authorized  to  open  anj-  such  communication.  He  was  there 
to  speak  for  the  citizens  of  the  United  States — of  German  or  other 
foreign  origin,  as  well  as  for  those  born  on  the  soil  of  the  United 
States.  He  therefore  moved  that  the  whole  subject  do  lie  upon 
the  table. 

Upon  taking  the  question  upon  the  motion  to  lie  upon  the  table, 
the  same  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

The  President  declared  the  business  now  in  order,  to  be  pur- 
suant to  the  resolution  adopted  this  morning,  to  proceed  to  take 
an  informal  vote  for  a  Republican  candidate  for  President  of  the 
United  States. 

Judge  Spaulding,  of  Ohio,  by  general  consent,  announced  that 
he  withdrew  the  withdrawal  this  morning  made  by  him,  of  the 
name  of  Judge  McLean,  of  Ohio,  as  a  candidate  for  President. 

The  President  appointed  the  Hon.  Edwin  B.  Morgan,  of  New 
York,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Scott,  of  Indiana,  tellers  to  take  the  vote. 

Upon  calling  the  States,  the  informal  vote  resulted  as  follows  : 

Fremont.    McLean,    Banks.    Suniner.    Se\yard. 

8    Maine  13  11 

5    New  Hampshire 15  14 

5  Vermont 15 

l.i    Massachusetts 39 

4    Uhode  Island 12 

6  Connecticut 18 

35    New  York  93  3 

7  New  Jersey  7  14 

27    Pennsylvania 10  71 

3  Delaware  9 

8  Maryland 4  3 

l.'i    Virginia  

1-2  Kentucky 5 

•j:(  Ohio 30  39 

13  Indiana 18  21 

11  Illinois 14  11) 

ti  Michigan  18 

4  Iowa 12 

5  Wisconsin 15 

4  California  12 

3  Kansas 9 

n\-  way  of  commentary  on  the  ballots  respectively  cast  as 
above,  several  delegates  stated  the  motives  by  which  they  were 
influenced,  and  the  instructions  which  they  had  received  from 
their  constituents. 


:,4  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

A  delegate  from  Michigan  stated  that  her  people  had  for  their 
first  choice  the  noble  son  of  New  York,  whose  name  had  been 
withdrawn— Mr.  Seward  ;  but  they  were  glad  to  cast  their  vote  for 
the  man  Fremont  who  was — who  was  obviouslj'  the  choice  of  the 
Convention.  [Cheers.] 

Wisconsin  stated  that  her  first  vote  was  to  have  been  cast  for 
Mr.  Seward,  the  second  for  Mr.  Chase,  and  the  third  for  Mr.  Su in- 
ner;  but  those  gentlemen  being  withdrawn,  she  willingly  con- 
curred in  the  general  sentiment  of  the  Convention  by  voting  for 
Fremont.  [Cheers.] 

When  Kentucky  was  called,  one  of  her  representatives  said  that 
the  name  of  that  noble  son  of  a  noble  State— Salmon  P.  Chase — 
being  withdrawn,  she  would  cast  her  vote  like  the  rest  for  John 
C.  Fremont.  [Cheers.] 

Before  the  vote  was  completed,  a  delegate  moved  that  the  nomi- 
nation of  John  C.  Fremont  be  made  unanimous. 

The  President — That  motion  will  be  in  order  when  the  vote  is 
announced. 

Several  other  gentlemen  made  the  same  motion,  and  with  the 
same  effect. 

The  voting  was  then  proceeded  with,  and  the  sum  of  the  votes 
was  announced  by  the  tellers  amid  thunders  of  cheers  as  follows: 

For  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California 350  votes. 

For  John  McLean,  of  Ohio 190  votes. 

For  Nathaniel  P,  Banks,  of  Massachusetts 1  vote. 

For  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts 2  votes. 

For  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York 1  vote. 

Gen.  James  W.  Webb,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution : 

Resolred.  That  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  be,  and  he 
hereby  is,  unanimously  nominated  by  this  Convention  by  accla- 
mation, as  the  Republican  candidate  for  President  of  the  Uni  ed 
States. 

Gen.  Webb  said,  he  thought  there  could  be  no  difference  of 
opinion  with  regard  to  what  had  been  the  sentiment  of  the  Con- 
vention. When  they  did  him  the  honor  to  listen  to  him  this 
morning,  he  made  a  pledge  which  he  was  now  very  happy  to 
redeem.  This  vote  was  informal.  But  if  he  could  understand 
anything  of  the  sentiment  about  him,  it  was  intended  to  go  into  a 
formal  vote  merely  for  its  formality.  The  same  great  cause,  be  he 
who  he  may,  who  was  to  carry  their  banner,  was  dear  to  the  heart 
of  every  man  here.  [Cheers.]  Undoubtedly  they  had  come  to 
this  Convention  to  express  their  judgments  in  the  earnest  way 
that  their  feelings  or  their  convictions  may  have  prompted.  And 
he  for  one  felt  that  he  had  discharged  his  duty  to  his  constituents 
and  he  was  willing  to  accord  to  every  man  that  he,  too,  had,  ac- 
cording to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  discharged  what  he  deemed 
to  be  his  duty  to  his  constituents  and  his  duty  to  his  country. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  "> 

That  being  the  case,  the  next  thing  to  be  done  was  to  do  unani- 
mous]}* that  which  a  majority  had  determined  upon.  [Loud 
cheers.]  And,  as  their  principles  were  universal  and  their  inten- 
tions honest,  so  let  their  motives  be  pure  and  their  purpose 
unanimous.  Let  them  proclaim  to  the  world  that  they  swore  by 
their  principles  ami  by  their  platform;  and  having  placed  J.  (.'. 
Fremont  on  that  platform,  I  entreat  of  the  convention  to  give  him 
an  unanimous  vote.  [Loud  cheers  ] 

Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  succeeded  in  catching  his  eye,  and 
obtaining  silence.  He  said  if  he  could  add  anything  to  the  very 
excellent  remarks  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  he  would 
express  his  desire  that  they  should  present  to  the  country  the 
greatest  possible  unanimity  in  this  nomination.  He  had  not  a 
doubt  in  his  own  mind  that  the  vote  which  was  here  given  as  in- 
dicative of  the  feeling  of  this  convention,  was  the  honest  senti- 
ment of  the  country.  [Cheers.]  He  attributed  to  ever}'  delegate 
on  this  floor  the  same  purity  of  purpose,  the  same  earnest  desire 
to  accomplish  the  great  objects  for  which  the  Republican  party 
was  organized,  that  he  claimed  for  himself,  and  he  concurred 
most  cheerfully  in  the  nomination  which  had  been  indicated  by 
the  informal  ballot.  It  did  seem  to  him  that  it  was  not  necessary 
to  go  into  a  formal  ballot.  [Shouts  of  "No,  no!"  "Yes,  yes!"] 

A  voice — Let  us  stand  right  on  the  record. 

Mr.  Wilmot— If  gentlemen  are  desirous  of  being  right,  as  they 
say.  on  the  record,  then  let  us  go  on  with  a  formal  vote. 

Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  here  rose,  and  in  reference  to  the  motion 
he  had  made  at  the  opening  of  the  afternoon  session,  to  lay  the 
communication  from  the  North  American  Convention  on  the  ta- 
ble, said  he  had  made  that  motion  from  a  serious  conviction  that 
they,  (the  Republicans,)  as  a  great  party,  should  hold  no  associa- 
tion, make  no  terms,  have  no  arrangement,  and  enter  into  no  un 
derstanding  with  any  other  political  party.  [Loud  applause; 
cries  of  "Good!"]  He  felt  that  was  a  course  which  they  owed  to 
themselves  to  follow.  They  had  held  out  to  the  whole  people,  of 
every  complexion  of  political  sentiment,  that  while  each  enter- 
tained its  distinctive  views  in  other  respects,  they  all  could  unite 
with  the  Republican  party  in  this  great  cause  of  freedom.  He 
made  the  motion,  therefore,  as  feeling  that  the  course  he  sug- 
gested was  one  the  adoption  of  which  he  believed  to  be  due  to 
themselves  and  to  the  part}'  they  represented.  His  friends  on  all 
hands,  however,  said  that  he  was  wrong,  and  desired  that  he 
should  move  a  reconsideration  of  his  motion.  [Cheers,  and  cries 
of  "No,  no!"]  It  was  against  the  convictions  of  his  own  judg- 
ment to  do  so;  but  in  obedience  to  the  conviction  of  his  friends 
who  had  taken  upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of  the  act,  he 
would  move  the  convention  to  suspend  the  present  order  of  busi- 


56  THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 

ness,  to  enable  him  to  make  a  motion  to  reconsider  the  vote,  lay- 
ing on  the  table  the  subject  of  the  communication  from  the  Na- 
tional American  Convention. 

The  motion  to  suspend  the  present  order  of  business  was  agreed 
to,  and  the  question  being  on  the  motion  to  reconsider—- 
Mr. Littlejohn,  of  New  York,  arose  and  said,  he  believed  the 
question  before  the  convention  was  the  motion  to  reconsider. 
Anj-  one  who  had  heard  an3'thing  about  the  last  election  of  Wm. 
H.  Seward  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  knew  that  he  (the 
speaker)  had  sacrificed  a  great  deal  in  working  against  the  Know- 
Nothing1  party,  and  he  could  now  assure  them  that  he  was  willing 
to  sacrifice  himself — he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  William  H.  Sew- 
ard. [Applause.]  He  did  not  propose  to  receive  the  communica- 
tion because  he  had  any  particular  sympathy  with  the  Kiiow- 
Nothings,  but  because  he  believed  that  if  they  did  not  co-operate, 
James  Buchanan  would  be  elected.  He  believed  the  interests  of 
the  Republican  party  required  co-operation  with  the  North  Amer- 
icans. And  as  the  convention  he  was  addressing  was  the  most 
intelligent  that  had  ever  congregated,  he  believed  they  would  see 
the  propriety  of  treating  the  communication  with  all  respect.  It 
was  certainly  entitled  to  it.  It  had  been  said  that  they  did  not 
wish  to  exclude  foreigners.  Certainly  not.  If  any  body  of  for- 
eign born  citizens  had  sent  in  such  a  communication  as  that 
which  had  been  sent  by  the  North  Americans,  or  any  communi- 
cations expressing  a  desire  to  co-operate  for  the  sake  of  the  suc- 
cess of  freedom's  cause,  it  would  have  been  received,  and  with 
pleasure.  [Applause].  In  conclusion,  he  urged  the  reception  of 
the  communication  and  its  reference  to  a  proper  committee. 

Mr.  Thomas  D.  Elliott,  of  Massachusetts,  said  he  had  just  had 
the  pleasure  of  giving  the  united  State  of  Massachusetts  for 
John  C.  Fremont,  and  he  hoped  nothing  would  be  done  by  the 
the  Convention  to  lessen  the  strength  of  the  Republican  party  in 
Massachusetts.  They  had  invited  the  North  Americans  to  unite 
with  them;  and  now  that  they  had  responded,  it  was  only  proper 
that  they  should  be  treated  with  courtes>\  He  would  receive 
them  with  favor,  because  he  believed  they  were  actuated  by  the 
same  desire  for  freedom  that  actuated  the  Convention  he  was 
then  addressing.  If  the  Convention  would  receive  them  with  the 
favor  they  were  entitled  to,  the  whole  North  would  be  Republican. 
[Applause.] 

Ex-Governor  Cleveland,  of  Connecticut,  said  he  thought  the 
Convention  could  afford  a  few  moments'  time  now,  rather  than 
suffer  the  taunts  of  their  enemies  after  a  defeat  next  November. 
The  North  American  Convention,  which  was  in  session  in  New 
York,  was  composed  of  delegates  from  those  who  had  seceded 
from  the  Know-Nothiiig  Convention,  when  it  endeavored  to  force 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  57 

a  Pro-Slavery  platform  upon  them — showing  thereby  that  the}' 
cared  more  for  Freedom  than  for  party.  [Applause.]  He  differed 
with  his  friend,  Mr.  Giddings,  with  reference  to  the  propriety  of 
his  call  for  a  reconsideration  of  the  vote  tabling  the  communica- 
tion. He  thought  he  had  done  his  dut}-.  and  an  important  duty 
too.  [Applause.]  The  Convention  had  invited  them — they  had 
responded  to  it,  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Convention  to  receive 
them.  [Applause.]  It  was  a  question  of  vast  importance  to  New 
England,  and  it  should  not  be  settled  too  hastily.  It  had  been  said 
that  if  a  communication  had  been  sent  in  by  any  body  of  foreign 
born  citizens  it  would  have  been  received.  The  North  Americans 
had  no  objection  to  that;  and  why  was  it  that  a  body  of  foreign 
born  citizens  should  receive  greater  favor  than  native  born 
Americans?  [Applause.]  In  conclusion,  he  hoped  the  motion  to 
reconsider  would  prevail. 

Mr.  Love  joy,  of  Illinois,  wished  to  say  that  the  Convention 
had  not  invited  them.  The  communication  had  been  sent  by  the 
President  of  the  National  Executive  Committee,  and  he  hoped  it 
had  been  received  by  him  with  due  courtesy.  The  Convention 
had  not  asked  any  set  of  men  to  come  as  an  organized  body.  It 
had  asked  them  to  come  as  individuals,  and  unite  for  Freedom. 
[Applause.]  And  he  could  tell  the  Convention  that,  if  the  North 
Americans  were  received  as  an  organized  body  of  Know-Nothings, 
that  demagogue,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  would  tickle  the  senses  of 
the  foreign  born  citizens  of  Illinois,  and  Illinois  would  be  lost. 
Let  the  North  Americans  come  in  as  individuals, because  of  their 
interest  for  Freedom,  and  Illinois  would  be  saved.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Gazzam,  of  Pennsylvania,  wished  to  do  the  American  part}* 
of  Pennsylvania  the  justice  to  say  that  they  had  become  an  open 
party,  and  that  the}*  constituted  the  great  bulk  of  the  Republican 
part}-  in  the  state.  Some  of  them  were  delegates  to  the  North 
American  Convention  at  New  York,  and  they  were  good  Repub- 
licans. He  hoped  the  motion  to  reconsider  would  prevail. 

Judge  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  said  the  Convention  had  already 
received  a  delegation  from  a  council  of  One  Hundred  in  New 
York,  and  he  hoped  the  communication  from  the  North  Ameri- 
cans would  also  be  received  with  favor,  for  he  believed  they  were 
sincere  lovers  of  the  cause  of  freedom. 

Mr.  Sherwood,  of  New  York,  said  it  was  with  great  reluctance 
that  he  appeared  before  them.  But  the  North  Americans  had 
been  invited  by  the  President  of  the  National  Committee  to  co- 
operate with  the  Republicans,  and  to  refuse  them  when  they 
came  would  be  like  inviting  a  man  to  dine,  and  kicking  him  out 
when  he  reached  the  dining-room.  [Applause.]  A  committee 
from  the  North  American  Convention  had  come  to  them,  for  the 


58 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLIC  A x 


purpose  of  seeing  their  platform,  and  to  confer  about  the  nomi- 
nations, with  the  view  to  seeing-  whether  they  could  not  agree, 
and  he  earnestly  desired  that  they  might.  [Applause.] 

Kx-GovernorRitner,  of  Pennsylvania,  came  forward  while  there 
was  considerable  confusion,  and.  when  order  had  been  restored, 
said  that  he  wished  to  tell  them  that  he  was  going  to  put  his 
shoulder  to  the  wheel,  and  do  all  he  could  for  freedom.  If  his 
efforts  could  elect  John  C.  Fremont.  John  C.  Fremont  should  have 
them. 

The  old  gentlemen's  remarks  were  received  with  great  applause; 
and,  when  he  had  taken  his  seat,  the  question  being  taken  on  the 
motion  to  reconsider,  the  same  was  adopted;  and  the  question 
recurring  on  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Littlejohn,  of  New  York,  to  re- 
ceive the  communication  from  the  National  American  Conven- 
tion, and  refer  the  same  to  a  committee  to  consist  of  one  delegate 
from  each  State — 

Mr.  Root,  of  Ohio,  moved  to  amend  the  resolution,  by  striking 
out  the  words  "  a  committee  to  consist  of  one  member  from  each 
State  represented,"  and  inserting,  in  their  place,  the  words  ''the 
committee  of  this  Convention  on  the  Republican  Platform,"  which 
amendment  was  adopted  ;  and,  on  taking  the  question  upon  the 
resolution,  as  amended,  the  same  was  adopted. 

The  previous  order  of  business  being  resumed,  on  motion,  the 
resolution  of  General  Webb  was  amended  so  as  to  read  as  follows: 

Resolrecl,  That  this  Convention  do  immediately  proceed  to 
take  a  formal  vote  for  a  Republican  candidate  for  President  of 
the  United  States. 

And,  as  thus  amended,  the  same  was  adopted. 

The  tellers  on  the  former  vote  having  been  re-appointed,  on 
calling-  the  States,  the  formal  vote  resulted  as  follows: 

Fremont.    McLean.    Seward 

8    Maine 24 

New  Hampshire 15 

5  Vermont 15 

13    Massachusetts 39 

4  Rhode  Island 12 

6  Connecticut 18 

35  New  York    105 

7  New  Jersey 21 

27  Pennsylvania 57  23 

3  Delaware 9 

8  Maryland 7 

15  Virginia    

12  Kentucky 5 

23    Ohio 55 

13  Indiaua .  39 

11    Illinois 3H 

6  Michigan 18 

4  Iowa 12 

5  Wisconsin 15 

4  California  12 

3  Kansas 9 

The  result  of  the  vote  was  announced  by  the  tellers  as  follows: 

For  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California ..  520  votes 

For  John  McLean,  of  Ohio...  37  votes 

For  William  H.  Seward.  of  New  York .*.......!*..'.  1  vote.' 


NATIONAL  COXVEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  59 

Gen.  J.  W.  Webb,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  do  unanimously  nominate 
John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  to  be  the  Republican  candidate 
for  President  of  the  United  States,  at  the  ensuing-  election. 

The  President  said  all  who  were  in  favor  of  that  would  signify 
the  same  by  giving  three  heart}'  cheers,  and  they  were  given  lus- 
tily, and  three  more,  and  a  great  many  after  that.  A  scene  of  wild 
and  boundless  enthusiasm  ensued,  baffling  all  description. 

The  Convention  arose  in  a  bod}-,  took  off  their  hats  and  waved 
them,  shouting  all  the  while. 

On  the  platform, as  soon  as  the  vote  was  declared,  a  large  white 
banner  was  raised  with  "John  C.  Fremont,  for  President  of  the 
United  States."  upon  it.  In  front  of  the  platform  there  was 
raised  a  star-spangled  banner,  with  a  similar  inscription. 

Banners  were  also  displayed  from  the  windows  to  notify  out- 
siders, and  the  shouts  within  the  hall  were  caught  up  and  echoed 
by  the  crowd  in  the  streets. 

As  soon  as  the  wild  enthusiasm  of  the  Convention  could  be 
somewhat  subdued,  Hon.  John  Allison's  name  was  mentioned. 
He  declined  speaking,  however,  but  said  it  was  not  because  he 
would  be  understood  as  being  inclined  to  injure  the  cause  in 
which  they  all  had  an  interest.  He  had  earnestly  desired  the 
nomination  of  as  pure  a  patriot  and  as  capable  a  man  to  fill  the 
Presidential  chair  as  there  was  in  the  land — Judge  McLean.  He 
believed  he  was  the  man  to  restore  the  country  to  happiness  and 
harmony;  but  other  counsels  had  prevai.ed;  nevertheless,  al- 
though he  felt  grievously  disappointed,  he  would  not  be  under- 
stood as  wavering.  He  believed  this  was  a  time  which  required 
every  man  to  do  his  duty,  and  he  meant  to  do  his.  [Applause.] 
His  record  was  clear  for  freedom,  and  by  the  help  of  God  it 
would  continue  to  be  so.  [Applause.] 

When  Mr.  Allison  had  concluded,  and  after  everybody  had  be- 
come hoarse  with  cheering,  Judge  Emmet,  of  New  York,  moved 
that  the  Convention  adjourn  until  10  o'clock  to-morrow  morning, 
which  was  carried,  and  the  Convention  accordingly  adjourned 
until  to-morrow  morning  at  ten  o'clock. 


PHILADELPHIA,  Thursday,  19th  June,  1856. 

The  Convention  re-assembled  this  morning  at  ten  o'clock. 

The  President,  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  of  Indiana,  in  the  chair. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Levy,  of  Philadelphia,  opened  the  proceedings 
with  prayer. 

On  motion,  the  reading  of  the  journal  of  the  proceedings  of 
yesterday  was  dispensed  with. 


60  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Charles  C.  Leigh,  of  New  York,  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tion: 

Resolved,  That  a  National  Convention  of  the  young  men  of  the 
nation,  favorable  to  the  principles  of  Free  Speech,  Free  Soil,  Free 
Men  and  Fremont,  be  held  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  the  month 
of  September,  under  the  call  of  the  Republican  National  Com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Edward  W.  Whelpley,  of  New  Jersey,  offered  the  following 
resolution; 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  do  immediately  proceed  to 
take  an  informal  vote  for  a  candidate  for  Vice- President  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  supported  by  the  Republican  part}-  at  the  en- 
suing election.  Which  resolution  was  adopted. 

Mr.  Whelpley  proposed  the  name  of  Hon.  William  L.  Dayton,  of 
the  same  State,  as  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  amid  loud 
and  reiterated  cheering.  With  the  consent  of  the  Convention,  he 
read  the  speech  of  Mr.  Dayton,  delivered  at  a  recent  Republican 
Convention  over  which  he  was  called  to  preside,  which  (the 
speech)  contained  an  endorsement  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Con- 
vention as  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the 
character  of  the  present  administration.  He  read  as  follows: 

"After  thanking  the  Convention  for  the  honor  done  him  in  his 
election  as  its  President,  he  was  glad  to  meet  men  of  all  parties 
assembled  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  in  a  movement  to  redeem 
the  State  and  Nation  from  political  ruin.  The  debt  of  New  Jersey 
has  been  swelled  by  mismanagement  until  it  has  quite  reached 
almost  the  limit  fixed  by  our  Constitution.  The  present  National 
Administration  was  installed  under  circumstances  of  peace  and 
prosperity.  But  now  there  is  strife  and  bloodshed  and  rapine,  and 
freedom  of  speech  is  stricken  down  in  the  Senate.  This  has  been 
foreseen  since  1850,  arid  is  the  result  of  the  domineering  spirit  of 
slaver y.  He  then  reviewed  the  history  and  progress  of  the  slave 
aggression,  and  pointed  out  the  various  submissions  and  compro- 
mises which  the  North  has  consented  to  for  Southern  advantage. 
Extensive  territory  has  been  added  to  this  confederacy  which  was 
stamped  all  over  with  Freedom.  A  portion  of  it  has  already  been 
blackened  by  Slavery.  The  last  compromise  it  was  said  healed 
the  five  bleeding  wounds,  and  all  was  to  be  peaceful  when  Pierce 
commenced  his  administration.  The  lion  and  the  lamb  laid  down 
together,  but  only  long  enough  for  the  one  to  get  the  other  by  the 
throat.  The  South,  aided  by  Northern  doughfaces,  has  abrogated 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  opened  again  this  strife  in  our 
country.  We  may  not  be  able  to  restore  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, but  an  Executive  and  a  Congress  may  be  elected  that  will 
practically  give  effect  to  that  enactment.  He  contended  that 
Freedom  is  national  and  Slavery  sectional.  Slavery  is  supported 
only  by  positive  law.  The  Constitution  protects  Slavery  where  it 
is,  but  it  carries  it  nowhere.  In  conclusion,  he  urged  harmonious 
action  among  the  opponents  of  the  present  State  and  National 
Administrations.  If  this  is  effected,  it  is  of  little  consequence 
who  may  come  out  of  the  Cincinnati  Convention;  whether  it  be 
Pierce  or  Douglas,  or  even  Buchanan — who,  it  will  be  remem- 
bored,  said  that  he  had  not  a  drop  of  Democratic  blood  in  his 
veins.  If  we  are  united  we  can  vanquish  our  opponents."  [His 
speech  was  warmly  applauded  throughout.] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—-  1856,  1860,  1864.  61 

Mr.  Allison,  in  continuation,  said  he  had  been  requested  to 
nominate  as  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois.  [Cheers.]  He  knew  him  to  be  the  prince  of  good 
fellows,  and  an  Old-Line  Whig-.  [Cheers.] 

Col.  Wm.  B.  Archer  said  he  would  not  detain  the  Convention  but 
a  moment.  He  had  been  acquainted  with  the  man  who  had  been 
named  for  30  years.  He  had  lived  in  Illinois  40  j^ears.  He  had 
gone  there  when  Illinois  was  a  Territory,  and  had  lived  there 
until  it  had  grown  to  be  a  populous  and  flourish  ing  State.  Dur- 
ing thirty  years  of  that  time,  he  had  known  Abraham  Lincoln, 
and  he  knew  him  well.  He  was  born  in  gallant  Kentucky,  and 
was  now  in  the  prime  of  life — just  about  55  }~ears  of  age — and  en- 
joying remarkably  good  health.  [Applause.]  And,  besides,  the 
speaker  knew  him  to  be  as  pure  a  patriot  as  ever  lived.  He  would 
give  the  Convention  to  understand,  that  with  him  on  the  ticket, 
there  was  no  danger  of  Northern  Illinois.  Illinois  was  safe  with 
him,  and  he  believed  she  was  safe  without  him.  [Laughter.] 
With  him,  however,  she  was  doubly  safe. 

Judge  Spaulding,  of  Ohio — "Can  he  fight?" 

The  Speaker — (Emphatically) — Yes!  [Great  applause.]  Have  I 
not  told  you  that  he  was  born  in  Kentucky?  [Applause.]  He's 
strong  mentally — he's  strong  physically — he's  strong  ever}-  way. 

Mr.  Ja}-,  of  New  Jersey,  said  he  was  an  Old-Line  Democrat.  He 
had  alwa}-s  been  a  Democrat,  until  the  present  Administration, 
having  thrown  aside  Democratic  principles,  he  could  remain  with 
the  part}'  no  longer.  He  had  helped  to  elect  Pierce,  for  which  he 
hoped  to  be  forgiven.  [Applause.]  With  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey, 
on  the  ticket  with  Fremont,  he  could  work  faithfully  for  its  suc- 
cess, and  he  believed  New  Jersey  would  ratify  the  nominations 
with  a  large  majority.  He  was  not  opposed  to  Judge  Wilmot;  he 
uas  a  good  man  ;  but,  then,  was  it  policy  to  nominate  him?  They 
had  nominated  one  who  had  been  a  Democrat  for  the  Presidency, 
and  he  thought  it  would  be  well  to  nominate  a  Whig  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency. 

Mr.  Fisher,  of  Pennsylvania,  said,  I  take  the  liberty  of  naming 
a  man  as  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  who  is  a  tower  of 
strength  in  Pennsylvania ;  I  mean  David  L.  Wilmot.  If  you 
nominate  him,  I  have  no  doubt  about  Pennsylvania.  If  you 
nominate  him,  I  have  no  doubt  Pennsylvania  will  ratify  your 
nominations  in  Novrmber. 

Hon.  John  Allison,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  that  the  present 
order  of  business  be  suspended,  to  enable  him  to  present  to  the 
Convention  certain  proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  State  Re- 
publican Convention.  • 

The  motion  was  carried  in  the  affirmative,  and  Mr.  Allison  read 
to  the  Convention  the  following  communication: 


(i_»  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Pennsylvania  State  Republican  Conven- 
tion, held  in  the  Musical  Fund  Hall,  Philadelphia,  June  18,  1856, 
the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  passed: — 

ResolrecJ,  That  the  principles  declared  in  resolutions  consti- 
tuting- the  platform  of  the  National  Republican  Party,  as  adopted 
by  its' National  Convention  this  day,  meet  the  cordial  approval, 
and  will  receive  the  hearty  advocacy  of  the  members  of  this  State 
Convention. 

Resolred,  That  this  State  Convention  hereby  give  its  earnest 
assent  to  the  nomination  this  day  made  by  the  National  Conven- 
tion of  Col.  John  C.  Fremont,  as  candidate  of  the  party  for  the 
Presidency,  and  promise  for  him  our  united  and  most  hearty 
support. 

Resolred,  That  the  President  of  this  State  Convention  be  re- 
quested to  communicate  these  resolutions  to  the  National  Repub- 
lican Convention.  JOHX  ALLISON, 

Attest,  Prest. 

J.  R.  FRY. 

The  communication  was  received  with  the  greatest  applause, 
and,  on  motion,  the  same  was  ordered  on  file,  to  be  inserted  in  the 
Journal. 

Hon.  Judge  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  said: 

I  rise,  like  my  friend  from  New  Jersey.  I,  too,  have  been  an 
Old-Line  Democrat,  and  am  very  sorry  for  my  last  vote.  [Ap- 
plause.] I  rise  to  second  the  presentation  of  the  name  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  I  have  known  him  long,  and  I 
know  he  is  a  good  man  and  a  hard  worker  in  the  field,  although  I 
never  heard  him — for  when  he  was  on  the  stump,  I  always  dodged. 
He  is  my  first  choice;  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  is  the  next,  and 
David  Wilmot  is  the  next.  I  admire  Judge  Wilmot,  and  I  am 
going  to  name  my  next  boy  after  him.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 
We  can  lick  Buchanan  any  way,  but  I  think  we  can  do  it  a  little 
easier  if  we  have  Lincoln  on  the  ticket  with  John  C.  Fremont. 

Mr.  Elliot,  of  Massachusetts,  said  he  had  received  a  dispatch 
from  Massachusetts  concerning  the  feeling  there  about  the  nomi- 
nation, which  he  would  read  if  the  Convention  wished  to  hear  it. 
[Cries  ol  "Read  it!  read  it!"]  He  read  as  follows: 

"Great  rejoicing.  Give  us  a  good  Vice-President.  Clear  the 
track!" 

The  dispatch  was  received  with  cheers,  and  when  order  had 
been  restored,  Mr.  Anthony  J.  Bleecker,  of  New  York,  rose  and 
presented  the  name  of  John  A.  King,  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

Hon.  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  suspend  the 
present  order  of  business  to  enable  him  to  bring  in  a  report  from 
the  Committee  on  the  Platform,  upon  the  subject  of  the  commu- 
nication received  yesterday  from  the  National  American  Conven- 
tion, and  referred  to  that  committee. 

The  motion  passed  in  the  affirmative,  and  Mr.  Wilmot  presented 
the  following  report: 

The  committrr  to  which  was  referred  the  communication  from 
the  Convention  assembled  in  the  city  of  New  York,  have  given  to 
that  communication  respectful  and  deliberate  consideration. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS  -1856, 1860,  1864. 


63 


Your  committee  have  had  a  full  and  free  conference  with  the 
committee  appointed  by  that  convention.  The  committees  came 
to  no  arrangement  or  conclusion. 

The  call  for  this  Convention  was  addressed  to  all  political 
parties,  and  consistently  with  this  call  the  communication  under 
consideration  originated.  Your  committee  deem  that  it  ought  to 
be  respectfully  responded  to.  and  would  recommend  that  a  com- 
mittee be  appointed  to  address  all  the  parties  of  the  country,  with 
a  view  to  elucidate  the  principles  of  action  and  to  conciliate  them 
to  the  great  object  to  which  the  labors  of  this  Convention  have 
been  devoted. 

Resolved:  That  a  committee  of  three  be  appointed  by  the  Chair 
to  prepare  such  address. 

D.  WlLMOT,  Chairman  on  Resolutions. 

On  motion,  the  report  was  accepted,  and  the  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted. 

And  the  President  appointed  the  following  gentlemen  to  con- 
stitute the  committee  provided  for  by  the  resolution:  Francis  P. 
Blair,  of  Maryland;  Mr.  G.  T.  Brown,  of  Illinois;  Hon.  Elbridge 
G.  Spaulding,  of  New  York. 

The  President  then  announced  that  an  informal  vote  for  a 
Republican  candidate  for  Vice-President  was  the  business  now 
in  order  before  the  Convention,  and  appointed  as  tellers  to  take 
such  vote  Col.  William  B.  Archer,  of  Illinois,  and  Judge  Spauld- 
ing. of  Ohio. 

On  calling  the  States,  the  informal  vote  for  a  candidate  for 
Y ice-President  resulted  as  follows: 


STATES. 

William  1,.  Dayton. 

Nathaniel  1'.  Banks. 

Abraham  Lincoln. 

David  Wllmoi. 

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a. 

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Jacob  Colluiner. 

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VMi  it  field  S.Johnson. 

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— 

Aaron  H.  IV  nnlnKtoii. 

Henry  Wilson. 

Samuel  ('.  Pomeroy. 

8    Maine  

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1 

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7 

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15 

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4    Rhode  Island 

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7    New  Jersey. 

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3    Kansas  

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- 

64  THE  .FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

The  tellers  announced  the  result  of  the  informal  vote  for  a  can- 
didate for  Vice-President  as  follows: 

For  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  253  votes;  Nathaniel  P. 
Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  46;  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  110; 
David  Wilinot,  of  Pennsylvania,  43;  John  A.  King-,  of  New  York, 
9;  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  35;  Lieut.-Governor  Thomas 
Ford,  of  Ohio,  7;  Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  3;  Jacob  Collamer. 
of  Vermont.  15;  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  2;  Whitefield  S. 
Johnson,  of  New  Jersey,  2;  Henry  C.  Carey,  of  Penns3Tlvania,  3; 
Aaron  S.  Penning/ton,  of  New  Jersey,  1;  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 2;  Gen.  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  8. 

WITHDRAWAL  OF  SUMNER,  BANKS  AND   WILSON. 

Mr.  Elliot,  of  Massachusetts,  said  he  had  a  communication  to 
make  from  the  delegates  of  that  State.  Several  of  freedom's  sons 
in  Massachusetts  had  been  named  in  connection  with  this  office 
—The  Vice-Presidency.  He  desired  to  be  allowed  to  state  in  re- 
spect to  each  of  them,  how,  so  far  as  the  delegates  could  represent 
the  feelings  of  Massachusetts,  that  Commonwealth  and  those  in- 
dividuals stand.  At  a  meeting  of  the  delegates  from  Masssaclm- 
setts,  at  an  early  period  during-  the  sittings  of  this  Convention, 
a  vote  was  taken  on  the  subject  of  the  Vice-Presidenc\-,  which 
showed  a  unanimous  preference  for  her  noble  and  distinguished 
son,  N.  P.  Banks,  Jr.  At  that  moment,  a  townsman — an  authorized 
agent  and  friend  of  Mr.  Banks — stated  to  the  delegation  peremp- 
torily, that,  under  no  circumstances  would  Mr.  Banks  consent,  in 
the  present  state  of  affairs,  that  his  name  should  be  vised  in  con- 
nection with  that  office.  Since  then,  a  communication  had  been 
received  from  Mr.  Banks,  by  telegraph,  in  which  he  said:  "Do  not 
allow  my  name  to  be  used  for  Vice-President." 

The  State  of  Massachusetts  wanted,  as  the  whole  country  want- 
ed, the  services  of  Mr.  Banks  in  his  present  distinguished  position. 
fCheers.]  No  man  could  fill  that  office  more  acceptably;  and  he 
(Mr.  Elliot)  thought  it  was  a  cause  of  congratulation  to  them  all 
that  he  (Mr.  Banks),  feeling  as  he  did,  determined  rather  to  remain 
than  to  remove  himself  from  that  post  of  honor.  He  (Mr.  Elliot) 
had  it  in  charge,  and  was  authorized,  in  behalf  of  Charles  Sunnier, 
to  withdraw  his  name  from  before  this  Convention  in  connection 
with  the  office  of  Vice-President.  Massachusetts  could  not  afford 
to  lose  Charles  Sumner  from  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  [Vociferous 
cheers.] 

A  voice — "Three  cheers  .for  Sumner."  [Loud  and  reiterated 
cheers.] 

Mr.  Elliot,  heartily,  Mr.  President,  do  we  thank  you  for  this  ex- 
pression, not  for  Sumner,  but  for  the  cause.  Whether  he  stand 
on  the  floor  of  the  Seriate  to  embody  the  eloquence  and  de- 
clare the  rights  of  the  North,  or  whether  he  be  stricken  down 
from  his  seat  by  a  blow  from  the  South— in  either  position,  the 
Commonwealth  and  the  North  are  proud  of  the  man.  [Loud 
cheers.]  In  regard,  Mr.  President,  to  another  gentleman  who  has 
also  been  voted  for— Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  [enthusias- 
tic cheering,]  he  has  been  among  vis  since  we  have  been  in  session 
here;  hehasbeen  seen  and  heard  by  us;  and  it  is  known  all  round 
the  room  that  he  has  been  using  his  influence  in  favorof  a  gentle- 
man—not himself  by  an3~  means— and  has  peremptorily  declined 
to  entertain  the  advances  that  have  been  made  to  him  to  allow  his 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864. 


65 


name  to  be  put  up  as  a  candidate.  I  stand  authorized  by  him  to 
withdraw,  without  qualification,  from  the  consideration  of  this 
Convention,  his  name  also  as  in  connection  with  that  office.  Now, 
sir.  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  having-  had  her  free, 
true,  noble  men  presented  to  you,  and  having  withdrawn  them, 
calls  upon  3-011  to  unite  as  one  man  in  support  of  such  a  candidate 
as  will  secure  to  us  a  triumphant  victory  next  November. 

Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  arose  and  said: 
Pennsylvania  has  had  some  consultation,  and  has  not  been  able 
to  agree  that  it  is  proper  for  her  to  present  any  name  to  this  Con- 
vention. If  she  were  to  present  any  name,  it  would  be  David 
AVilmot's.  But  Mr.  \Vilniot  has  requested  me,  in  this  doubt  of 
Pennsylvania  as  to  the  propriet}-  of  presenting-  any  name,  to 
withdraw  his  name  from  the  canvass,  as  he  did  not  desire  to  be 
voted  for  at  all. 

Mr.  Root,  of  Ohio,  gained  the  ear  of  the  President.  He  said: 
Sir,  this  morning  I  had  a  conversation  with  Governor  Ford,  of 
Ohio.  Says  he:  "The  boys  ma}'  be  troubling  you  with  my  name. 
1  want  to  fight,  but  dont  let  them  buckle  a  knapsack  on  me.  lean 
fight  better  light."  We  can't  spare  Tom  Ford;  we  want  him  for 
home  consumption.  That's  all  1  have  to  say.  [Loud  cheers.] 

Hon.  E.  Rockwood  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  then  offered  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

Resolved:  That  the  committee  do  immediately  proceed  to  take 
a  formal  vote  for  a  Republican  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

The  resolution  was  adopted,  and  the  President  appointed  the 
same  tellers  as  on  the  previous  vote. 

On  calling-  the  States,  the  result  of  the  vote  was  as  follows: 

Dayton.    Lincoln.    Banks.      King.     Ford.    Sumner. 

Maine 24 

New  Hampshire 15 

Vermont 15 

Massachusetts 39 

Rhode  Ishind 12 

Connecticut 10 

New  York 81 

New  Jersey 21 

Pennsylvania 77 

Delaware 9 

Maryland 6 

Virginia 3 

Kentucky 5 

Ohio 68 

Indiana 39 

Illinois 33 

Mk-hhran 18 

Iowa 12 

\Vis.-onsin 15 

California 12 

K  ;m :  a- 9 

After  the  vote  of  Delaware  was  declared.  Judge  Palmer,  of  Illi- 
nois, said: 

In  behalf  of  the  delegation  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  I  return 
thanks  to  such  members  of  this  Convention  as  have  honored  the 
favorite  of  our  State  with  their  vote.  Illinois  asks  nothing  for 
5 


l 

2  scattering. 


66  THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 

herself  in  this  contest.  She  is  devoted — and  I  trust  that  the  result 
of  the  next  election  will  prove  that  she  is  devoted— to  the  great 
cause  that  has  brought  us  together.  [Cheers.]  She  knew  that  in 
Abraham  Lincoln  we  had  a  soldier  tried  and  true.  We  offered 
him  to  the  Republican  party  of  the  United  States  for  the  position 
that  we  have  indicated,  but  we  are  content  to  prefer  harmony  and 
union  to  the  sviccess  even  of  our  cherished  favorite.  Therefore, 
we  say  to  those  of  our  friends  who  have  honored  us.  we  commend 
them  to  withdraw  the  votes  thus  cast  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  give 
them  that  direction  that  will  make  the  vote  unanimous  and  har- 
monious for  Win.  L.  Dayton.  [Loud  applause.] 

A  delegate  from  Kentucky  arose,  and  said  Kentucky  had  cast  a 
portion  of  her  vote  for  Dayton,  and  a  portion  for  Lincoln.  They 
would  now  give  all  to  Dayton. 

The  formal  ballot  was  then  proceeded  with,  every  vote  being 
cast  for  DajTtoii.  When  Kansas  was  called,  a  voice  arose:  "Kan- 
sas will  follow  manifest  destiny."  [Enthusiastic  applause.] 

Before  the  vote  was  announced,  New  York  and  Illinois  delegates 
asked  that  their  votes  be  recorded  unanimously  for  Dayton. 

A  delegate  from  Connecticut  also  asked  the  same  privilege  for 
his  State.  Connecticut  had  heard  that  ever  since  the  nomination 
yesterday,  nothing  had  been  heard  but  Yankee  Doodle  from  here 
to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  it  had  come  back  with  four-fold 
force  for  a  Vice-President  from  the  Atlantic. 

Dr.  Gazzam,  of  Western  Pennsylvania,  rose  to  ask  to  have  the 
vote  of  Pennsylvania  recorded  unanimously  for  William  L.  Day- 
ton. But  he  was  informed  that  one  delegate  had  not  yet  made  up 
his  mind.  He  further  said,  that  there  was  considerable  difference 
of  opinion  among  the  delegation.  While  some  gentlemen  from 
the  east  expected  to  carry  it  by  a  tolerable  majoritj',  they  of  the 
west  thought  they  could  do  it  by  twenty-five  thousand  majority. 
[Tremendous  cheering.]  Fremont  was  stronger  to-day  than  he 
was  yesterday,  and  he  would  be  still  stronger  to-morrow  than  he 
was  td-day.  [Cheers.] 

Wm.  S.  Pierce,  Esq.,  the  only  dissenting  Pennsylvania  delegate, 
rose  and  withdrew  his  dissent. 

The  result  of  the  ballot  was  then  announced:  that  William  L. 
Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  having  received  all  the  votes  cast — 561 — 
was  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Convention. 

When  the  nomination  was  made  unanimous,  the  whole  Conven- 
tion rose  and  gave  nine  hearty  cheers. 

An  interval  of  shouting,  and  laughing,  and  talking  succeeded, 
when  Mr.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  offered  the  following  resolution: — 
~"Resolred,  That  a  committee  of  nine  be  appointed,  by  the  Presi- 
dent, to  constitute  a  Committee  to  inform  the  nominees  of  this 
Convention  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  of  their  nomination,  and  request  their  acceptance  of  the 
game. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  67 

Which  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  and  the  Chair  ap- 
pointed the  following-  gentlemen  to  constitute  the  committee: 

J.  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio;  Anthony  J.  Bleecker,  of  New  York;  Hon. 
J.  C.  Hornblower,  of  New  Jersey;  Judge  E.  R.  Hoar,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania;  Gov.  Kins- 
ley S.  Bingham,  of  Michigan;  John  A.  Wells,  of  California;  Gov. 
Chauncey  F.  Cleveland,  of  Connecticut;  Cyrus  Aldrich,  of  Illi- 
nois. 

And,  on  motion,  Col.  Henry  S.  Lane,  President  of  the  Conven- 
tion, was  added  to  the  Committee  as  Chairman. 

Mr.  Fisher,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  that  a  gentleman  of  the  city 
had  taken  the  sense  of  the  hands  in  his  manufactory — thirty-one 
Democrats — and  they  were  unanimous  for  John  C.Fremont 

Gov.  Cleveland  (who  now  took  the  chair),  proposed  that  the 
assemblage  give  three  cheers  for  the  31  Democrats  of  Pennsylva- 
nia who  had  taken  this  beautiful  lead.  [Vociferous  and  pro- 
longed cheering.]  That  was  only  an  indication  of  what  they 
would  see  throughout  the  land.  [Renewed  cheers,  followed  by 
boisterous  manifestations  of  approval  and  great  confusion.] 

Gov.  Cleveland,  it  is  due  to  yourselves  to  keep  satisfactory  order. 
These  gentlemen  with  the  pens  here  will  report  every  such  exhi- 
bition, and  they  certainly  ought  not  to  have  the  privilege,  if  they 
esteem  it  a  privilege,  of  making  it  appear  that  we  have  been 
disorderly. 

A  voice — "There  is  no  disorder  in  an  overflow  of  the  heart.'' 

Gov.  Cleveland,  I  may  be  allowed  here  to  state  a  fact,  which, 
doubtless,  will  be  interesting  to  you.  Since  yonr  action  yesterday, 
a  German  newspaper — I  need  not  name  it — has  come  out  and 
hoisted  the  flag  for  John  C.  Fremont.  This  goes  to  show  you  that 
the  current  has  set  in  the  right  direction,  and  that  the  men  or 
party  whc^attempt  to  stop  it  will  only  be  overwhelmed  for  their 
pains.  [Loud  cheers.] 

The  editor  of  the  German  paper  was  now  loudly  called  for.  Mr. 
Schneider,  of  Illinois,  came  forward. 

SPEECH  OF  MR  SCHNEIDER. 

He  said:  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I 
came  here,  as  a  delegate,  to  represent  the  German  population  of 
Illinois;  and  I  have  to  sa}-,  for  them,  that  there  is  no  people  more 
strongly  in  favor  of  freedom  than  the  German  population  of  the 
State  of  Illinois.  [Applause.]  And  I  know  they  will  endorse  the 
platform  that  has  been  adopted  here,  and  the  ticket  that  has  been 
nominated,  with  all  their  hearts,  with  all  their  souls,  and  with  all 
their  strength.  [Applause.]  I  intend  to  return  to  the  West,  and 
do  all  I  can  to  get  the  German  population  to  go  to  a  man  for  the 
Republican  platform  and  the  Republican  nominations.  [Ap- 
plause.] And  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  John  C.  Fremont 
will  get  a  very  large  majority  of  the  German  vote  throughout  the 
country.  [Applause.]  A  majority  of  the  German  papers  have 
already  come  out  in  favor  of  him  [applause],  and  they  all  hope 


68  THE  FIKST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

for  the  success  of  our  glorious  candidates.  [Applause.]  They 
hope  for  success,  because  the  question  at  issue  is  one  of  vast  im- 
portance to  the  German  citizens  of  this  great  country.  We  look 
upon  the  struggle  as  between  slave  labor  and  free  labor,  and  a 
triumph  of  free  labor  is  of  vital  importance  to  the  Germans  in  the 
United  States.  [Applause.]  I  think  we  shall  triumph.  I  think  I 
can  say  that  the  Prairie  State  will  give  at  least  20,000  majority  for 
Fremont.  [Applause.] 

^CALIFORNIA'S  ACKNOWLEDGMENT  OF  THE  NOMINATION. 
/    Seuator_W_ills,_pf  California,  was  called  on  to  acknowledge,  in 
beTTaTiTof  that  [State,  the  nomination  of  Fremont.    He  ascended 
the  platform  amid  great  applause, cheering  and  confusion.  When 
silence  was  restored,  he  said: 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  It  is  my 
pleasure  as  well  as  my  privilege,  as  the  most  youthful  member 
of  the  California  delegation,  to  return  you  the  thanks  of  that  State 
for  the  honor  which  you  have  conferred  upon  California  by  the 
nomination  which  you  have  made  of  John  C.  Fremont,  as  the 
standard-bearer  in  this  new  revolution — for  we  live  in  revolution- 
ary times.  That  word  revolution  carries  me  back  to  the  original 
revolution  which  gave  birth  to  the  States  of  this  confederacy. 

In  the  dark  hour  of  our  fate,  the  eye  of  the  patriot  was  cast  over 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land — for  at  that  time  a  leader  was 
wanted.  The  North  had  its  able  and  gallant  leaders — the  South 
also  had  its  leaders.  But,  gentlemen,  in  that  crisis  the  wisdom 
of  that  day  fixed  its  eye  upon  a  young  Virginia  colonel — a  colonel 
who  had  got  his  education  in  the  mountains,  in  surveying  ex- 
peditions, and  in  leading  his  troops  against  the  common  foe  of 
the  couutrj'.  [Terrific  cheering.]  Gentlemen,  we  hail  that  fact  as 
an  augury  in  this  contest.  [Cheers.]  We,  under  like  circum- 
stances, called  upon  to  fight  a  battle — not  of  arms,  but  a  social, 
civil,  political  battle — find  ourselves  under  a  similar  necessity- 
and  you,  in  imitation  of  the  fathers  of  this  country,  have  fixed 
your  eyes  upon  Col.  John  C.  Fremont — [cheers] — a  man  of  military 
education,  of  personal  courage,  of  daring  adventure,  of  unblem- 
ished character— a  man  who,  I  will  venture  to  say,  witn  the  field 
now  before  him,  and  the  example  of  Washington  in  his  eye,  will 
become  a  second  Washington  by  the  redemption  of  his  country. 
[Loud  cheers.]  California  has  been  looked  to  in  this  contest. 
California  knows  John  C.  Fremont.  He  is.  as  it  were,  her  foster- 
father,  her  discoverer,  her  conqueror  as  against  her  foe,  the 
assertor  of  her  freedom,  and  her  first  representative  in  the  Sen- 
ate. With  the  name  of  John  C.  Fremont,  and  in  view  of  the  recent 
social  and  civil,  and,  I  will  say,  political  revolution,  that  has  just 
occurred  in  California — part  of  which  I  have  seen,  and  in  all  of 
which  I  have  participated — with  that  name  under  existing  cir- 
cumstances, and  with  that  great  measure  of  measures — that 
measure  both  of  peace  and  war — that  measure  which,  more  than 
all,  furnishes  to  the  country  the  material  guarantees  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union — I  mean  the  Pacific  Railroad — [cheers 
and  cries  of  "You  shall  have  it"]— with  that  name,  I  say— with 
the  platform  upon  which  we  stand,  I  undertake  to  assert,  in  no 
spirit  of  exaggeration,  that  if  the  State  of  California  can  be  car- 
ried by  any  human  being  on  our  platform,  John  C.  Fremont  can, 
and  will  do  it  [Vehement  applause.] 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856, 1860,  1864.  69 

It  was  then  announced  that  Mr.  Grimm,  editor  of  the  Belleville 
Zeitung,  was  present,  and  would  address  the  meeting.  He  was 
invited  to  speak. 

REMARKS   OF    MR.   GRIMM. 

After  some  introductory  remarks,  he  said:  The  Germans  in  this 
country  had  come  here  expecting  to  find  freedom;  they  had  found 
it.  and  they  were  willing  and  anxious  to  do  their  duty  in  preserv- 
ing it.  [Applause.]  In  the  earnestness  of  their  desires  for  free- 
dom, they  had  mostly,  when  they  became  citizens,  united  with  the 
Democratic  party,  believing  from  its  name,  that  it  was  the  Demo- 
cratic party;  but  as  soon  as  they  found  that  it  was  not — that  it 
favored  Slavery  rather  than  freedom — as  soon  as  they  found  that 
it  «vas  false  to  freedom  and  true  to  tyranny,  they  were  with  it  no 
longer.  [Applause.]  The  Germans  had  fought  for  freedom  in 
Germany  with  the  sword  and  with  the  pen;  and  here,  in  their 
chosen  land,  they  were  as  ready  to  give  their  blood  for  it  as  they 
•were  when  in  the  land  of  their  birth.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Zachariah  Chandler,  of  Michigan,  read  this  dispatch  from 
Detroit:  "One  hundred  guns  are  now  being  fired  by  the  sailors 
of  Detroit  for  John  C.  Fremont.  Fremont  thunder  has  crossed 
Lake  Erie.  The  channel  of  the  St.  Clair  Flats  is  now  open."  [Loud 
cheers.]  It  was  fitting,  he  said,  that  the  first  response  should 
come  from  Michigan.  She  was  first  to  inaugurate  the  Republican 
party  of  the  United  States.  [Cheers.  "  Maine  was  first!"  "Ohio 
was  first!"  "Pennsylvania  was  first!"  "Illinois  was  first!"]  He 
wanted  to  allude  to  Gen.  Cass,  because  Michigan  had  not  a  clean 
record.  Gen.  Cass  desired  to  be  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  he  wrote  that  damnable  Nicholson  letter  which  preceded  all 
these  outrages.  Like  Esau,  he  sold  his  birthright  for  a  mess  of 
pottage.  But  he  did  not  get  that.  [Loud  applause  ]  Franklin 
Pierce,  like  Judas,  had  betrayed  Freedom  for  thirty  pieces  of 
silver.  Would  he  be  as  repentant  as  Judas?  He  promised  for 
Michigan  10,000  majority  next  fall.  [Enthusiastic  cheering.] 

Gov.  Cleveland,  "  Three  cheers  for  the  sailors  of  Detroit,"  which 
•was  responded  to  with  most  vehement  cheering. 

The  President  announced  that  the  Hon.  Mr.  Van  Dyke  would 
now  address  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Van  Dyke  appeared  upon  the  stand  and  said: 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  :     It  seems  eminently  appropriate 
at  something  should  be  said  on  the  present  occasion  by  New 
rsey.    The  duty  of  performing  this  has  been  unfortunately,  I 
:  ink,  imposed  upon  me.     But  I  shall  not  attempt  to  make  a  regu- 
r  speech,  but  will  make  a  few  remarks  in  a  very  plain  way.  New 
'rsey,  I  think,  should  be  heard  for  two  reasons.     You  will  bear 
ti  mind  that  a  majority  of  the  votes  given  originally  from  New 
eraey  were  given  for  Judge  McLean  of  Ohio.    I  heard  it  said 
luring  the  progress  of  the  canvass,  that  unless  Judge  McLean 
should  be  the  nominee.  New  Jersey  would  probably  bolt.  I  would 
li  xe  to  know  who  has  uttered  that  slander.     [Loud  cheers.]     Gen- 
tlemen, it  is  true  that  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  New  Jersey 


70  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

were  in  favor  of  Judge  McLean.  New  Jersey  loved  Judge  McLean. 
She  loved  him  for  his  high,  pure,  upright  and  moral  character. 
She  admired  him  for  his  great  integrity,  for  his  great  intelligence, 
and  for  his  great  capacity  to  manage  the  helm  of  this  great  nation 
in  this  crisis.  She  loved  Judge  McLean,  moreover,  because  he  was 
her  own  son,  born  of  her  own  body.  She  had  rocked  the  cradle  of 
his  infancj*.  She  had  borne  him  upon  her  bosom  in  his  child- 
hood and  had  sustained  him  in  his  youth,  and  she  therefore  felt 
strongly  disposed — a  majority  of  her  delegates — to  give  him  her 
vote.  But,  gentlemen,  she  was  by  no  means  so  wedded  to  Judge 
McLean  as  to  be  unwilling  to  lead  him  to  the  sacrifice  if  the  sacri- 
fice was  required.  That  sacrifice  seemed  to  be  necessary,  and  the 
victim  was  ready.  Gentlemen,  when  the  question  was  started  in 
the  New  Jersey  delegation  (it  being  supposed  that  Judge  Mc- 
Lean's name  was  withdrawn  from  the  Convention)  whom  we 
would  go  for  next,  I  remember  very  well  that  the  venerable  gen- 
tleman who  now  sits  upon  this  platform  (Chief  Justice  Horn- 
blower),  and  who  was  the  cause  of  that  admirable  correspondence 
placed  before  the  public  between  himself  and  Judge  McLean, 
when  called  upon  to  tell  us  what  to  do  next,  with  his  e3'e  flashing 
fire,  with  his  silvery  locks  bristling  with  light,  he  said,  •'/  am  ft 
Young  American — [loud  and  enthusiastic  cheers] — and  if  I  can- 
not get  the  man  whom  I  wish,  I  will  go  for  the  man  whose  star 
comes  from  the  west,  and  is  now  rising  in  beauty  over  this  mighty 
nation."  [Cheers.]  Gentlemen,  we  were  perfectly  willing  not 
only  to  go,  but  to  go  with  perfect  alacrity,  if  we  could  not  get 
Judge  McLean,  for  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California — [cheers] — the 
man  who  has  traced  the  paths  of  the  buffalo  through  the  wind- 
ing's and  gorges  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  who  has  grappled  with 
the  grizzly  bear  upon  the  snow-capped  summits — the  man  who 
has  planted  the  standard  of  the  United  States  in  the  golden  regions 
of  California — the  man  who  through  toil,  suffering,  trial,  danger, 
hunger  and  snow,  has  done  all  these  things,  and,  with  the  capacity 
of  Caesar  himself,  that  has  gained  such  magnificent  results,  and 
who,  withal,  is  so  capable  of  giving  us  magnificent  accounts  of 
them — [enthusiastic  cheers] — a  man,  gentlemen,  whose  fame  is  al- 
ready too  large  for  this  continent — a  man,  around  whose  brow  are 
clustering  the  laurels  and  the  honors  of  scientific  establishments 
beyond  the  Atlantic  wave — a  man  who  has  traced,  not  only  with 
his  own  eye  and  his  own  thought  the  vast  extent  of  country  in  the 
West,  and  surveyed  the  whole  of  it.  but  has  put  it  down  on  the 
map  so  that  every  schoolboy  and  schoolgirl  can  see  and  examine 
it.  [Cheers.]  Gentlemen,  the  State  of  New  Jersey  is  willing  to  go 
for  this  man;  and  with  John  C.  Fremont  and  William  L.  Dayton 
upon  our  ticket — [loud  cheers] — we  will  awaken  every  mountain 
echo  in  New  Jersey,  from  the  New  York  line  to  the  jumping-off 
place  at  Cape  May.  [Prolonged  cheers.]  We  will  not  only  do  this, 
gentlemen,  but  my  impression  is  that  we  will  set  fire  to  the  whole 
of  the  pine  swamps  on  the  Atlantic  border,  and  you  of  Pennsyl- 
vania must  look  to  it  that  the  Delaware  is  not  too  wide  to  prevent 
the  flames  from  spreading.  [Cheers.]  Allow  me  also,  gentlemen, 
to  thank  you  for  the  honor  you  have  extended  to  the  State  of  New 
Jersey,  in  selecting  for  the  second  office  in  the  gift  of  this  great 
people,  one  of  her  sons.  [Cheers.]  You  have  selected  one  of  Nr\\- 
Jersey's  first  sons.  I  will  not  say  that  he  stands  without  an  equal, 
but  I  will  say  that  he  stands  without  a  superior — [loud  cheers] — 
and  I  will  say  further  that  he  stands  with  but  few  if  any  superi- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  71 

ors  in  this  great  land.  [Cheers.]  He  drew  his  infant  breath 
among-  the  green  hills  of  Morristown,  where  Washington  was 
long-  encamped.  Later  he  settled  down  on  the  plains  of  >I<>n- 
niouth,  where  he  became  an  honored  member  of  the  Judiciary  of 
the  State.  Now,  he  resides  at  Trenton,  the  great  battle-field  of  the 
Revolution,  where  the  torrent  which  was  overflowing  us  was  first 
checked.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.]  William  L.  Dayton  is  an  ac- 
complished man  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  He  is  a  scholar,  a 
gentleman,  a  learned  lawyer,  a  distinguished  Judge  upon  the 
bench.  I  know  him  all  the  way  through.  [Cheers.]  I  know  him 
intimately,  and  I  know  that  iri  everything  which  can  be  desired 
at  the  present  time  he  is  the  man  demanded  by  the  exigencies  of 
the  time  for  Vice-President  and  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States.  [Cheers.]  He  is  also  sound  on  the  question 
which  is  now  agitating  this  country.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  speak, 
gentlemen,  what  I  know  upon  this  subject.  [Cheers.]  It  so  hap- 
pened, fortunately  or  unfortunately,  that  I  was  a  member  of  Con- 
gress when  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850  were  passed.  I  had 
frequent  consultations  with  >Ir.  Dayton  about  those  measures, 
and  I  know  that  he  opposed  them  all  the  way  through — [cheers] — 
not  all  of  them,  it  is  true.  He  did  not  oppose  the  admission  of 
California,  nor  did  he  oppose  the  abolition  of  the  slave  traffic  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  which  he  always  voted  to  stop.  [Cheers.] 
But  he  did  not  vote  for  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law — [loud  cheers] — 
which  was  passed.  These,  with  other  matters,  were  those  which 
were  at  issue  when  the  North  was  sold  to  the  South  as  it  had  been 
before.  In  all  of  these  three  measures  he  voted  with  his  own 
State,  which,  with  one  exception,  opposed  with  all  their  energy, 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  [Cheers.]  When  he  returned  to  his  own 
State,  he  met  a  tumult,  that  seemed  to  rise  all  over  the  country, 
that  these  Compromise  measures  should  be  abided  by,  and  some 
of  the  people  of  his  own  State  were  inclined  to  think  that  he  had 
misrepresented  them,  and  the  result  was  that  he  was  thrown  into 
the  shade,  simply  because  he  was  six  years  in  advance  of  his 
constituents  upon  this  very  question.  [Loud  cheers.]  On  all  of 
these  things  he  is  everything  that  can  be  desired.  Gentlemen,  I 
have  another  duty  to  perform,  and  it  is  to  return  my  thanks  for 
the  very  handsome  manner  in  which  Illinois  has  yielded  her  pre- 
ferences [loud  cheers]  to  New  Jersey's  favorite  son.  Gentlemen 
from  Illinois,  it  was  my  pleasure  to  know  right  well  the  long 
"Sucker"  you  presented.  I  knew  Abraham  Lincoln  in  Congress 
well,  and  for  months  I  sat  by  his  side.  I  knew  him  all  through, 
and  knew  him  to  be  a  first-rate  man  in  every  respect;  and  if  it  had 
not  been  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  Convention  to  have  selected 
William  L  Dayton,  I  know  with  what  perfect  alacrity  I  would 
have  gone  for  him.  I  know  we  of  New  Jersey  would  have  all 
gone  for  him  if  New  Jersey  had  been  called  upon  to  make  another 
sacrifice,  and  I  know  that  none  would  have  more  readily  con- 
sented to  the  sacrifice  than  the  victim  himself.  [Loud  cheers.] 
I  thank  you,  therefore,  gentlemen  from  Illinois,  for  the  graceful 
manner  in  which  you  yielded  your  own  preferences  and  unani- 
mously voted  for  Mr.  Dayton  of  New  Jersey.  [Cheers.]  Gentle- 
men of  this  Convention,  we  are  embarked  in  a  great  cause.  You 
know  my  own  affinities  have  always  been  with  the  Whig  party, 
and  those  who  know  me  well  enough,  know  I  am  ready  to  aban- 
don every  single  one,  so  far  as  this  issue  is  concerned,  to  secure 
thf  success  of  Republican  principles,  and  I  will  not  abandon  it 


7j  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

while  a  plank  remains  of  the  Republican  ship.  [Cheers.]  \Ye 
have  embarked  on  this  Republican  ship,  and  that  ship  is  not  to 
be  surrendered  under  any  circumstances.  If  the  storms  do  over- 
whelm us  and  we  are  unable  to  navigate  the  troubled  sea,  rather 
than  desert  let  us  go  down  with  her.  [Cheers.]  Before  we  will 
abandon  this  glorious  ship  in  which  we  have  embarked,  we  will 
nail  our  colors  to  the  mast,  spread  every  sail,  and  give  her  to  the 
God  of  the  storm,  of  the  lightning  and  the  gale.  [Prolonged 
cheers.] 

Mr.  A.  P.  Stone,  of  Ohio,  offered  the  following  resolution: 

Resolred:  That  the  next  meeting  of  the  Republican  National 
Convention  be  held  at  the  city  of  Cleveland,  in  the  State  of  Ohio. 

Mr.— ,  of  — ,  proposed  a  resolution  that  when  this 

Convention  adjourn,  it  adjourn  to  meet  again  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.,  on  the  fourth  day  of  March  next,  to  attend  the 
inauguration  of  John  C.  Fremont,  as  President  of  the  United 
States. 

Loud  calls  were  made  for  "Hale!  Hale!"  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
greatest  uproar  of  applause,  Mr.  John  P.  Hale  came  forward  and 
took  the  stand. 

SPEECH  OF  JOHX  P.  HALE. 

Mr.  Hale,  when  the  cheering  had  ceased,  spoke  as  follows: 
Permit  me  to  congratulate  you,  1113-  friends,  to-day,  upon  the 
spirit  that  j'ou  have  manifested,  and  the  unanimit}'  with  which 
that  expression  has  gone  forth.  I  believe  that  thisis  aConvention 
assembled  not  so  much  to  decide  who  shall  administer  the  gov- 
ernment, but  shall  there  be  a  government  to  be  administered? 
[Loud  cheers  and  cries  of  "That's  it!"]  You  have  assembled  not 
to  say  whether  the  Union  shall  be  preserved,  but  whether,  being 
preserved,  it  shall  be  a  blessing  to  the  people,  or  a  scorn  and  a 
hissing  the  world  over.  [Loud  cheers.]  Some  men,  my  friends, 
have  expressed  surprise  and  astonishment  at  the  situation  of 
things  in  this  country;  but  I  confess  that  whatever  other  emotions 
fill  my  breast  to-day,  surprise  or  astonishment  finds  no  place 
there.  I  am  not  more  surprised  to  seethe  news  that  comes  flash- 
ing over  the  telegraph,  day  after  day,  and  is  conveyed  to  our  ears 
and  our  eyes,  than  I  shall  be  surprised  next  autumn  to  see  the 
ripened  fruit  following  the  buds  of  spring  and  the  bloom  of  sum- 
mer. No,  my  friends,  we  are  living  in  the  harvest-time  of  a  pro- 
slavery  Democracy.  They  have  sown  their  seeds;  they  have 
germinated,  budded,  blossomed,  borne  fruit;  and  now  the  historian 
is  writing  his  history  in  the  blood  of  our  fellow  citizens  on 
the  plains  of  Kansas.  [Loud  cheers.]  And  it  will  go  abroad 
writing  its  hideous  picture  011  the  heavens  over  our  heads  in  the 
lurid  light  that  flashes  up  from  the  burning  dwellings  of  our 
brethren,  and  the  picture  is  heralded  to  the  world  by  the  screams 
of  the  mothers  an-d  children  who  have  been  ruthlessly  driven 
from  the  home  that  the  incendiary  has  laid  in  ashes.  [Cheers.] 
Aii-l,  my  friends,  the  picture  is  not  perfect  until  the  faithful  histo- 
rian  shall  answer  the  question  who  has  done  it?  I  say  the  national 
administration  has  done  it,  and  nobody  else;  andtheyare  respon- 
sible to-day  for  it  to  the  world,  to  the  country,  to  heaven,  and  to 
all  posterity;  one  of  your  resolutions,  I  believe,  recites  the  objects 


NATIONAL  COXYHXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  73 

which  our  fathers  said  the}'  framed  the  Federal  Constitution  for. 
One  of  these  was  to  insure  "domestic  tranquillity."  Where  is 
"domestic  tranquillity,"  to-clay.  in  Kansas":  Trodden  underfoot, 
arid  lawless  violence  stalking  in  its  place.  Another  was  to  pro- 
mote justice.  Where  is  justice,  to-day,  in  Kansas'.-  Trodden 
underfoot  by  violence.  And  where  is  liberty?  Why.  1113- friends, 
if  it  be  anywhere  else,  as  1  trust  in  God  it  is,  it  is  not  in  Kansas; 
but  if  it  be  not  in  the  Territories,  where  the  Federal  jurisdiction 
extends,  it  has  at  least  free  territory  in  your  own  hearts  [loud 
cheers];  and  I  am  confident  that,  under  its  generous  impulses, 
you  will  assemble  as  one  mighty  host,  under  the  leader  you  have 
selected,  to  march  forth  in  the  coming  campaign  to  a  glorious 
victor}-.  [Cheers.]  My  friends.  I  know  it  is  bad  taste  for  a  man 
ever  to  indulge  in  personal  allusions;  but  I  think  I  have  a  right 
to  indulge  in  one.  Four  years  ago  I  had  the  honor  of  being 
nominated  for  President.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  But  my  friends 
had  told  me  that  I  had  been  in  the  minority  so  long  that  I  made 
a  most  excellent  candidate  when  they  expected  to  be  defeated, 
but  when  victory  came  they  wanted  another  leader.  [Laughter 
and  applause.]  "They  leave  me  still  in  the  minority  where  I  am. 
Well,  my  friends,  what  did  we  meet  for?  Can  we  unite?  If  we 
cannot,  we  deserve  defeat.  One  old  gentleman  said  to  me,  about 
a  \veek  ago:  "Well,  I  don't  know;  1  think  if  the  slave  power  takes 
one  or  two  more  screws  upon  us,  it  will  bring  the  North  together." 
[Loud  cheers  and  laughter.]  One  or  two  more?  Why,  said  I,  if 
the  north  don't  come  together  now.  if  they  don't  rouse  themselves 
as  one  man.  if  they  hear  not  all  the  voices  which  come  to  them 
from  every  quarter,  they  would  not  hear  Moses  and  the  prophets, 
neither  would  they  be  persuaded  though  they  were  screwed  again. 
[Great  laughter  and  applause.]  Well,  now,  my  friends,  what  is  our 
prospect?  I  cannot  speak  for  this  whole  country,  but  I  have  just 
come  from  New  Hampshire.  They  talk  to  you  here,  perhaps, 
about  the  preferences  of  the  different  States.  We  had  no  prefer- 
ences there.  We  were  for  the  cause — we  were  for  liberty — we  were 
for  the  great  principles  of  the  Constitution  carried  out  faithfully, 
and  no  matter  who  might  be  the  standard-bearer,  we  were  the 
soldiers  to  the  cause,  and  we  were  ready  to  fight  under  any  true 
man.  And  it  is.  perhaps,  true,  my  friends,  that  the  hot  impulses 
which  are  ready  to  wipe  out  whatever  odium  is  fastened 
upon  our  State  by  its  unfortunate  connection  with  the  present 
administration,  will  rally  our  voters  more  readily  and  more 
cheerfully  under  the  gallant  man  you  have  selected  for  President. 
New  Hampshire  is  small,  I  know,  but  I  tell  you  she  is  sound  to 
the  core,  and  she  will  speak  a  language  that  will  tower  above  the 
little  voices  she  has  been  uttering  for  some  time  past  as  high  as 
the  mountains  tower  above  the  valleys.  And  so  it  will  be  with  all 
New  England.  Then  we  come  to  Pennsylvania.  And  what  of  her? 
It  cannot  be  that  this  glorious  Commonwealth,  formed  by  the 
piety  and  nurtured  by  the  patriotism  of  a  Penn — it  cannot  be  that 
this  Commonwealth,  with  such  a  glorious  beginning,  with  such 
magnificent  prospects,  with  such  a  glorious  future  before  her — it 
cannot  be  that  in  this  great  contest  of  the  day,  compared  with 
which  all  other  contests  sink  into  comparative  insignificance, 
that  she  is  going  to  belie  her  glorious  history,  her  rich  memories, 
her  dead  patriots,  her  living  fame,  and  bind  herself  to  the  car  of 
slavery.  [Loud  applause.]  Oh,  no,  my  friends,  I  don't  believe  it. 
Why,  I  should  almost  be  afraid  that  the  rumbling  of  the  dry  bones 


74  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

of  the  dead  patriots  of  another  age  would  come  back  to  rebuke 
their  recreant  sons,  before  thejr  would  permit  such  a  reproach  as 
that  to  be  fastened  upon  the  land  of  their  affections.  It  cannot  be. 
We  have  nothing  to  do,  my  friends,  but  to  go  forward.  The 
harvest  is  ripe  for  the  sickle.  God's  blessings  hang  over  us,  only 
waiting  faith  in  us  to  take  them.  That  is  all.  [Loud  and  repeated 
cheers?]  And,  my  friends,  there  is  one  glorious  feature  in  this 
campaign,  and  that  is,  we  fight  it  aboveboard.  We  have  got  out 
of  the  bushes.  We  will  have  no  more  bush-fighting.  We  have 
had,  with  the  blessing  of  Providence,  the  prayer  of  the  old  Grecian 
warrior  answered  in  our  favor.  When  an  unnatural  mist  came 
over  him,  he  poured  forth  the  whole  energy  of  his  warlike  nature 
in  one  fervent  supplication — 

"Oh,  God!  dispel  these  clouds; 

The  light  of  Heaven  restore; 
Give  me  to  see,  and 

Ajax  asks  no  more." 

These  clouds  are  all  dispelled.  The  mists  that  have  enveloped  us 
have  rolled  away  before  the  brightening  rays  of  the  glorious  sun 
of  liberty  and  light.  And  it  shines  out  over  us  all.  Here  are  the 
two  hosts:  There  is  the  host  that  has  sworn  to  extend  the  mildew 
of  slavery  over  the  whole  land — and  here  is  the  army  that  opposes 
them.  There  is  no  mistake  about  it.  There  is  an  open  field  and 
a  fair  fight.  The  banners  are  as  distinct  as  light  and  darkness. 
[Applause.]  The  word  has  gone  forth;  and  from  now  to  the  final 
conflict  every  man  has  a  duty  for  himself  individually  and  col- 
lectively. [Cheers.]  And  what  is  that  duty?  Why,  he  is  to  be  not 
only  a  soldier,  but  a  missionary.  He  is  to  go  forth  to  do  battle 
himself  and  to  encourage  his  neighbors  to  spread  abroad  the  light 
— to  tell  him,  in  the  good  Providence  of  God,  that  the  crisis  which 
is  to  determine  whether  Liberty  or  Slavery  is  to  rule  the  destinies 
of  this  country,  has  come.  And,  my  friends,  if  there  is  any  man 
here  who  has  a  brave  heart  in  his  bosom,  I  think  he  will  thank  God 
that  it  has  come  in  his  day.  We  had  better  settle  it  now,  friends, 
possibly  we  may  better  settle  it  by  the  ballot  than  by  the  car- 
tridge box.  It  is  in  our  power  now  this  year  to  settle  this  great 
question  at  the  ballot-box;  and  in  doing  it  we  shall  achieve  a 
victory  which  will  tend  to  the  progress  or  Liberty  and  the  cause 
of  Humanity  and  the  destinies  of  Liberty,  as  connected  with  this 
Government,  and  more  glorious  than  when  Cornwallis  surren- 
dered the  last  British  army  to  the  American  hosts.  For  that 
victory,  friends,  I  trust  that  we  will  go  forward  with  one  heart, 
and  one  purpose,  and  one  generous  resolve.  The  signs  are  all 
favorable.  Intelligence  is  broadcast  in  this  day;  it  cannot  go  fast 
enough  through  the  ordinary  modes  of  conveyance.  We  have 
enlisted  the  lightnings  of  Heaven,  and  they  rush  from  place  to 
place,  flashing  intelligence  from  mind  to  mind.  And  thus,  hav- 
ing- the  good  cause  commended  by  every  consideration  that  can 
address  itself  to  the  heart  of  the  patriot  or  the  Christian,  let  us, 
with  firm  hopes,  generous  purposes,  and  self-sacrificing  fidelity 
to  the  cause,  go  forward,  being  assured  that  the  sympathies  of 
good  men  and  the  favor  of  a  good  God  will  crown  our  efforts  with 
success.  [Enthusiastic  cheering,  amid  which  the  gentleman  re- 
tired.] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  75 

Governor  Patterson,  of  New  York,  arose  and  asked  that  two  of 
the  sons  of  Xe\v  York  might  be  heard.  [Applause.]  He  wished 
Mr.  Dorsheimer,  of  Buffalo,  and  Hon.  John  A.  King-  to  speak  for 
New  York.  He  would  call  upon  Mr.  Dorsheimer  first. 

When  he  had  reached  the  platform.  Gov.  Cleveland  introduced 
him  as  a  large,  good-looking  man,  and  a  Dutchman. 

SPEECH   OF   MR.   PHILIP     S.   DORSHEIMER,   OF    BUFFALO,   NEW    YORK. 

i 

He  said:  Gentlemen,  I  am  startled  by  the  greatness  of  the  com- 
pliment under  which  I  am  introduced.  The  President  says  I  am 
large  and  good  looking,  and  withal  a  Dutchman.  [Applause.]  It 
is  now  more  than  forty  years  since  I  came  to  this  county,  and 
little  did  I  think  when  I  arrived,  that  I  should  have  to  stand  up 
here,  in  Philadelphia, the  birth-place  of  that  great  creed  of  liberty, 
"The  Declaration  of  American  Independence,"  at  the  present  day 
to  speak  against  slavery.  When  I  arrived  in  this  country,  the  law 
had  just  been  passed  in  Pennsylvania  for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
I  have  always  been  a  Democrat.  I  thought  the  Democratic  party 
was  the  party  of  freedom;  and  if,  while  I  remained  in  that  party, 
its  creed  contained  anything  in  favor  of  slaver}-,  I  did  not  under- 
stand it,  for  I  have  alwaj-s  been  opposed  to  slavery,  and  as  soon 
as  I  discovered  what  favored  it  in  the  platforms  and  acts  of  the 
party  and  its  leaders  I  left  it.  [Applause.]  I  have  been  so  long  in 
this  country  that  I  have  almost  forgotten  my  native  tongue.  I 
have  been  more  than  forty  years  in  American  society — not  in 
American  organizations.  [Laughter  and  applause.)  I  have  never 
been  in  secret  political  societies;  and  I  do  not  believe  they  will 
ever  succeed  in  injuring  an  honest  man.  [Applause.]  I  have  al- 
ways been  well  treated  by  Americans  wherever  I  have  been — 
often,  I  have  thought,  much  better  than  I  deserved.  The  German 
population  of  the  United  States  are,  as  has  been  said,  opposed  to 
slavery;  I  am  opposed  to  it;  and  I  was  grieved  when  I  heard  Mr. 
Stevens  say  what  he  did  concerning  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 
I  love  Pennsylvania.  Pennsylvania  was  the  first  to  take  me  to 
her  arms.  I  have  lived  with  one  of  her  daughters  for  thirty-five 
years.  [Laughter.]  My  wife  was  rocked  in  a  democratic  cradle. 
Her  relatives  are  democrats,  such  democrats  as  I  am — men  who 
will  work  and  vote  for  John  C.  Fremont  for  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  [Cheers.]  I  am  sorry  to  hear  any  one  even  doubt  of 
the  certainty  of  Pennsj'lvaiiia  for  freedom  in  the  coming  election. 
[Applause.]  I  would  be  sorelj-  grieved,  were  I  to  return  to  my 
home  with  the  impression  that  Pennsylvania  would  not  give  a 
majority  for  the  ticket  we  have  nominated.  I  know  that  most  of 
the  Germans  of  Pennsylvania  are  mainly  in  the  right  on  the  mo- 
mentous question  of  slavery;  and  if  they  need  any  help  from  me, 
I  will  say  to  my  friends  that  I  will  come  to  Pennsylvania  when- 
ever the}-  want  me  to  aid  in  the  good  cause.  [Applause.]  But, 
gentlemen,  I  have  detained  you  too  long,  and  I  will  now  give  way 
to  my  good  friend,  John  A.  King,  who  will  tell  yon  more  that  is 
good  than  I  can,  and  do  it  in  a  much  better  style.  [Applause.] 

REMARKS  OF  JOHN  A.   KING. 

He  said  his  friend  had  left  nothing  for  him  to  add,  and  had  said 
what  he  had  said  in  an  admirable  way.  And  yet  as  he  had  been 
requested  to  do  so,  he  would  say  a  word  on  behalf  of  New  York. 
The}- had  come  to  the  Convention  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  upon 


76  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN* 

a  standard-bearer  during-  the  coining-  campaign.  He  had  had  his 
own  preferences;  he  had  thought  that  when  they  had  an  able 
statesman  in  New  York — one  who  had  discharged  his  duties  in 
all  of  the  loft}-  positions  he  had  been  called  to  occupy,  in  an  able 
manner — in  such  manner  as  to  command  the  admiration  of  the 
whole  country — it  would  be  well  to  present  his  name  to  the  Con- 
vention. He  had  hoped  that  the  name  of  William  H.  Seward,  of 
New  York,  would  have  been  presented.  [Great  applause.]  For  in 
him  their  hopes  were  centered.  They  knew  him  to  be  true,  and 
tlu-v  knew  him  to  be  faithfulf  for  they  had  tried  him.  [Applause.] 
But  it  was  not  deemed  best.  It  was  thought  unadvisable  to  take 
such  a  man  from  the  Senate  at  such  a  time.  [Applause.]  In 
making-  a  selection  it  was,  where  there  was  a  desire  for  unanimity, 
comparatively  an  easy  task  to  pass  from  one  good  friend  of  the 
cause  to  another.  We,  of  New  York,  have  ever  been  true  to  the 
Constitution  and  true  to  freedom.  We  had  no 'preferences  which 
we  could  permit  to  interfere  with  that;  and  we  gave,  without  con- 
sultation— for  we  had  made  no  agreement  or  arrangement  at  any 
meeting- — one  unanimous  vote  for  John  C.  Fremont.  New  York 
sustains  the  nomination,  and  I  trust  she  will  give  him,  not  a  plu- 
rality, but  a  majority  of  her  votes.  I  have  no  right  to  pledge  any 
number  for  her,  but  I  know  her  record  is  rig-ht  for  freedom.  She 
was  right  in  1820,  and  she  will  be  so  again.  Proceeding  to  speak 
of  Mr.  Fremont,  he  said  he  knew  but  little  of  him  personally,  and 
3ret  he  knew  him  to  be  a  true  man,  a  brave  man,  and  a  man  of  in- 
tegrity. His  history  was  in  every  school  book.  They  required  a 
man  who  would  not  hesitate  when  Freedom  was  in  danger,  and 
he  believed  J.  C.  Fremont  to  be  that  man.  And  there  was  another 
man,  a  man  from  New  Jersey,  whom  they  had  nominated  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  He  was  a  man  of  middle  age, and  he  knew  him 
to  be  a  good  man.  He  had  been  with  him  in  the  Gongress  of  the 
United  States  for  two  years,  where  he  had  seen  that  he  was  as 
true  as  steel,  and  that  his  qualifications  were  such  as  fitted  him 
practically  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  Senate.  These  were 
the  men  they  had  nominated.  He  asked,  would  they  elect  them? 
[Cries  of  "Yes,  we  will !"]  Continuing,  he  said  the  people  were 
moved  concerning  the  great  questions  which  were  now  the  issues. 
They  were  interested  in  them,  not  as  questions  of  tariff,  or  other 
economical  questions,  but  as  questions  in  which  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution  were  involved  and  in  danger;  and  he  believed 
that  they  would  make  one  more  grand  effort  for  Freedom  in  No- 
vember next.  [Applause.]  These  were  the  sentiments  of  his 
heart.  He  was  brought  up  at  the  feet  of  one  who  had  something 
to  do  with  the  formation  of  the  Constitution.  He  bore  his  name, 
and  he  was  like  him  in  his  love  for  liberty.  [Applause.]  These 
were  also  the  sentiments  of  New  York.  She  was  not  for  disunion 
— she  was  strong  for  union  and  for  the  Constitution.  It  was  to 
sustain  both  that  they  had  met  in  Convention,  and  he  believed 
their  action  would  have  that  result,  if  ratified  by  the  people.  To 
that  end  they  must  all  work,  for  it  would  require  an  earnest  effort 
to  command  success. 

[Mr.  King  retired  amid  great  applause.] 

Mr.  Carpenter,  of  Vermont,  mounted  the  platform,  and  asked  if 
they  had  ever  heard  of  Vermont  being  sick?  He  said  that  she 
never  was  sick  but  once,  and  that  was  when  she  miscarried  with 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1850,  1860,  1864.  77 

Stephen  A.  Douglas.  One  of  the  original  resolutions  upon  sla- 
very was  framed  by  Judge  Harrington,  of  Vermont,  who  said 
that  he  would  never  believe  that  a  man  was  a  slave  till  he  had 
seen  a  bill  of  sale  of  him  from  God  Almighty.  He  pledged  ten 
thousand  majority  for  Fremont  in  Vermont,  and  said  that,  if  that 
that  was  not  enough,  he  would  add  ten  thousand  more.  [Cheers.] 

Judge  Test,  of  Illinois,  said  that  his  State  delegation  was  at  first 
equally  divided  between  McLean  and  Fremont,  but  there  is 
no  division  now.  Illinois  would  give  from  15,000  to  20,000  majority 
for  Fremont  and  Dayton.  He  had  lived  forty-six  years  in  the 
State,  and  he  wanted  them  to  see  next  fall  whether  he  was  right. 
He  denounced  Stephen  A.Douglas,and  promised  that  they  would 
not  only  give  a  majority  for  Fremont  and  Daj'ton,  but  elect  two 
United  States  senators  this  fall. 

Judge  Hoadly,  of  Ohio,  got  upon  the  platform,  and  said  that 
they  had  placed  Ohio  on  the  right  in  the  Cenvention,  in  seating 
the  members,  and  she  would  head  the  column,  in  November,  by 
rolling  up  a  majority  of  100,000!  [Applause.]  He  read  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Charles  Remlin,  a  gentleman  who  had  never  voted  upon 
the  Republican  ticket,  but  who  now  predicted  the  triumph  of 
Fremont.  Under  the  banner  of  the  White  Bear,  the  Polar  Bear, 
the  Bear  of  the  North,  and  Col.  Fremont,  California  achieved  her 
freedom.  Let  that  bear  be  on  our  banner,  white  bear  against 
black  bear ;  Kansas  for  white  men  against  Kansas  for  slaves. 

Gov.  Kent,  of  Maine,  was  the  next  speaker.  He  said  that  the  star 
of  the  East  would  shine  brighter  next  November,  and  the  State 
of  Maine  stand,  as  it  originally  stood,  with  a  majority  for  free- 
dom. The  Bast  was  modest,  and  placed  none  of  her  men  before 
the  Convention.  She  only  asked  them  and  the  world  to  forget  the 
man  from  the  East  who  now  occupies  the  Presidential  chair.  The 
Cincinnati  Convention  had  only  got  out  their  water-logged  hulk 
again — not  with  a  new  commander-  for  Buchanan  says  he  is  not 
a  commander,  but  only  a  new  figure-head.  Let  us  go  home  and 
organize.  The  time  to  talk  had  passed  ;  the  time  to  act  had  come, 
when  they  had  reached  their  homes. 

Mr.  Elliott,  of  Massachusetts,  said  Massachusetts  would  ratify 
the  nominations  at  the  ballot-box,  but  he  desired  that  Henry 
\Vilson  might  speak  for  her  now. 

K'KSPOXSE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS— HON.   HEXKY   WILSON'S  SPEECH. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  received  with  vehement  cheers.  He  said: 
Mr.  President  and  Fellow  Citizens  of  the  Convention:  I  congrat- 
ulate you  on  the  result  of  this  day's  proceedings.  You  have 
preferred  a  platform  that  embraces  freedom,  humanity  and 
Christianity.  [Cries  of  "Good,"  and  cheers.]  You  have  embodied 
the  sentiments  of  a  pure,  Christian  Democracy  in  your  platform. 
^Cheers.]  You  have  placed  in  nomination  a  ticket  that  you  have 


78  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

not  to  apologize  for.  You  have  a  ticket  standing-  on  your  plat- 
form, and  worthy  of  the  suffrages  of  the  Christian  freemen  of  the 
I'ni ted  States.  [Cheers.]  Sir,  I  am  called  upon  to  respond  for 
Massachusetts.  Massachusetts,  sir,  by  an  uncounted  majority, 
will  sustain  that  platform  and  support  that  ticket.  Far  rather, 
sir.  would  I  have  the  grandson  of  John  Adams,  and  the  son  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  speak  for  Massachusetts  to-day.  I  would 
rather  hear  the  son  of  Samuel  Hoar,  who  was  driven  from  South 
Carolina.  And  I  would  rather  hear  the  voice  of  any  of  the  other 
eloquent  sons  of  Massachusetts  in  this  Convention  than  my  own. 
But,  sir,  as  I  have  been  called  upon  to  offer  a  word  or  two,  I  will 
speak  with  some  degree  of  frankness,  and  say  that  we  have  adopt- 
ed a  glorious  platform.  We  have  a  glorious  ticket.  And  now,  all 
that  is  required  is  that  we  organize  the  Christian  Democratic 
sentiment  of  America,  and  place  that  ticket  in  power.  [Loud 
cheers.]  Are  you.  gentlemen,  for  free  speech?  [Shouts  of  "Aye," 
"Yes,"  and  cheers.]  Then  vote  for  John  C.Fremont.  [Cheers.]  Are  you 
for  a  free  press?  ["Aye,"]— all  over  the  North?  ["Yes,  yes."]  In  Kan- 
sas? [Shouts  of  "Yes,  certainl)^."]  Everywhere  in  the  territory  of 
the  United  States?  ["Aye.  aye."]  Then  vote  the  ticket  that  has 
here  been  nominated.  [Cheers.]  Are  you  for  freemen — ["aye,  aye, 
aye,"] — everywhere  under  the  folds  of  the  flag  of  the  United 
States?  In  the  territories  of  the  United  States?  [Cheers  and 
shouts  of  "aye."j  Then  vote  that  ticket.  Are  you 
for  free  Kansas?  [Cries  of  "aye."]  Do  you  want  to  bring 
that  young  sister  of  ours,  now  in  a  condition  of  civil  war,  into  the 
galaxy  of  free  confederacies?  [Loud  cries  of  "aye."]  Then  sup- 
port that  ticket.  [Cheers.]  Aye,  gentlemen,  let  our  motto  in  this 
canvass  be,  Free  Speech,  Free  Press,  Free  men,  Free  Labor,  Free 
Territory,  and  Fremont.  [Thundering  cheers.]  Gentlemen,  my 
feelings  this  day  are  not  unmixed  with  sadness.  Our  friends  from 
Pennsylvania  have  been  disappointed  in  their  choice. 

Gov.  Cleveland,  the  gentleman  will  allow  me  to  make  a  sugges- 
tion. All  that  is  healed  up,  and  they  are  now  glad  that  they  were 
disappointed. 

Voices — "Certainly,  certainly."    [Loud  cheers.] 

Mr.  Wilson,  then,  sir,  I  pass  from  the  allusion  to  it.  I  rejoice  to 
learn  that  their  feelings  of  anxiety  of  yesterday  have  passed  into 
cheering  and  brilliant  hopes  to-day.  I  believe  that  ticket  will  not 
only  be  sustained  in  New  England — in  the  mighty  West,  in  New 
York,  and  in  New  Jersey,  but  that  itwill  carry  the  Commonwealth 
of  Pennsylvania.  [Loud  cheers.]  They  may  tell  me  that  Fremont 
is  a  new  man.  But,  thank  God,  we  can  say  that  he  did  not  oppose 
our  countrymen  when  they  were  fighting  the  battles  of  free  trade 
and  sailors'  rights.  [Applause.]  You  have  not  that  history  to 
apologize  for.  And,  sir,  his  name  is  not  appended  to  that  Ostend 
address,  that  piratical  document  that  has  disgraced  America  in 
the  face  of  the  civilized  world.  His  history  is  a  brilliant  and 
glorious  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  there  is  no 
American  of  any  party  that  is  not  proud  of  him.  [Cheers.]  You 
have  no  apologies  to  make  for  your  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
and  Vice-Presidency.  Sir,  a  delegate  from  New  Jersey  has  told 
us  that  W.  L.  Dayton  has  been  true  to  Liberty.  The  other  day  I 
examined  the  Congressional  Record,  and  read  his  long  and  bril- 
liant speech  against  the  compromise  measures.  I  read  up  his 
history,  because  I  believed  he  was  just  the  man  to  put  on  this 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  79 

ticket  with  John  C.  Fremont.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  will  say  that  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  among-  the  most  gifted  sons  of 
the  Republic,  Win.  L.  Dayton  was  considered  among  the  first  and 
foremost.  [Cheers.]  We  have  genius  and  talent,  we  have  princi- 
ple and  patriotism  in  our  ticket.  And  all  \vr  want  is  the  organi- 
zation of  the  freemen  of  the  Union.  I  suggest  to  the  young  men 
here  to-day,  to  the  young  men  of  the  country,  to  hold  State 
Conventions  immediately,  endorse  this  nomination,  and  organize 
Young  America  to  support  the  resolutions  we  have  adopted. 
[Cheers.]  We  were  told  to-day  that  our  fathers  took  an  untried 
man.  George  Washington,  to  lead  us  to  victory.  When  John 
Adams  and  Hancock  were  organizing  the  American  Revolution, 
the  British  General  wanted  to  know  who  Hancock  and  who  Ad- 
ams were.  Said  he,  "I  have  heard  of  Hancock,  but  who  are  this 
brace  of  Adamses:"  Gentlemen,  the  British  agent  found  out  who 
Samuel  and  John  Adams  were.  The  men  who  oppose  this  ticket, 
who  ask  those  questions,  will  find  out  in  November  next  who 
John  C.  Fremont  is.  [Loud  applause.]  This  is  a  moment  of  revo- 
lution. It  is  a  revolution  of  liberty,  of  humanity,  of  Christianity, 
of  all  that  is  noble  in  man.  And  I  believe  it  will  gloriously  tri- 
umph in  November  next.  Be  it  our  duty,  gentlemen,  each  and  all 
of  us.  to  labor  and  to  hope  on  until  we  establish  the  principles 
embodied  in  this  platform  in  the  Government  of  the  country,  and 
place  that  name  [pointing  to  the  banner  on  which  Mr.  Fremont's 
name  was  inscribed]  in  the  Presidential  Chair  of  the  Republic. 
[Loud  and  prolonged  cheering.] 

Hon.  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  said,  that  he  should  not 
have  presumed  to  occupy  the  time  of  the  Convention,  but  that  he 
was  unwilling  that  Pennsylvania  should  have  no  voice  in  these 
congratulations.  Pennsylvania,  by  some,  is  considered  doubt- 
ful,and  to  Peniisylvanians,  also,  I  appeal.  Why,  I  ask,  in  the  name 
of  God,  can  we  not  carry  Pennsylvania?  Was  not  blood  shed 
here  too  in  our  Revolution?  Have  we  no  historical  associations? 
\Vas  Pennsylvania  so  low  that  politicians  could  drag  her  down? 
Have  we  no  patriotic  sentiment  among  our  people  !  A  more  hon- 
est and  patriotic  population  cannot  be  found  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  than  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania.  He  appealed  to  the 
Philadelphiaus,  by  the  patriotic  associations  of  their  city,  to 
assist  in  the  work.  Had  Philadelphia  forgotten  that  Franklin 
lived  and  died  among  them?  Friends,  said  he,  let  us  carry 
Pemisylvania.  [Cries  of  "  We  will/'  and  cheers.] 

Mr.  Williams,  of  Pennsylvania,  came  forward  and  said  that  al- 
though Pennsj'lvaniahad  been  disappointed  in  the  choice  of  a 
candidate,  she  would  prove  true  in  the  approaching  crisis.  There 
\\as  a  greater  question  pending  than  there  was  before  the  Revo- 
lutionary fathers,  and  the  Keystone  State  would  be  true  to  her 
duty. 

Judge  Tyler,  of  Connecticut,  chose  to  face  the  South.  The 
single  issue  before  this  country  is— Freedom  or  Slavery.  They 
told  us  that  disunion  would  result.  Would  Virginia  secede? 
The  ashes  of  Jefferson  forbade  it.  Would  Kentucky  secede? 


80  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

There  was  a  subterreue  power  that  forbade  it.  They  must  first 
remove  the  bones  of  Henry  Clay.  ["  And  they  must  kill  Cassius 
M.  Clay  too."]  They  were  going-  to  prevent  disunion,  peaceably 
if  they  could,  forcibly  if  they  must.  He  was  going  to  act;  he 
was  going  to  Kansas.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.]  God  Almighty,  the 
giver  of  all  good  gifts,  who  planted  the  central  fire  in  the  earth, 
had  planted  in  our  bosoms  the  fire  of  libert\7.  Stephen  A.  Doug- 
las, with  his  Nebraska  bill,  had  subsoiled  half  a  continent.  He 
should  see  the  fruit  of  it.  [Immense  cheering  and  waving  of 
handkerchiefs.] 

Mr.  Blakey,  of  Kentucky,  came  as  an  earnest  that  Kentucky, 
before  another  four  years  came  round,  should  be  fully  admitted 
as  a  member  of  the  Republican  Family  of  States.  Under  the 
lead  of  Cassius  M.  Clay  [enthusiastic  applause],  Kentucky  had 
given  a  larger  Free-Soil  vote  than  any  other  State. 

Mr.  Underwood,  of  Virginia,  asked  why  Virginia  was  not  repre- 
sented here  to-day  as  in  1776?  It  was  because  there  was  a  just 
God  in  heaven,  and  his  justice  would  not  slumber  forever.  It 
was  because  their  political  Masonry  had  been  cementing  the 
wall  for  crushed  humanity;  because  their  hunters  had  been 
hunting  down  Christian  women,  for  deeds  which  might  almost 
call  down  an  archangel.  Were  they  willing  that  this  blighting 
curse  should  be  extended  into  Kansas?  ["  No,  no !"]  He  ap- 
pealed to  them  that  the  fate  of  Virginia  should  be  a  warning. 

The  Chairman  stated  that  he  had  a  communication  from  Cas- 
sius M.  Clay  that  he  supported  the  nominee,  let  him  be  whom  he 
may. 

The  Hon.  Thos.  Davis,  of  Rhode  Island,  said  that  though  small 
in  territory,  his  State  had  all  the  attributes  which  went  to  make 
up  prosperity.  With  one-fiftieth  only  of  the  territory  of  Vir- 
ginia, they  could  show  such  contrast  to  Virginia  as  would  satisfy 
all  men  from  whence  models  for  new  States  should  be  drawn. 
But  Rhode  Island  was  not  a  doubtful  State,  and  he  need  say  no 
more. 

Mr.  Fussell,  of  Maryland,  and  Mr.  Branscomb,  of  Kansas,  ex- 
pressed their  entire  concurrence  in  the  platform  and  their  satis- 
faction with  the  candidates. 

Gen.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas,  made  a  few  eloquent  and  stirring  re- 
marks. He  said  that  some  proposed  letting  Kansas  in  free,  as  a 
final  settlement  of  the  past.  But  this  was  not  enough.  The 
South  must  make  atonement — must  make  reparation.  They  must 
recompense  the  freemen  of  Kansas  for  their  buildings  destroyed 
and  their  property  stolen.  They  must  give  back  the  dead  that 
have  gone  before.  They  must  restore  to  the  mother  the 
only  son  of  her  hope,  to  the  wife  the  husband  of  her  heart. 
Atonement  was  the  word :  they  must  make  atonement  for  the 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  81 

record  of  the  past.  The  free  men  who  went  to  Kansas  did  not 
think  the}'  were  going  where  they  were  to  be  deprived  of  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Government.  They  had  a  right  to  go  as  free  men. 
They  did  not  suppose  that  when  there  they  should  have  to  learn 
another  language,  to  undergo  another  baptism ;  for  they  had 
been  baptized  in  the  love  of  freedom  at  their  early  homes.  They 
could  not  be  slaves — they  had  not  the  mark  of  servitude  written 
on  their  backs  or  branded  on  their  foreheads.  They  had  come 
here  from  their  desolate  homes  with  drooping  heads  and  trem- 
bling hands,  but  they  were  now  inspired  with  hope,  for  the}' 
found  their  friends  ready  at  their  call  to  aid  them.  He  concluded 
by  declaring  that  all  Free  Kansas  would  pray  that  the  man  who 
tracked  our  prairies  to  California  may  be  the  next  President  of 
the  Union. 

Mr.  Pomeroy's  remarks  created  much  sensation,  and  were  re- 
ceived with  loud  applause. 

Mr.  Wilmot  moved  to  reconsider  the  resolution  directing  the 
National  Committee  to  call  a  Young  Men's  Convention  in  New 
York  in  September,  for  the  purpose  of  offering  an  amendment  to 
the  same,  providing  for  holding  the  proposed  Young  Men's  Con- 
vention in  the  city  of  Harrisburgh,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
instead  of  in  the  cit}'  of  New  York, 
The  motion  to  reconsider  was  adopted. 

The  proposed  amendment  of  Mr.  Wilmot  was  then  adopted,  and 
the  resolution  as  amended,  and  in  the  words  following,  was 
then  unanimously  adopted: — 

Resolved,  That  a  National  Convention  of  Young  Men  in  favor 
of  Free  Speech,  Free  Soil,  and  Free  Kansas,  and  of  Fremont  for 
President  of  the  United  States,  be  held  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber, 1856,  at  the  city  of  Harrisburgh,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
under  the  call  of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 

Judge  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  called  up  the  resolution  to  hold 
the  next  National  Convention  at  Cleveland,  and  moved  its  refer- 
ence to  the  Republican  National  Committee.  He  thought  the 
Committee  should  name  the  place.  If  successful  in  the  election, 
they  might  hold  their  next  Convention  in  Kentucky  or  Virginia. 
Massachusetts  desired  to  advance  the  column  to  the  South,  hold- 
ing their  party  to  be  a  National  party.  The  Democrats  had 
called  their  next  National  Convention  at  Charleston,  in  the  State 
of  South  Carolina,  and  if  they  persevered  in  iheir  present  policy, 
they  would  never  dare  to  show  themselves  north  o£  that  State. 

The  motion  to  refer  was  adopted,  and  the  resolution  in  question 
was  accordingly  referred  to  the  Republican  National  Committee. 
Hon.  David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  then  offered  the  following 
resolutions: — 

Resol*~ecl,   That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  tendered  to 
the  Hon.  Robert  Emmet,  for  the  courteous  and  efficient  manner 
6 


82  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

in  which  he  discharged  the  duties  of  temporary  President  whilst 
effecting  the  organization  of  this  Convention. 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  presented  to 
the  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,  President  of  this  Convention,  for  his  im- 
partial and  energetic  discharge  of  the  duties  of  Presiding  Officer 
of  the  Convention. 

The  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  with  hearty  cheers. 

Hon.  George  Hoadley,  of  Ohio,  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution:— 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  presented  to 
its  Vice-Presidents  and  Secretaries  for  their  ability  and  fidelity  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

Judge  Hoadley  put  the  question  upon  this  resolution,  and  the 
same  was  unanimously  adopted. 

Mr. of  offered  the  following  resolution: — 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  Convention  entertain  a 
deep  sense  of  the  hospitality  and  kindness  which  they  have  ex- 
perienced at  the  hands  of  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  during  the  session  of  this  Convention;  and  that  we 
tender  to  them  our  grateful  acknowledgments  therefor;  and  that 
to  the  members  and  reporters  of  the  public  press,  who  have  at- 
tended and  reported  our  proceedings,  our  thanks  are  hereby 
presented  for  their  faithful  and  efficient  services. 

Which  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted. 

It  was  then  moved  that  this  Convention  do  now  adjourn,  with- 
out day. 

And  with  hearty  cheers  for  the  platform — led  off  by  Gov.  Cleve- 
land, in  the  Chair — and  nine  tremendous  cheers  for  the  candi- 
dates, in  the  best  of  feeling,  the  Convention  adjourned. 

HENRY  S.  LANE,  of  Indiana, 

Presiden  t. 


NATIONAL  CONYEXTI  •>,  1860,  1864.  83 


PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE   NATIONAL    REPUBLI- 
CAN CONVENTION 

HELD  AT  CHICAGO,  MAY  16th.  17th  AND  18th,  1860. 


FIRST   DAY. 

At  12:10  p.  in.,  Wednesday,  May  16,  1860,  the  Delegates  having 
assembled,  the  Convention  was  called  to  order  by  Hon.  Edwin  D. 
Morgan,  of  New  York. 

OPENING  ADDRESS  BY  MR.  MORGAN. 

Hon.  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York,  in  calling  the  Convention 
to  order  said: 

On  the  twenty-second  of  December  last,  the  Republican  Nation- 
al Committee,  at  a  meeting  convened  for  the  purpose  in  the  Citjr 
of  New  York,  issued  a  call  for  a  National  Convention,  which  I  will 
now  read: 

"A  National  Republican  Convention  will  meet  at  Chicago  on 
Wednesday,  the  16th  day  of  May  next,  at  twelve  o'clock  noon,  for 
the  nomination  of  candidates  to  be  supported  for  President  and 
Vice-Presinent  at  the  next  election. 

"The  Republican  electors  ot  the  several  states,  the  members 
of  the  people's  party  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  the  opposition  party 
of  New  Jersey,  and  all  others  who  are  willing  to  co-operate  with 
them  in  support  of  the  candidates  which  shall  there  be  nominated, 
and  who  ore  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  present  administration, 
to  federal  corruption  and  usurpation,  to  xhe  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  territories,  to  the  new  and  dangerous  political  doctrine 
that  the  Constitution  of  its  own  force  carries  slaver}-  into  all  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  to  the  opening  of  the  African 
slave  trade,  to  any  inequalit\-  of  rights  among  citizens;  and  who 
are  in  favor  of  the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union, 
under  the  Constitution  recently  adopted  by  its  people,  of  restoring 
the  federal  administration  to  a  system  of  rigid  economy  and  to 
the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  of  maintaining  in- 
violate the  rights  of  the  States  and  defending  the  soil  of  every 
State  and  Territory  from  lawless  invasion,  and  of  preserving  the 
integrity  of  this  Union  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution 
and  laws  passed  in  pursuance  thereof  against  the  conspiracy  of  the 


84  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

leaders  of  a  sectional  party,  to  resist  the  majority  principle  as 
established  in  this  government  even  at  the  expense  of  its  existence 
—are  invited  to  send  from  each  State  two  delegates  from  each 
Congressional  district,  and  four  delegates  at  large  to  the  Con- 
vention." 

EDWIN  D.  MORGAN,  New  York,  Chairman, 

JOSEPH  BARTLETT,  Maine, 

GEO.  G.  FOGG,  New  Hampshire, 

1.  \\\  RKNCE  BRAINERD,  Vermont, 

JOHN  Z.  GOODRICH,  Massachusetts, 

GIDEON  WELLES,  Connecticut, 

THOMAS  WILLIAMS,  Pennsylvania, 

GEORGE  HARRIS,  Maryland, 

ALFRED  CALDWELL,  Virginia, 

THOMAS  SPOONER,  Ohio, 

CASSIUS  M.  CLAY,  Kentucky, 

JAMES  SHERMAN,  New  Jersey, 

CORNELIUS  COLE,  California, 

JAMES  RITCHIE.  Indiana, 

NORMAN  B  JUDD,  Illinois, 

ZACHARIAH  CHANDLER,  Michigan, 

JOHN  H.  TWEEDY,  Wisconsin, 

ALEX.  RAMSEY,  Minnesota, 

ANDREW  J.  STEVENS,  Iowa, 

ASA  S.  JONES,  Missouri, 

MARTIN  F.  CONWAY,  Kansas, 

LEWIS  CLEPHANE,  Dist.  of  Columbia, 

WM.  M.  CHACE,  Rhode  Island, 

O.  P.  SCHOOLFIELD,  Tenneessee, 

E.  D.  WILLIAMS,  Deleware. 

In  compliance  therewith,  the  people  have  sent  representatives 
here  to  deliberate  upon  measures  for  carrying  into  effect  the 
objects  of  the  call. 

Usage  has  made  it  my  duty  to  take  the  preliminary  step  towards 
organizing  the  convention — a  Convention,  upon  the  proceedings 
of  which,  permit  me  to  say,  the  most  momentous  results  are 
depending.  No  body  of  men  of  equal  number  was  ever  clothed 
with  greater  responsibility  than  those  now  within  the  hearing 
of  my  voice.  You  do  not  need  me  to  tell  3rou,  gentlemen,  what 
this  responsibility  is.  While  one  portion  of  the  adherents  of  the 
National  Administration  are  endeavoring  to  insert  a  slave  code 
into  the  party  platform,  another  portion  exhibits  its  readiness  to 
accomplish  the  same  result  through  the  action  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  [applause];  willing  by  indirection  to  do 
that  which,  if  done  directly,  would  bringa  blush  even  to  the  cheek 
of  modern  Democracy.  [Cheers  and  laughter.] 

While  these  and  other  stupendous  wrongs,  absolutelj- shocking 
to  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  country,  are  to  be  fastened  upon 
the  people  by  the  party  in  power,  if  its  leaders  are  able  to  bring 
the  factious  elements  that  compose  it  into  any  degree  of  una- 
nimity, there  seems  left  no  ray  of  hope  except  in  the  good  sense 
of  this  Convention.  [Great  applause  ] 

Let  me  then  invoke  you  to  act  in  a  spirit  of  harmony,  that  by 
the  dignity,  the  wisdom  and  the  patriotism  displayed  here  you 
may  be  enabled  to  enlist  the  hearts  of  the  people,  an'd  to  strength- 
en them  in  the  faith  that  yours  is  the  constitutional  party  of  the 
country,  and  the  only  constitutional  part}';  that  3rou  are  actuated 


NATIONAL  CONVENTION'S— 1856,  1860,  1864.  85 

by  principle,  and  that  you  will  be  guided  by  the  light  and  by  tin- 
example  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic.  [Renewed  cheers.) 

Fortunately  3'ou  are  not  required  to  enunciate  new  and  untried 
principles  of  government.  This  has  been  well  and  wisely  done  by 
the  statesmen  of  the  Revolution.  [Applause.)  Stand  where  they 
stood,  avowing  and  maintaining  the  like  objects  and  doctrines; 
then  will  the  end  sought  be  accomplished  ;  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union  be  preserved,  and  the  government  be  administered  by 
patriots  and  statesmen. 

For  Temporary  President  I  now  nominate  Hon.  David  Wilmot, 
of  Pennsylvania.  [Great  and  prolonged  applause.]  Those  that 
are  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Wilmot  for  temporary 
presiding  officer  will  say,  aye. 

The  nomination  being  confirmed  b}r  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
Convention  amid  great  applause,  the  Chair  nominated  Judge 
\Vm.  L.  Marshall,  of  Maryland,  and  Gov.  C.  F.  Cleveland,  of  Con- 
necticut, to  wait  upon  the  presiding  officer  and  conduct  him  to 
his  seat. 

The  temporary  chairman  was  then  conducted  to  the  chair  by 
the  committee,  amid  loud  cheering,  Gov.  Cass  Cleveland  intro- 
ducing him  as  follows: 

Permit  me  to  introduce  to  this  Convention  a  gentleman  whose 
name  is  known  to  every  lover  of  liberty  throughout  this  land — the 
Hon.  David  Wilmot.  the  man  who  dares  to  do  the  right,  regardless 
of  consequences.  With  such  men  for  our  leaders,  there  is  no  such 
word  as  fail.  [Vociferous  cheering.] 

THE  CHAIRMAN'S  INAUGURAL. 

Hon.  David  Wilmot,  on  taking  the  chair,  spoke  as  follows: 

I  have  no  words  in  which  properly  to  express  my  sense  of  the 
honor—and  the  undeserved  honor,  I  think  it  is — of  being  called 
upon  to  preside  temporally  over  the  deliberations  of  this  Con- 
vention. 

I  shall  not  attempt  a  task  which  I  feel  inadequate  to  perform. 
He  sure,  gentlemen,  that  1  am  not  insensible  to  this  high  and  un- 
deserved honor.  I  shall  carry  the  recollection  of  it,  and  of  your 
manifestation  of  partiality  with  me  until,  the  day  of  my  death. 

It  is  not  necessarj*  for  me,  fellow  citizens,  gentlemen,  delegates, 
to  remind  you  of  the  importance  of  the  occasion  that  has  called 
this  assemblage  together;  nor  of  Ihe  high  duties  which  devolve 
upon  you.  A  great  sectional  and  aristocratic  part\-,  or  interest, 
has  for  years  dominated  with  a  high  hand  over  the  political 
affairs  of  this  country.  That  interest  has  wrested,  and  is  now 
wresting,  all  the  great  powers  of  this  government  to  the  one 
object  of  the  extension  of  slavery.  It  is  our  purpose,  gentlemen 

it  is  the  mission  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  basis  of  its 
organization,  to  resist  this  policy  of  a  sectional  interest.  It  is  our 
mission  to  restore  this  government  to  its  original  policy,  and 
place  it  again  in  that  rank  upon  which  our  fathers  organized  and 
brought  it  into  existence.  It  is  our  purpose  and  our  policy  to 
resist  these  new  Constitutional  dogmas,  that  slavery  exists  by 
virtue  of  the  Constitution  wherever  the  banner  of  this  Union 
floats. 


86  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

It  is  our  purpose  to  restore  the  Constitution  to  its  original 
meaning- ;  to  give  to  it  its  true  interpretation  ;  to  read  that  instru- 
ment as  our  fathers  read  it.  [Applause.]  That  instrument  was 
not  ordained  and  established  for  the  purpose  of  extending  slavery 
within  the  limits  of  this  country;  it  was  not  ordained  and  estab- 
lished for  the  purpose  of  giving  guarantees  and  securities  to  that 
institution.  Our  fathers  regarded  slavery  as  a  blot  upon  this 
countrj'.  They  went  down  into  their  graves  with  the  earnest  hope 
and  confident  belief,  that  but  a  few  more  years  and  that  blot 
would  be  extinguished  from  our  land.  [Much  applause.]  This 
was  the  faith  in  which  they  died.  [Applause.]  Had  the  proposi- 
tion been  presented  to  them  in  the  early  conflicts  of  the  revolution, 
or  outside  of  that  grand  movement,  that  they  were  called  upon 
to  endure  the  hazards,  trials  and  sacrifices  of  that  long  and  peril- 
ous contest  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  on  this  continent  a 
great  slave  empire,  not  one  of  them  would  have  drawn  his  sword 
in  such  a  cause.  [Great  applause.] 

No,  citizens!  This  republic  was  established  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  the  guarantees  of  liberty,  of  justice  and  of  righteous- 
ness to  the  people  and  to  their  posterity.  That  was  the  great 
object  with  which  the  revolution  was  fought;  these  were  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  Union  and  the  Constitution  was  formed. 
Slavery  is  sectional.  Liberty  national.  [Immense  applause.] 

Fellow  citizens:  Need  I  remind  this  intelligent  and  vast  audience; 
need  I  call  to  mind  to  the  intelligent  gentlemen  who  represent  the 
various  States  represented  upon  this  floor,  manifestations  of  law- 
less violence,  of  tyranny  such  as  the  world  never  saw  in  a  civilized 
and  Christianized  land  that  is  manifestedwith  this  spirit  of  slavery. 
Whose  rights  are  safe  where  slavery  has  the  power  to  trample 
them  under  foot?  Who  to-day  is  not  more  free  to  utter  his 
opinions  within  the  empire  of  Russia,  or  under  the  shadow  of  the 
despotism  of  Austria  than  he  is  within  the  limits  of  the  slave 
States  of  this  Republic? 

Will  their  tyrann}^  be  confined  to  those  States  where  they  have 
the  power  to  enforce  it  upon  us?  [Voices—"  No!  never!"]  We  owe 
the  liberty  which  we  to-day  enjoy  in  the  Free  States  to  the  absence 
of  slavery.  And,  fellow  citizens,  shall  we,  in  building  up  this 
great  empire  of  ours,  in  fulfilling  that  high  and  sacred  trust  im- 
posed upon  us  by  our  fathers— shall  we  support  this  blighting, 
this  demoralizing  institution  throughout  the  vast  extent  of  our 
borders.  [Voices,  loudly— "No!"]  Or  shall  we  preserve  this  land 
as  a  free  land  to  our  posterity  forever?  These  are  the  principles 
for  which  the  Republican  party  is  struggling. 

Fellow  citizens,  the  safety  of  our  liberty,  the  security  of  all  we 
hold  valuable,  demands  that  we  should  take  possession  of  this 
government  and  administer  it  upon  those  broad  Constitutional 
doctrines  that  were  recognized  for  the  first  sixty  years  of  the 
existence  of  our  government — that  were  recognized  by  Washing- 
ton, by  Jefferson,  by  Adams,  by  Madison,  by  Monroe,  by  Adams 
the  younger,  by  Jackson,  by  Van  Buren,  even  down  to  the  time 
of  Polk,  when  this  new  dogma  was  started,  that  the  Constitution 
was  established  to  guarantee  to  slavery  perpetual  existence  and 
unlimited  empire. 

Hoping,  fellow  citizens,  that  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  harmony 
will  guide  us  to  a  fortunate  result  in  our  deliberations,  I  am  now 
ready  to  enter  upon  the  duties  which  have  been  assigned  me. 
[Great  applause.] 


NATIONAL  Cox VENTIONS— 1856.  1860,  1864.  87 

TEMPORARY  SECRETARIES. 

Mr.  Thomas  Spooner,  of  Ohio,  I  move  sir,  that  Mr.  Frederick 
Hassaureck,  of  Ohio.  Xr.  Theodore  Pomeroy,  of  New  York,  and 
Mr.  Henry  T.  Blow,  of  St.  Louis,  be  eleQted  to  act  as  Temporary 
Secretaries. 

The  nomination  being1  confirmed  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
Convention,  those  gentlemen  took  the  posts  assigned  them. 

THE  CHAIR— I  will  now  introduce  the  Rev.  Mr.  Humphrey, 
of  this  city,  who  will  make  a  prayer. 

I'KAYEK: 

By  Rev.  Z.  Humphrey,  of  the  First  Presbyterian  church. 

Oh,  Lord,  our  Father,  Thou  art  great  and  greatly  to  be  praised. 
We  come  before  Th}-  Throne  to  worship  and  also  to  learn  Thy 
will.  We  invoke  Thy  presence  and  Thy  blessing,  as  we  gather 
beneath  this  roof  to-day.  We  praise  Thee  for  what  Thou  art,  and 
for  what  Thou  hast  done  for  us.  Verily,  the  lines  have  fallen  to 
us  in  pleasant  places,  and  we  have  a  goodly  heritage.  Thou  hast 
strengthened  the  bars  of  our  gates,  and  placed  our  children  with- 
in them.  Thou  hast  made  peace  in  our  borders,  and  filled  us  with 
the  finest  of  the  wheat.  Thou  hast  not  dealt  so  by  any  nation. 
As  for  Thy  judgments,  we  have  not  known  them;  and  yet  we  con- 
fess that  we  have  deserved  to  suffer,  for  we  have  sinned  against 
Thee.  We  entreat  Thy  forgiveness  for  all  our  trangressions,  and 
Thy  protection  from  all  consequences  of  sin.  We  pray  for  our 
common  country.  We  ask  that  Thou  wilt  deliver  us  from  all  the 
evil  to  which  we  are  exposed,  and  that  Thou  wilt  make  us  to  shake 
off  and  put  away  all  those  evils  which  we  are  too  apt  to  cherish. 
Wilt  Thou  bless  our  rulers,  and  teach  them  to  govern  in  the  fear 
of  God  and  in  the  love  of  man.  Wilt  Thou  deliver  us  from  cor- 
ruption, from  oppression,  from  violence,  and  from  selfish  ambi- 
tion. Show  us  the  way  of  rescuing  the  oppressed  from  the  house 
of  bondage,  and  of  making  this  country  truly  and  constantly  free. 
We  crave  Thy  blessing  upon  this  Convention,  and  pray  that  Thou 
wilt  enable  all  those  who  are  here  gathered,  to  act,  amid  the 
excitements  of  the  day,  as  feeling  their  responsibility  to  their 
fellow  men.  and  as  knowing  that  they  will  one  da}'  stand  before 
Thee.  Wilt  Thou  bless  us  in  all  that  we  do.  Wilt  Thou  rule  amid 
all  the  conflicts  of  opinion  and  the  strifes  of  parties;  and  may  the 
issue  be  for  Thy  glory,  and  for  our  good.  May  there  be  no  strife 
but  that  of  brethren  loving,  while  yet  in  opinion  disagreeing. 
Let  not  the  ploughshare  of  division  drive  through  our  fair  land. 
May  we  live  as  a  Christian  country;  and  though  we  put  not  our 
trust  in  princes,  may  we  be  that  happy  land  where  God  is  the 
Lord — which  we  ask  through  Jesus  Christ,  Our  Saviour;  Amen. 

COMMITTEE  OX  PERMAXEXT   ORGANIZATION. 

Mr.  Judd,  of  Illinois,  I  desire  to  offer  a  resolution,  which  I  will 
read  as  I  stand  in  my  place.  I  move  you,  sir,  that  a  committee, 
consisting  of  one  delegate  from  each  State  and  Territory  repre- 
sented in  this  Convention,  be  elected  by  the  delegates  thereof, 
who  shall  report  officers  to  this  Convention  for  a  permanent 
organization. 

Motion  submitted  and  adopted. 


88  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Judd,  I  move  you  that  the  States  be  called  in  their  order. 

Motion  adopted. 

The  several  States  were  then  called,  and  the  committee  was 
made  up  as  follows: 

Maine,  Leonard  Andrews;  Vermont,  Hugh  L.  Henry;  Ni-w 
Hampshire,  Aaron  H.  Crag-iu  ;  Massachusetts,  Linus  B.  Coming  ; 
Connecticut,  Arthur  B.  Calef ;  Rhode  Island,  Simon  H.  Greene; 
New  York,  Henry  H.  Vandyck ;  New  Jersey.  Ephraim  Marsh  ; 
Pennsylvania,  T.  J.  Coffey  ;  Delaware,  Joshua  T.  Heil  ;  Maryland, 
James  Jeffries  ;  Virginia.  Edward  M.  Norton  ;  Ohio.  V.  B.  Hortoii; 
Indiana,  P.  A.  Hackleman  ;  Illinois,  William  Ross  ;  Michigan, 
Walter  W.  Murphy  ;  Wisconsin,  John  P.  McGregor  ;  Iowa,  James 
F.  Wilson;  Minnesota,  Simeon  Smith;  Missouri,  Allan  Hamer  ; 
Kansas,  A.  C.  Wilder;  California,  Samuel  Bell;  Oregon,  Grant 
Johnson;  Kentuckj',  Allen  S.  Bristow  ;  Texas,  M.  T.  E.  Chandler; 
Nebraska,  O.  H.  Irish;  Dist.  Columbia,  Geo.  A.  Hill. 

A  Delegate  from  Kentucky — Mr.  President,  I  would  suggest 
that  the  names  of  all  the  States  be  called.  [Applause.] 

THE  CHAIR — Tennessee,  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  [great  laughter,] 
Louisana,  Alabama,  [laughter  and  hissing,]  Georgia,  South  Caro- 
lina, [laughter,]  North  Carolina,  Florida  [Feeble  hisses  and  much 
laughter].  I  believe  that  includes  the  names  of  all  the  States. 

COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

Mr.  Benton,  of  New  Hampshire,  I  move  you.  sir,  that  a  Com- 
mitte,  consisting  of  one  delegate  from  each  State  and  Territory 
represented  in  this  Convention,  selected  by  the  delegates  thereof, 
be  appointed  who  shall  be  a  committee  to  acton  credentials,  rules 
and  appointments,  and  be  instructed  to  make  report  of  the 
number,  name  and  post  office  address  of  each  delegate,  together 
with  rules  for  the  government  of  this  Convention. 

A  Delegate  from  Indiana — Divide  that.  Let  us  have  a  commit- 
tee on  credentials  and  one  on  order  of  business. 

Mr.  Spooner,  of  Ohio,  If  I  understand,  it  is  intended  that  we 
should  have  two  committees,  or  it  was  so  suggested  by  the 
Executive  Committee,  and  we  have  acted  in  accordance  with  that 
suggestion.  I  would  suggest  that  there  be  simply  a  Committee 
on  Credentials. 

THE  CHAIR — Will  the  gentleman  from  New  Hampshire  accept 
the  amendment? 

Mr.  Benton,  I  accept  it. 

Motion  to  appoint  a  Committee  on  Credentials  was  carried. 

THE  CHAIR— Shall  the  Chair  call  the  States  again: 

Many  voices— Cafl  the  States. 

The  several  States  were  then  called  and  the  committee  was 
made  up  as  follows: 

Maine,  Rensselaer  Cram  ;  New  Hampshire.  Jacob  Benton  ;  Ver- 
mont, Edward  C.  Redington ;  Massachusetts,  Timothy  Davis; 
Connecticut,  E.  K.  Foster;  Rhode  Island,  Benedict  Lapham;  \\-\\ 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS  -1856,  1860,  1864.  89 

York,  Palmer  V.  Kellogg-;  New  Jersey.  Moses  F.  Webb  :  Pennsyl- 
vania, J.  X.  Purviaiice  ;  Delaware,  Lewis  Thompson;  .Maryland, 
Win.  E.  Coale  ;  Virginia,  Jacob  Hornbrook  ;  Kentucky.  Charlt-s 
Hendley;  Ohio.  Samuel  Stokeley  ;  Indiana.  John  R.  C'ra'vens;  Illi- 
nois, Stephen  T.  Logan;  Michigan.  Francis  Ouinn;  Wisconsin,  H. 
L.  Rann;  Iowa,  C.  F.  Clarkson  ;  Minnesota,  John  McCusick  ;  Mis 
souri,  James  B.  Gardenhire;  Kansas,  Wm.  A.  Phillips;  Nebraska, 
John  R.  Meredith;  California.  Chas.  Watrous ;  Oregon,  Joel  Bur- 
lingame;  Texas,  D.Henderson;  Dist.  Columbia,  James  A.  Wysc. 

COMMITTEE  ON  BUSINESS. 

Mr.  Noble,  of  Iowa,  1  move  you,  sir,  that  there  be  one  delegate 
from  each  delegation,  selected  by  the  delegates  themselves,  to 
act  as  a  committee  to  prepare  the  order  of  business  for  this  Con- 
vention. 

Motion  adopted. 

The  States  were  then  called  and  the  committee  made  up  as 
follows: 

Maine,  John  L.  Stephens  ;  New  Hampshire,  B.  F.  Martin  :  Ver- 
mont. Edwin  D.  Mason;  Massachusetts. Saml.  Hooper;  Connecticut, 
Geo.  H.  Noble;  Rhode  Island.  Nath.  B.  Durfee ;  New  York,  A.  B. 
James  ;  New  Jersey,  H.  N.  Congar ;  Pennsylvania,  Wm.  D.  Kelly  ; 
Delaware,  John  C.  Clark;  Maryland,  Wm.  P.  Ewing;  Virginia,  John 
G.  Jacob;  Ohio,  R.  M.  Corwiiie  ;  Kentucky,  Louis  M.  Dembitz; 
Indiana,  Walter  March;  Michigan,  Austin  Blair;  Illinois.  Thos.  A. 
Marshall;  Wisconsin,  Elisha  Morrow;  Minnesota.  S.  P.  Jones; 
Iowa,  Reuben  Noble;  Missouri,  Thos.  Fletcher;  California,  J.  C. 
Hinckley  ;  Oregon,  Eli  Thaj-er  ;  Kansas,  A  G.  Proctor;  Nebraska, 
Samuel  H.  Elbert;  Dist.  Columbia,  Joseph  Jerhard  ;  Texas,  G. 
Movers. 

A  Delegate  from  Pennsylvania — I  move  that  the  rules  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  be  adopted  for  the  government  of  this 
Convention  until  otherwise  ordered. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

Mr.  Marsh,  of  New  Jersey,  I  move  that  the  Secretary  call  the 
names  of  the  delegates,  in  order,  as  they  are  called  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States;  as  they  are  called,  the  delegates  from  each 
State  to  present  their  credentials. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio.  I  supposed  that  we  had  just  constituted  a 
Committee  on  Credentials,  and  my  purpose  for  voting  for  that 
Committee  was  to  get  rid  of  all  the  labor  of  doing  their  work. 
Now,  it  is  proposed  to  take  the  work  out  of  their  hands  and  do  it 
here  in  the  Convention.  Having  voted  it  once  to  be  done  by  the 
Committee,  I  do  not  want  it  brought  back  here,  and  I  shall  vote 
against  any  such  proceeding.  I  move  to  lay  the  motion  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  Marsh,  I  withdraw  the  resolution. 

Mr.  Greeley,  of  Oregon,  I  would  like  to  move  an  amendment  to 
that  resolution.  In  place  of  it  I  move  that  the  roll  of  the  States 
be  now  called  over,  and  as  each  is  called,  the  chairman  of  that 


90  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN  ' 

delegation  present  the  credentials  of  that  delegation,  and  if  any 
question  arises  as  to  the  credentials  or  right  of  any  (o  sit  here,  let 
it  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

>Ir.  Cartter,  I  move  an  amendment;  I  move  to  amend  the  propo- 
sition of  the  gentleman  from  Oregon  or  New  York,  Mr.  Greeley,  I 
am  not  sure  which  [laughter],  that  instead  of  each  delegation 
presenting  their  credentials  here,  they  present  them  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials. 

Mr.  Greeley,  I  accept  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from 
Maryland  or  Rhode  Island,  I  am  not  particular  which:  [Laughter 
and  applause.] 

THE  CHAIR — The  motion  is  that  the  roll  of  the  States  be  called, 
and  that  the  delegates  of  each  State  present  the  credentials  of  that 
State  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  Resolu- 
tion carried. 

Mr.  Cartter,  did  I  understand  the  gentlman  to  adopt  the  amend- 
ment? 

Mr.  Greeley,  certainly. 

A  Delegate  at  the  south  end  of  the  platform — I  desire  to  know 
who  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  is? 

THE  CHAIR— The  Secretary  will  in  a  moment  announce  the 
committee. 

The  Chair  announced  that  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organi- 
zation would  meetimmediatelyafterthe  adjournment  at  the  Head 
Quarters  of  the  National  Committee,  room  24,  Tremotit  House; 
also  that  the  Committee  on  Credentials  would  meet  at  the 
Head  Quarters  of  the  New  Jersey  Delegation  at  the  Richmond 
House. 

Mr.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  upon  this  Committee  of  Credentials 
each  State  and  Territory  has  a  member;  why  should  not.  then, 
each  State  and  Territory  commit  its  credentials  to  its  member  of 
that  committee,  to  be  presented  to  it? 

A  voice — "That's  the  way,"  and  several  voices  "agreed." 

Mr.  Evarts,  I  move  accordingly,  that  the  credentials  of  each 
delegation  be  handed  to  its  member  of  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials, to  be  presented  to  that  body. 

A  Delegate  of  Ohio — A  resolution  has  already  passed  requiring 
that  the  credentials  be  committed  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Credentials,  and  I  rose  to  suggest  that  what  is  done  by  an 
agent  is  done  by  the  party,  and  without  this  motion  at  all  they 
can  pass  them  through  their  member  to  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee. 

THE  CHAIR — Is  the  gentleman  from  New  York  satisfied  that  his 
resolution  is  covered  by  the  one  passed? 

Mr.  Evarts,  undoubtedly,  if  it  is  understood  that  no  call  of  the 
States  is  necessary. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  91 

THE  CHAIR— Xo  call  is  necessary  under  any  resolution  yet 
passed. 

AX    INVITATION". 

THE  CHAIR— I  have  received  a  letter,  which  I  will  read. 

.CHICAGO,  May  16, 1860. 
To  the  President  of  the  Republican  Convention: 

The  Board  of  Trade  of  this  city  hereby  invite  the  delegates  of 
your  Convention,  and  other  visitors  to  our  city,  to  a  short  excur- 
sion on  Lake  Michigan;  the  excursion  to  leave  the  dock  at  Rush 
street  bridge,  near  the  Richmond  House,  at  five  o'clock  this  after- 
noon. [Applause.] 

Judge  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  I  have  been  requested,  in  behalf 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  of  this  city,  to  elicit,  so  far  as  may  be  in  a 
mere  remark  and  not  a  speech,  what  shall  be  the  sentiment  of  the 
Convention  touching  that  proposition  from  the  Board  of  Trade. 

A  voice — Mr.  Chairman! 

Mr.  Goodrich,  when  I  cast  1113*  eye  about  this  vast  tabernacle,  that 
has  been  reared  by  the  taste  and  munificence  of  the  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  Chicago,  and  which  has  been  tendered  to  the  great 
Republican  cause,  without  money  and  without  price  [great  ap- 
plause), I  apprehend  that  every  delegate  in  this  Convention  will 
respond  aye  to  the  invitation.  I  have  nothing  more  to  say. 
[Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Dudley,  of  New  Jersey.  I  move  you  that  the  invitation  be 
accepted,  and  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  notify  the  Board 
of  Trade  of  the  acceptance. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  sir. 

Mr.  Dudley,  of  New  Jersey,  I  move,  sir,  that  there  be  a  committee 
of  five  appointed  to  inform  the  Board  of  Trade  that  we  accept  the 
invitation  for  five  o'clock,  and  that  the  committee  be  appointed 
by  the  Chair. 

Delegate  from  Iowa — I  move  you  that  it  be  embraced  in  that 
resolution  that  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  tendered  to  the 
Board  of  Trade  for  their  very  liberal  offer.  Amendment  accepted 
and  resolution  as  amended  adopted. 

A  voice— Three  cheers  for  the  ladies  of  Chicago.    Cheers  given. 

Mr.  Horace  Greele}-,  of  Oregon,  have  we  provided  for  a  Com- 
mittee on  Platform: 

THE  PRESIDENT— \Ve  have  not. 

Mr.  Greeley,  then  1  move  we  have  a  call  of  the  States  for  the 
purpose  of  appointing  a  Committee  on  Platform. 

THE  PRESIDENT— Will  that  be  in  order  until  after  the  permanent 
organization? 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  move  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
of  one  from  each  State  by  the  respective  delegations  from  the 
several  States,  to  report  resolutions  and  a  Platform,  and  that  the 


92  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Committee  be  made  up  iu  the  ordinary  manner,  by  calling-  the 
roll  of  the  States. 

THE  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Oregon  has  alread}- 
moved  that — 

Mr.  Greeley,  I  withdraw  mine. 

Mr.  S.  P.  Oyler,  of  Indiana,  I  move  to  lay  the  motion  on  the  table 
until  after  the  permanent  organization. 

Gov.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  will  the  Chair  inform  the  Con- 
vention what  motion  is  before  it? 

The  President  stated  the  motion  of  Mr.  Cartter. 

Gov.  Reeder,  I  rise  to  oppose  the  motion.  It  is  the  business 
of  this  Convention  now  to  perfect  its  organization.  You  have 
appointed  a  Committee  on  Credentials,  in  the  order  of  business, 
and  on  Permanent  Organization,  and  because  we  are  not  organ- 
ized it  seems  to  me  improper. 

A  voice  (on  the  opposite  side  of  the  house)— Speak  louder— we 
cannot  hear  you. 

Gov.  Reeder,  all  I  have  to  say  is  not  worth  talking  to  those  at 
the  other  end  of  the  platform.  I  merely  desire  to  say  that  I  think 
this  motion  at  this  time  is  out  of  place.  It  will  be  time  enough 
to  provide  for  a  platform  and  resolutions  when  we  shall  have 
organized  this  Convention,  and  we  are  appointing  committees 
now  simply  because  we  are  not  organized.  This  matter  of  a 
platform  and  resolutions  is  not  a  preliminary  affair.  It  is  not  at 
all  necessary  to  our  organization,  and  therefore  it  is  upon  the 
same  footing  with  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  and  should  wait 
until  the  permanent  and  perfect  organization  of  the  Convention 
before  it  should  be  entered  upon. 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  made  that  motion  with  the  view  of  putting  the 
Convention  at  work;  whether  the  resolution  is  passed  to-day  or 
to-morrow,  it  will  be  passed  by  the  same  body  of  men  and  with 
the  view  to  the  declaration  of  their  sentiments.  It  is  a  laborious 
work  and  ought  to  be  performed  while  the  Convention  is  in  its 
vigor.  The  Chairman  cannot  fail  to  have  remarked  the  indispo- 
sition to  labor,  when  within  fifteen  minutes  after  getting  together, 
a  pleasure  excursion  is  voted  here.  I  hope  it  will  be  a  pleasant 
one,  but  I  think  before  we  take  it  we  had  better  designate  those 
who  will  enter  upon  the  performances  of  the  sphere  of  labor  in 
this  Convention,  and  we  can  do  it  as  well  now  as  any  time. 

Mr.  Eli  Thayer,  of  Oregon,  I  am  opposed  to  the  amendment 
which  has  been  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania.  I 
do  not  consider  that  the  mere  appointment  of  this  committee  is 
at  all  inconsistent  with  the  preliminary  business  of  this  Conven- 
tion. It  is  not  proposed  and  it  is  not  expected  that  this  committee 
will  report  to-day.  It  is  important,  as  the  gentleman  who  pre- 
ceded me  has  said,  that  this  committee  should  have  ample  time 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  93 

to  consider  what  shall  be  the  Platform  of  the  Republican  party  in 
the  coming  campaign.  This,  sir,  is  the  great  burden  of  the  work 
of  this  Convention,  and  I  hope  there  will  be  no  time  lost  in  ap- 
pointing- this  committee,  and  that  the}'  themselves  will  lose  no 
time  in  the  labor  that  is  entrusted  to  their  hands.  I  am,  therefore, 
opposed  to  this  amendment  which  proposes  delay.  The  States 
and  Territories  are  ready  to  name  the  man  who  shall  constitute 
for  each  a  member  of  this  committee.  The  State  of  Oregon  is 
now  ready. 

[Cries  of  "Question."] 

Mr.  Hazard,  of  Rhode  Island,  the  gentlemen  who  advocate  the 
postponement  are  rig-lit  in  theory,  but  it  is  obvious  that  the  prac- 
tical operation  of  this  Convention  would  be  retarded  by  a  post- 
ponement. 1  hope,  therefore,  the  motion  to  postpone  will  be 
withdrawn. 

Gov.  Reeder,  the  gentleman  says  we  are  right.  If  we  are  right 
why  should  we  be  voted  down.  It  seems  to  me  that  when  gentle- 
meii  concede  that  we  are  rig-ht,  there  is  generally  nothing- remain- 
ing to  do  but  to  carry  out  the  right.  We  are  transgressing-  the 
rig-ht  here,  and  for  the  purpose  of  what?  For  the  purpose  of  con- 
venience and  because  it  can  make  no  difference.  It  may  make 
no  difference  now,  but  the  time  may  come,  and  will  come,  when  it 
will  make  a  difference,  and  then  this  action  will  be  cited  as  a  pre- 
cedent. I  am  opposed  to  making  bad  precedents.  I  believe  that 
the  onl}-  way  to  pursue  is,  to  do  it  right  and  in  order.  If  you 
appoint  a  committee,  what  is  to  prevent  that  committee  from 
reporting-  to  this  Convention  before  you  have  made  a  permanent 
organization:  And  if  they  do  so  report,  what  is  to  prevent  a 
majority  of  this  Convention  passing  upon  the  resolutions  and 
platform  before  you  are  organized?  Do  the  gentlemen  desire  to 
see  that?  Do  thejr  desire  to  establish  a  precedent  such  as  that, 
which  maybe  used  at  some  great  crisis  in  the  future  for  purposes 
of  evil?  It  is  admitted  that  we  are  right  and  it  seems  to  me  that 
there  the  question  ends. 

Mr.Cartter,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  is  begging  a  little 
more  than  I  am  willing  to  grant.  I  do  not  feel  that  the  first 
movement  is  right.  There  is  no  such  question  in  this  quarter 
of  the  hall.  (Loud  cries  of  "question,"  which  interrupting  the 
speaker,  he  took  his  seat.) 

The  motion  of  >Ir.  Oyler.  of  Indiana,  to  lay  over  the  motion  to 
appoint  a  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions  until  after  the 
permanent  organization  of  the  Convention,  was  then  put  to  vote 
and  lost. 

Judge  Hogeboom,  of  New  York,  1  move  to  amend  the  motion  to 
appoint  a  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions,  by  adding, 


94  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

"that  the  Committee  report  as   soon   as    convenient    after    the 
permanent  organization  of  the  Convention." 
Mr.  Cartter,  I  accept  the  amendment. 

Mr.  Oyler,  of  Indiana,  we  have  already  appointed  a  Committee 
on  Credentials,  and  for  what:  To  know  authoritatively  and 
legally  who  have  a  right  to  a  seat  upon  this  floor.  Now.  sir,  we 
are  going  on  to  provide  for  the  most  important  thing  that  this 
Convention  will  do,  except  the  designation  of  the  man  who  shall 
bear  our  standard.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  say  that  there  is  one 
man  on  this  floor  not  legally  entitled  to  his  seat,  but  we  have  110 
evidence  of  the  fact.  It  is  true,  we  have  entered  upon  this  floor 
and  have  arranged  ourselves*  at  the  different  points  which  we 
designated  by  the  names  of  the  States,  and  the  fair  presumption 
is  t  the  men  who  fill  these  seats  are  honestl}*  entitled  to  them; 
but  that  is  no  proof  of  the  fact,  and  I  undertake  to  say  that  this 
proceeding  is  against  all  precedent,  and  a  bad  precedent  to  be  set 
by  a  Republican  Convention.  Why  this  haste?  We  will  "  work 
in  haste  and  repent  at  leisure.''  What  harm  can  be  done  by  deferr- 
ing this  until  after  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization 
report,  and  the  Convention  organizes  itself  as  a  Republican 
National  Convention?  We  are  not  that  yet.  I  hope  that  delegates 
will  consider;  that  they  will  stop.  Let  us  be  organized  before  we  do 
or  undertake  to  do  the  most  important  work  we  have  got  to  ac- 
complish. 

Mr.  Greeley,  if  there  is  any  question  here  as  to  the  right  of  any 
delegation  on  this  floor,  I  am  willing  that  this  matter  should  not 
be  urged.  But  if  there  is  none,  then  let  us  have  this  committee 
appointed.  It  will  take  thirty-six  hours  for  the  committee  to 
prepare  their  report,  and  the  committee  should  be  appointed  now 
so  they  can  have  full  opportunity.  If  there  is  any  question  as  to 
the  right  of  any  delegate,  we  will  waive  it. 

Gov.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  the  first  thing  for  us  is  to  be 
right.  We  are  assembled  not  for  deliberation,  but  for  organi/.a- 
tion.  Let  us  organize  and  then  deliberate,  and  until  we  have 
perfected  our  organization,  it  will  be  a  dangerous  precedent  to 
set  up  here  with  reference  to  a  new  party  that  is  organized  for  the 
government  of  this  country,  through  a  generation,  to  establish  a 
precedent  which,  when  contestants  come  here  from  the  Pacific 
and  the  South,  will  lead  to  difficulties  on  the  floor.  We  have  time 
enough.  Better  devote  it  to  the  organization  of  this  Convention 
rather  than  to  an  excursion;  thankful  as  weareforthe  hospitality 
of  the  city,  we  have  a  greater  duty  to  perform  to  this  country.  I 
move  to  lay  this  (Mr.  Cartter's)  resolution  on  the  table. 

The  motion  of  Gov.  Boutwell  to  lay  on  the  table  was  carried. 
[Loud  cheers.] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  95 

Mr.  Sweetser,  of  Massachusetts,  I  move  that  when  this  Conven- 
tion adjourn,  it  adjourn  to  meet  at  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 
The  reason  why  I  move  this  is.  that  it  seems  to  me  desirable  that 
we  should  sometime  proceed  with  the  business  of  the  Convention. 
If  we  are  going  to  take  up  the  time  in  excursion  son  the  lake,  I  do 
not  know  when  we  will  have  time  for  business.  I  am  willing  to 
change  the  time  if  anybody  can  tell  us  that  we  can  return  from 
the  excursion  in  time  for  a  meeting  of  business  this  evening. 

Xr.  Ben.  Eggleston,  of  Ohio,  I  move  to  amend  by  making  the 
time  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning.  Now,  Mr.  President,  I  am  very 
well  satisfied  that  the  motion  just  voted  down  in  reference  to  the 
resolution,  will  make  the  Convention  one  day  longer,  and  we 
delegates  from  Ohio,  some  of  us,  are  running  out  of  funds.  It 
will  take  a  day  or  two  longer.  It  takes  an  hour  and  a  half  to  seat 
the  delegates,  and  to  seat  outsiders  from  two  to  four  hours. 
[Laughter.]  I  want  it  understood  that  I  came  here  to  work  and 
am  not  going  on  the  lake;  nor  is  any  delegate  who  came  here  to 
work.  But  I  am  willing  to  amend  my  motion  by  making  it  five 
o'clock  if  desired. 

Judge  James,  of  New  York,  if  we  had  appointed  the  Committee 
011  Platform  and  Resolutions,  then  we  could  have  with  safe-t3r 
adjourned  until  to-morrow  morning ;  but  we  have  voted  that 
down.  We  want  to  make  a  permanent  organization  in  order  that 
the  committee  may  be  appointed,  so  that  it  may  have  the  resolu- 
tions ready  to  present  to  us  to-morrow  morning. 

Mr.  Judd,  of  Delaware,  it  seems  to  me,  sir,  if  you  undertake  to 
assemble  this  Convention  at  three  o'clock,  the  business  for  which 
the  Committee  on  Credentials  and  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  have  been  appointed  will  not  be  accomplished. 

A  Delegate  from  Minnesota— Make  it  four,  five  or  six. 

Mr.  Judd,  my  reasons  for  making  the  suggestion  is,  I  believe 
every  man  here  wants  his  dinner,  and  the3T  are  scattered  over  the 
entire  city  of  Chicago,  and  if  they  are  as  hungry  as  I  think  they 
are,  before  they  can  get  their  dinners  and  meet  at  the  committee 
room,  the  time  will  have  expired,  and  the  duties  will  not  be  per- 
formed by  the  committees,  unless  some  gentleman  has  in  his 
pocket  a  programme  to  be  followed  without  consulting  anybody 
in  regard  to  what  is  to  be  done  by  the  committee.  I  say,  sir.  you 
must  i;-ive  them  time  if  you  expect  them  to  act  understandingly  ; 
and  there  is  no  time  now  between  two  and  three  o'clock  to  ac- 
complish the  purposes  for  which  these  committees  have  been 
appointed. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  I  would  ask  the  gentleman  to  name 
the  hour  of  seven  this  evening. 

Mr.  Judd.  I  accept  the  amendment. 


96  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAX 

Mr.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  this  hall  is  engaged  for  to-night, 
as  I  observe  by  a  notice  in  the  city  papers  this  morning,  for  an 
exhibition  of  the  Zouave  drill. 

Mr.  Judd,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  this  hall  is  under  the  control 
of  this  Convention,  whenever  they  want  it,  day  or  night.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Eggleston,  I  accept  the  amendment  to  meet  at  seven  o'clock 
this  evening-. 

Mr.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  there  are  a  large  portion  of  the 
members  of  this  Convention  who  cannot  get  together  and  have  a 
night  session.  There  are  too  many  of  them  to  call  this  vast  Con- 
vention together  for  a  night  session.  I  hope  the  night  session 
will  go  down. 

Mr.  James,  of  New  York,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  any  gentleman  who 
voted  for  the  resolution  that  has  passed,  against  appointing  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions,  will  move  a  reconsideration,  there  will 
be  no  difficult}*  in  making  an  adjournment  until  to-morrow  morn- 
ing, unless  this  is  voted  down.  We  will  lose  less  time  by  this  course. 
I  cannot  make  the  motion. 

A  Delegate — Yes,  you  can.    You  voted  with  the  majority. 

Mr.  James,  then  I  move  a  reconsideration. 

THE  CHAIR — Did  the  gentleman  from  New  York  vote  in  favor 
of  the  motion? 

Mr.  James,  I  did  not. 

Mr.  Hogeboom,  of  New  York,  Mr.  Chairman — 

THE  CHAIR— I  understand  the  motion  to  be  to  reconsider  the 
vote  by  which  the  resolution  was  just  laid  on  the  table. 

A  Delegate  from  Michigan — I  rise  to  make  that  motion.  I  move 
that  the  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  be  reconsidered,  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  be  now  taken  from 
the  table,  or  reconsidered. 

A  Delegate  from  Indiana  [amid  cries  of  "Question!"  "Question!"'] 
—I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  I  make  this  point  of  order,  viz.:  A 
motion  to  reconsider  the  last,  while  there  is  a  motion  pending  for 
our  adjournment  that  has  not  been  withdrawn. 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  want  to  make  a  motion  if  it  is  in  order  to  make  a 
motion. 

THE  CHAIR— It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Chair  that  the  motion  to 
reconsider  is  not  in  order,  for  this  reason:  That  there  was  pending 
before  this  Convention  at  the  time  a  resolution  to  adjourn  until 
seven  o'clock  this  evening,  and  to  that  there  was  an  amendment 
that  the  hour  be  fixed  at  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 
A  voice — That  motion  is  now  withdrawn. 
THE  CHAIR— Then  the  other  is  in  order. 
A  Delegate— I  renew  the  motion. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1861.  97 

THE  CHAIR — The  question  is,  shall  the  vote  to  lay  on  the  table 
be  reconsidered. 

Mr.  Preston  King-,  of  New  York,  I  am  satisfied  that  one  of  the 
difficulties  in  the  progress  of  our  business  is  this  excursion  on 
the  lake — a  very  pleasant  one,  and  one  for  which  I  feel,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  the  entire  Convention  feels  indebted  to  the  hospitality 
and  generosity  of  the  citizens  of  Chicago.  But  our  object  here  is 
business,  and  not  pleasure.  I  trust,  therefore  that  we  may  make 
an  adjournment  which  will  conform  to  the  convenience  of  all. 
If  we  have  old  gentlemen  here,  or  others,  who,  from  any  cause,  do 
iiot  desire  to  have  an  evening  session,  let  us  adjourn  to  meet 
again  at  five  o'clock,  and  we  can,  between  that  time  and  dark,  per- 
form the  acts  necessary  to  a  complete  organization,  and  thus  save 
at  least  a  day's  time  of  the  Convention.  If  we  adjourn  until 
to-morrow,  we  lose  certainly  an  entire  day.  There  is  no  doubt 
about  that.  This  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions  ought 
to  have  this  evening  to  sit;  and  while  I  did  not  regard  it  as 
material  whether  that  committee  was  appointed  before  or  after 
organization,  I  am  willing  to  concede  that  it  is  more  regular  and 
more  in  accordance  with  parlimentary  usage  that  we  should  take 
the  course  that  was  suggested  here.  Let  us  now  act  with  a  spirit 
of  conciliation  and  unanimity  if  we  can.  I  think  if  we  adjourn  to 
five  o'clock  we  may  get  together  and  then  organize  and  appoint 
our  committees  and  be  prepared  to-morrow  morning  to  go  to 
work.  That  will  make  it, of  course,  impossible  or  inconvenient  to 
go  on  this  excursion,  but  it  is  better  that  we  should  attend  to  our 
labors,  even  at  a  little  sacrifice,  than  differ  in  Convention. 

A  Delegate  from  Missouri — I  hope  the  members  of  this  Conven- 
tion will  not  stultify  themselves  in  accepting  the  invitation  so 
kindly  tendered  to  us  and  then  immediatel}'  rescinding  it. 

Mr.  King,  I  am  going  to  move  that  the  proposition  in  relation 
to  that  excursion  be  referred  to  our  Business  Committee, between 
whom  and  the  Board  of  Trade  some  arrangement  can  be  made. 
I  move  that  the  communication  from  the  Board  of  Trade  be 
referred  to  the  Business  Committee  of  this  Convention. 

THE  CHAIR— The  gentleman  from  New  York  will  please  under- 
stand there  is  still  pending  a  motion  to  take  from  the  table  the 
resolution  heretofore  laid  upon  the  table. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  if  that  is  insisted  upon,  we  must  take  the 
voice  of  the  convention  upon  it.  My  object  in  making  this  motion 
\\as  to  see  if  we  could  not  come  to  some  understanding,  or  reach 
some  conclusion,  with  unanimity.  [Cries  of  "  question,  question."] 
THE  CHAIR — The  question  is,  shall  the  resolution  laid  upon  the 
table,  respecting  the  platform,  be  now  taken  from  the  table. 

Mr.  Sweetser,  of  Massachusetts,  does  not  that  require   a  two- 
thirds  vote  to  do  it,  under  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
7 


98  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

tiv.-s.-  I  moved  to  adjourn  until  five  o'clock;  somebody  else 
moved  to  amend,  and  adjourn  until  nine  or  ten  o'clock  to-morrow 
morning.  My  original  motion  has  never  been  withdrawn. 

THE  CHAIR— I  so  understand  it  to  be. 

Mr.  Sweetser,  the  gentleman  withdrew  his  motion.  I  still  ask 
to  have  my  motion  put. 

THE  CHAIR — The  question  is,  shall  this  Convention,  when  it 
adjourns,  adjourn  to  meet  at  five  o'clock  this  afternoon  ;  and  the 
amendment  is,  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Mr.  Cleveland,  of  Connecticut,  I  am  sure,  gentlemen,  that  you 
are  all  disposed  to  act  as  you  look — like  gentlemen.  I  desire  to 
say  to  you  that  we  have  a  very  polite  and  gentlemanly  communi- 
cation from  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  we  have  by  a  vote  accepted 
it.  Now  I  agree  with  my  friend  from  New  York,  that  we  had  better 
not  do  it,  but  to  get  out  of  it  and  treat  them  fairly,  we  have  only 
to  make  a  motion  to  reconsider,  and  then  we  can  dispose  of  it  in 
such  a  manner  as  the  convention  shall  see  fit,  and  in  such  a 
manner  as  is  consistent  with  the  gentlemanly  character  of  those 
who  made  the  invitation.  In  passing  a  motion  to  accept  it,  and 
then  voting  to  adjourn  till  five  o'clock,  we  seem  to  throw  contempt 
upon  their  very  civil  invitation.  If  the  gentleman  will  withdraw 
his  motion,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  motion  to  reconsider,  I 
will  make  that  motion,  and  then  we  can  get  out  of  the  trouble. 

Mr.  Sweetser,  I  withdraw  the  motion  simply  for  that  purpose. 

THE  CHAIR— The  difficulty  is  here:  If  you  withdraw  your  motion 
touching  the  hour  of  adjournment,  then  comes  before  the  Con- 
vention, as  I  understand  it,  the  motion  to  take  from  the  table  the 
resolution  concerning  the  Platform.  The  motion  before  the 
Convention  is  that  we  adjourn,  when  we  do  adjourn,  until  to-mor- 
row morning  at  nine  o'clock. 

Motion  put  and  lost.     [Applause.] 

THE  CHAIR — Now  the  proposition  before  the  Convention  is  that 
when  the  Convention  adjourns,  it  adjourn  to  meet  at  five  o'clock 
this  afternoon. 

Motion  put  and  carried.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Giddings  (loud  cheers),  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  alluding 
to  the  invitation  which  has  been  accepted  by  this  Convention, 
received  from  the  Board  of  Trade  to  meet  there  at  five  o'clock  for 
a  pleasure  excursion.  I  do  this,  sir,  from  a  sincere  conviction 
that  every  gentleman  who  has  come  here  has  come  impressed 
with  the  solemnity  of  the  business  before  us— knowing  that  we 
are  here  to  perform  high  and  solemn  duties  to  our  country  and 
ourselves,  and  in  justice  to  the  cause  in  which  we  are  employed, 
we  should  be  zealously  engaged  in  the  business  before  us ;  and 
here  I  will  take  leave  to  say  we  have  had  a  precedent  recently  srt 
before  us,  far  south  of  this,  which  should  caution  us  about  spend- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  99 

ing  our  time  here  to  the  wearying- of  the  public  mind  in  witnessing 
our  discussions.  If  we  can  close  up  our  business  to-morrow  by 
two  or  three  o'clock,  it  will  tell  upon  the  community  with  a  moral  ' 
force  that  is  incalculable.  (Loud  and  prolonged  applause.]  Now. 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  labor  from  this  time  until  three  o'clock 
to-morrow  in  order  to  obtain  the  object  of  a  final  adjournment  at 
that  time.  [Renewed  cheering.]  Then,  sir,  I  am  willing  to  accept 
the  kind  invitation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  here,  and  enjoy  the 
pleasure  of  going  up  on  the  proposed  excursion.  For  the  purpose  of 
reconsidering  this  vote,  and  then  referring  it  to  a  committee  that 
the}-  shall  make  the  arrangements  with  the  Board  of  Trade,  so  that 
at  our  adjournment  we  will  meet  them  and  cordially  accept  the 
invitation  and  take  this  excursion,  I  now  move  that  we  reconsider 
the  vote  by  which  that  motion  was  carried,  acceptingthe  pleasure 
excursion.  Motion  put  and  carried. 

Mr.  Lowry.  of  Pennsplvania,  I  move  you,  sir,  that,  a  committee 
of  one  from  each  State  be  appointed  by  the  Chair  to  confer  with 
the  Board  of  Trade. 

Voices— Make  it  a  committee  of  live. 

Mr.  Lo\vry.  I  will  modify  my  resolution  and  make  it  a  committee 
of  five. 

A  Delegate  from  Massachusetts — We  have  already  a  committee 
appointed  upon  the  order  of  business,  and  I  suggest  that  this 
matter  of  the  invitation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  of  Chicago  can  be 
referred  to  it.  I  make  the  motion,  that  reference  be  made. 

A  Delegate  from  Vermont — I  hope  that  the  committee  will  give 
the  Board  of  Trade  notice,  for  they  are  probably  now  makingtheir 
preparations  for  the  trip,  and  certainly  we  should  give  them 
notice. 

Motion  to  appoint  a  committee  of  five  to  confer  adopted. 
The  Chair  then  appointed  the  following  committee: 
Morrow  B.  Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania;  Aaron  Goodrich,  of  Minne- 
a;  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio;  F.  P.  Blair,  of  Maryland;  C.  F. 
Cleveland,  of  Connecticut. 
The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  five  o'clock  p.  m. 

AFTEKXOOX   SKSSU «X. 

The  Convention  was  called  to  order  at  o:15  p.  m.  by  the  Terapa- 
rary  P resilient. 

THE    IXYITATlnX. 

Mr.  Lowry.  of  Pennsylvania,  I  would  ask  leave  to  make  a  report* 
The  committee  have  called  upon  our  friends,  the  Board  of  Trade, 
who  invited  us  to  the  excursion.  They  extended  to  us  an  invita- 
tion and  we  accepted  it.  They  left  immediately  and  prepared 
themselves  to  carry  out  the  arrangement  that  they  had  proposed 
for  our  enjoyment.  They  have  a  perfect  fleet  down  there  now  in 


100  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

readiness.  Before  I  could  get  there — before  I  could  find  the 
parties  who  have  invited  us,  they  had  their  fleet  ready  to  carry  us, 
and  large  enough  to  carry  us  all.  They  say  that  if  we  are  so  pressed 
with  business  we  can  hold  the  Convention  on  the  decks  of  their 
•vessels  if  we  desire  it,  and  we  can,  so  they  say,  have  their  cabins 
for  rooms  to  caucus  in.  They  are  disposed  very  much  to  press  us 
and  will  wait  one  hour;  that  will  make  it  six  o'clock.  Now,  inas- 
much as  the  people  of  Chicago  extend  to  us  this  invitation,  I  hope 
it  will  be  unanimously  accepted  for  six  o'clock. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order.  There  is  one 
question  already  before  the  house. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  say  "as  soon  thereafter  as  possible." 
We  may  perhaps  have  to  wait  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  thereafter- 
I  hope  that  we  shall  go  on  and  perfect  our  organization,  and  I 
believe  that  can  be  done  within  the  time  named.  I  hope  the  Con- 
vention will  get  ready  at  once  to  take  that  excursion  and  go  in  an 
hour. 

Mr.  Hazard,  of  Rhode  Island,  the  proposition  now  made,  as  I 
understand  it,  differs  only  from  that  of  the  morning  in  this:  it  is 
now  said  that  it  will  not  interfere  with  the  progress  of  business, 
[Cries  of  "Never  mind,"  and  much  confusion.]  but  it  does  not  meet 
the  case.  I  suppose  that  we  are  here  on  important  business.  We 
are  here,  believing  as  was  said  this  morning  [much  confusion], 
believing  that  the  government  is  pressed  on  both  sides,  one  half 
of  the  Democratic  party  threatening  us  with  annihilation — 

So  much  confusion  was  here  made  that  the  speaker's  words 
could  not  be  heard  at  the  reporter's  desk. 

Loud  calls  for  the  "question." 

The  question  to  adjourn  to  six  o'clock  being  submitted  was  lost 
amid  much  applause. 

The  President  announced  that  the  reports  of  the  committees 
were  in  order,  and  asked  for  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Per- 
manent Organization.  [Cries  of  "Good."] 

Mr.  Hinckley,  of  California,  I  ask  if  it  is  not  in  accordance  with 
usage  that  the  Committee  on  Credentials  to  first  report? 

THE  PRESIDENT— I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  special  order 
an  which  committees  should  report. 

Mr.  Kelly,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move  that  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials  be  called,  so  that  we  may  know  who  are 
members  of  the  Convention. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Kelly  was  carried. 

Mr.  Comins,  of  Massachusetts,  stated  that  the  Committee  on 
Permanent  Organization  had  agreed  upon  a  report,  and  that  its 
Chairman  would  be  present  very  soon  to  present  the  report  to  the 
Convejntion. 


NATIONAL  Cox VENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  101 

The  President  called  for  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials, if  the  Chairman  was  present. 

Judge  Tracy,  of  California,  I  understand  that  the  Committee  on, 
the  Order  of  Business  is  ready  to  Je'por-t  in  part.  ;•  pd  inasmuch  as 
no  other  committee  seems  to  be  "rea-'J/  Jo  'report';  I  propose  that 
the  Chair  call  for  the  report  of  -that  comwvttee.. ..  .. 

THE  PRESIDENT— I  think  thaVt.  if'-vji,-  .C<.m-uiu  •>  Oti  J'e.rrnanent 
Organization  is  ready  to  report,  it  would  be  best  to  receive  that. 

Judge  Tracy, certainly,  if  the}-  are  in  a  state  of  crystalization. 
[Laughter.] 

THE  PRESIDENT— I  understand  that  they  are  ready. 

Mr.  Horton.of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization,  made 
a  report  in  part  that  they  have  agreed  upon  Mr.  Ashmun,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. 

A  voice — Georger 

THE  PRESIDENT  -Hon.  George  Ashmun  [a  voice— "Good  boy" — 
laughter],  of  Massachusetts,  for  President  of  the  Convention. 
[Prolonged  cheers.] 

The  report  in  reference  to  the  selection  of  Permanent  President 
was  unanimously  adopted. 

A  voice-  Nary  a  "no."  [Laughter.] 

The  Temporary  President  appointed  Hon.  Preston  King,  of  New 
York,  and  Carl  Schurz.  Esq.,  a  committee  to  conduct  the  President 
to  the  Chair.  The  appearance  of  Mr.  Schurz  was  the  signal  for 
loud  cheers. 

The  President  was  conducted  to  the  Chair  amid  enthusiastic 
applause.  When  this  had  subsided  he  addressed  the  Convention. 

SPEECH   OF  HON.  GEORGE   ASH  M  IN. 

iicntlenwti  of  the  Convention  Republicans,  Americans: — My 
first  duty  is  to  express  to  you  the  deep  sense  which  I  feel  of  this 
distinguished  mark  of  your  confidence.  In  the  spirit  in  which  it 
has  been  offered  I  accept  it,  sensible  of  the  difficulties  which  sur- 
round the  position,  but  cheered  and  sustained  by  the  faith  that 
the  same  generosity  that  has  brought  me  here  will  carry  me 
through  the  discharge  of  the  duties.  I  will  not  shrink  from  this 
position,  at  the  same  time  the  post  of  danger  as  well  as  the  post 
of  honor.  [Applause.]  Gentlemen,  we  have  come  here  to-day  at 
the  call  of  our  country  from  widely  separated  homes,  to  fulfil  a 
great  and  important  duty.  No  ordinary  call  has  brought  us  to- 
gether. Nothing  but  a  momentous  question  would  have  called  this 
vast  multitude  here  to-day.  Nothing  but  a  deep  sense  of  the  danger 
into  which  our  government  is  fast  runniiigcould  have  rallied  Un- 
people thus  in  this  city  to-dajr,  for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  the 
government  from  the  deep  degradation  into  which  it  has  fallen. 
[Loud  applause.]  We  have  come  here  at  the  call  of  our  country 
tor  the  purpose  of  preparing  for  Uie  most  solemn  duty  that  free 
men  have  to  perform.  \\'e  are  here  in  the  ordinary  capacity  as 
delegates  of  the  people,  to  prepare  for  the  formation  and  carrying 
on  of  a  new  administration,  and  with  the  help  of  the  people  we 


102  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

will  do  it.  [Applause.]  No  mere  controversy  about  miserable 
abstractions  has  brought  us  here  to-day;  we  have  not  come  here 
on  any  idle  question.  The  sacrifice  which  most  of  us  have  made 
in  the  extended  journey,  and  in  the  time  devoted  to  it,  could  only 
have  l>ern  m;u!e  'upon  so.ne.sole.mn  call;  and  the  stern  look  which 
I  see,  the  solemn  look  wfcicn  I  see  on  every  face,  and  the  earnest 
behavior  which  has  been  manifested  in  all  the  preliminary  dis 
cussions.  shews -it-iH  w.-ll  that-weail  have  a  true,  deep  sense  of  the 
solemn  obligation  which  is  resting  upon  us.  Gentlemen,  it 
does  not  belong  to  me  to  make  an  extended  address  ;  it  is  for  me 
rather  to  assist  in  the  details  of  the  business  that  belong  to  this 
convention.  But  allow  me  to  say  that  I  think  we  have  a  right 
here  to-day,  in  the  name  of  the  American  people,  to  say  that  we  im- 
peach the  administration  of  our  general  Government  of  the  highest 
crimes  which  can  be  committed  against  a  Constitutional  govern- 
ment, against  a  free  people,  and  against  humanity.  [Prolonged 
cheers.]  The  catalogue  of  its  crimes  it  is  not  for  me  to  recite.  It 
is  written  upon  every  page  of  the  history  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration, and  I  care  not  how  many  paper  protests  the  President  may 
send  into  the  House  of  Representatives  [laughter  and  applause], 
we  here,  the  grand  inquest  of  the  nation,  will  find  out  for  him  and 
his  confederates  not  merely  punishment  terrible  and  sure,  but  a 
remedy  which  shall  be  satisfactory.  [Prolonged  cheers.]  Gentle- 
men, before  proceeding  to  the  duties  of  the  Convention,  allow  me 
to  congratulate  you  and  the  people  upon  the  striking  feature 
which,  I  think,  must  have  been  noticed  by  everybody  who  has 
mixed  in  the  preliminary  discussions  of  the  people  who  have 
gathered  in  this  beautiful  city.  It  is  that  brotherl}'  kindness  and 
generous  emulation  which  has  marked  every  conversation  and 
every  discussion,  showing  a  desire  for  nothing  else  but  their 
country's  good.  Earnest,  warm  and  generous  preferences  are 
expressed,  ardent  hopes  and  fond  purposes  are  declared,  but  not 
within  the  three  daj^s  I  have  spent  among  j-ou  all  have  I  heard 
one  unkind  word  uttered  by  one  man  towards  another.  I  hail  it 
as  an  augury  of  sucess,  and  if  during  the  proceedings  of  this 
Convention  you  will  unite  to  perpetuate  that  feeling  and  allow  it 
to  pervade  all  your  proceedings,  I  declare  to  you  that  I  think  it  is 
the  surest  and  brightest  promise  of  our  success,  whoever  may  be 
the  standard  bearer  in  the  contest  that  is  pending.  [Applause.] 
In  that  spirit,  gentlemen,  let  us  now  proceed  to  the  business— to 
the  great  work  which  the  American  people  have  given  into  our 
hands  to  do.  [Applause.] 

THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

Mr.  Marsh,  of  New  Jersey,  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organi- 
zation having  reported  in  part,  desires  to  complete  its  report. 

The  committee  appointed  to  recommend  officers  for  the  per- 
manent organization  of  this  Convention  have  attended  to  that 
<luty,  and  report  that  the  officers  shall  consist  of  a  President, 
twenty-seven  Vice-Presidents,  and  twenty-six  Secretaries;  and  the 
following  gentlemen  are  recommended  to  fill  the  offices  respec- 
tively named: 

President,  Hon.  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts. 

Vioe-PresidentB- California,  A.  A.  Sargent;  Connecticut,  C.  F. 
Cleveland;  Delaware,  John  C.  Clark;  Iowa,  H.  P.  Scholte:  Illinois, 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1861.  103 

David  Davis  ;  Indiana,  John  Beard  ;  Kentucky,  W.  D.  Gallagher  ; 
Maine,  Samuel  F.  Hersey;  Maryland,  Wm.  L.  Marshall;  Massachu- 
setts, Ensign  H.  Kellog;  Michigan,  J.  W.  Ferry;  Minnesota,  Aaron 
Goodrich;  Missouri,  Henry  T.  Blow;  New  York,  Wm. Curtis  Noyes; 
New  Jersey,  G.  E.  Rogers  ;  New  Hampshire,  Wm.  Haile  ;  Ohio, 
Geo.  D.  Burgess  ;  Oregon,  Joel  Burlingame ;  Pennsylvania, 
Thaddeus  Stevens;  Rhode  Island,  Rowland  G.  Hazard  ;  Texas,  M. 
S.  C.  Chandler ;  Vermont,  Wm.  Hebord  ;  Virginia,  R.  Crawford  ; 
Wisconsin,  Hans  Crocker;  Nebraska,  A.  S.  Paddock;  Kansas,  W.  W. 
Ross;  Dist.  Columbia,  Geo.  Harrington. 

Secretaries — California,  D.  J.  Staples;  Connecticut,  H.  H.  Stark- 
weather ;  Delaware,  B.  J.  Hopkins  ;  Iowa,  Wm.  M.  Stone  ;  Illinois, 
O.  L.Davis;  Indiana,  Daniel  D.  Pratt;  Kentucky,  Stephen  J.Howes; 
Maine,  C.  A.  Wing;  Maryland,  Wm.  E.  Coale;  Massachusetts,  C.  O. 
Rogers ;  Michigan,  W.  S.  Stoughtoii ;  Minnesota,  D.  A.  Secombe  ; 
Missouri,  J.  K.  Kidd  ;  New  York,  Geo.  W.  Curtis  ;  New  Jersey, 
Edward  Brettle ;  New  Hampshire,  Nathan  Hubbard  ;  Ohio,  H.  J. 
Beebe ;  Oregon,  Eli  Thayer ;  Pennsylvania,  J.  B.  Bell ;  Rhode 
Island,  R.  R.  Hazard  ;  Texas,  Donald  Henderson  ;  Vermont,  John 
W.  Stewart ;  Virginia,  A.  W.  Campbell  ;  Wisconsin,  L.  F.  Frisbie  ; 
Kansas,  John  A.  Martin;  Nebraska,  H.  P.  Hitchcock. 

On  motion,  the  report  was  received  and  adopted  nem.  con. 

Mr.  Tracy,  of  California,  I  move  that  a  committee  of  one  from 
each  State  and  Territory  be  appointed,  to  be  nominated  by  the 
delegates  of  the  respective  States,  on  Resolutions  and  Platform. 

Mr.  Cartter,  and  I  move  that  all  the  resolutions  submitted  to 
this  Convention  be  referred  to  that  committee  without  debate. 

Mr.  Tracy,  I  accept  the  amendment. 

PRESENTATION  OF  A  GAVEL. 

Mr.  Judd,  I  ask  the  gentlemen  to  suspend  for  one  moment,  while 
I  make  a  presentation  to  the  President  of  this  Convention.  I  am 
directed,  Mr.  President,  on  behalf  of  one  of  the  working  mechanic 
Republicans  of  Chicago,  to  present  to  you,  sir,  this  emblem  of 
your  authority.  [Exhibiting  a  beautifully  wrought,  oak  gavel, 
finished  and  ornamented  with  ivory  and  silver.]  It  is  not,  sir,  the 
wood  and  the  ivory  and  the  silver — 

Mr.  Hinckley,  of  California,  [interrupting,]  I  rise  to  a  point 
of  order.  ["Sit  down,"  "  Go  on  with  the  presentation,"  and  great 
confusion.]  The  Committee  on  Order  of  Business  has  not  yet 
been  reported  from  ;  when  that  committee  reports  perhaps  the 
Convention  will  find  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  that  report  will 
settle  the  controversy  in  reference  to  the  appointment  of  the 
Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions. 

THE  CHAIR — The  Chair  holds  that  that  is  not  a  point  of  order. 
[Applause.]  The  question  is  upon  the  resolution  of  the  gentle- 
man from  California  (Mr.  Tracy). 

Mr.  Judd,  I  would  not,  sir,  have  attempted  to  have  made  this 
presentation  if  I  had  not  supposed  that  I  had  the  unanimous  con- 
sent at  this  time  of  the  Convention.  [Applause,  and  cries  of  "Go 


104  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

on'.'  "go  on."]  I  was  saying  to  you,  sir,  that  it  was  not  the  wood, 
or  the  ivory,  or  the  silver,  of  which  that  little  instrument  is  com- 
posed, that  renders  it  valuable.  It  has.  like  the  Republican  party, 
a  history.  It  is  a  piece  of  oak  taken  from  Commodore  Perry's 
flag  ship— the  Lawrence.  [Applause.]  It  is  not  from  its  size  that 
its  power  is  to  be  estimated.  It  is,  like  the  Republican  rule, 
strong,  but  not  noisy.  [Great  enthusiasm.]  It  is  not  that  the 
Republicans  require  a  noisy  and  violent  government,  or  they 
require  riotously  to  put  down  the  sham  Democracy;  but  they 
require,  and  intend  to  apply  to  them  and  to  all  those  persons 
who  seek  disunion  and  keep  up  a  cry  about  destroying  our 
Government,  the  little  force  necessary  to  control  and  restrain 
them,  like  the  little  force  which  will  be  necessary  for  you,  .Mr. 
President,  to  use  in  presiding  over  the  deliberations  of  this  Con- 
vention. [Great  cheers.] 

There  is  a  motto,  too,  adopted  by  that  mechanic,  which  should 
be  a  motto  for  every  Republican  in  this  Convention — the  motto 
borne  upon  the  flag  of  the  gallant  Perry.  "Don't  Give  Up  the 
the  Ship."  [Great  applause.]  Mr.  President,  in  presenting  this  to 
you,  in  addition  to  the  motto  furnished  by  the  mechanic  who 
manufactured  this,  as  an  evidence  of  his  warmth  and  zeal  in  the 
Republican  Cause,  I  would  recommend  to  this  Convention  to 
believe  that  the  person  who  will  be  nominated  here,  can,  when 
the  election  is  over  in  November,  send  a  despatch  to  Washington 
in  the  language  of  the  gallant  Perry,  "We  have  met  the  enemy, 
and  they  are  ours."  [Terrific  cheering.  Voices,  "Name,  name."] 
Mr.  President,  in  the  beginning  I  should  have  named,  Mr.  C.  G. 
Thomas,  of  Chicago.  [Hearty  applause.] 

THE  PRESIDENT— In  behalf  of  the  Convention  I  accept  from  the 
hand  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  the  present  made  by  the 
Chicago  mechanic;  and  I  have  only  to  say  to-day  that  all  the 
auguries  are  that  we  shall  meet  the  enemy  and  they  shall  be  ours. 
[Cheers.] 

Mr.  Dembitz,  of  Kentucky,  announced  that  the  Committee  on 
Rules  and  Order  of  Business  had  matured  a  partial  report,  denn- 
ing the  manner  in  which  votes  should  be  taken  in  the  Convention. 
He  moved  that  that  report  be  now  called  up. 

The  President  announced  that  the  question  on  the  appointment 
of  a  Committee  on  Resolutions  and  Platform  was  pending. 

Mr.  Dembitz  moved  that  the  question  on  the  appointment  of  a 
Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions  be  postponed  until  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  had 
been  received. 

The  motion  of  Mr.  Dembitz  was  lost. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  105 

THE  PRESIDENT — The  question  is  now  on  the  appointment  of  a 
Committee  on  Resolutions  and  Platform  to  whom  to  refer  without 
debate  all  resolutions  or  propositions. 

Gov.  Reeder,  Mr.  President — 

Voices— "Name." 

THE  PRESIDENT— Gov.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania.  (Prolonged 
cheers.] 

Gov.  Reeder,  I  understand  the  resolution  before  the  Convention 
to  be  that  a  Committee  of  one  from  each  State  be  appointed  for 
the  purpose  of  drafting-  a  Platform  and  Resolutions.  Am  I  right? 

THE  PRESIDENT— You  are,  substantially. 

Gov.  Reeder,  then  I  move  to  amend  so  that  it  may  include  the 
Territories. 

Judge  Tracy,  that  is  the  language  of  the  motion. 

The  motion  to  appoint  a  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolu- 
tions was  then  carried. 

The  President  suggested  to  the  Convention  the  propriety  of 
having  a  roll  of  the  Convention  arranged  under  the  heads  of  the 
different  States  made  out  by  the  Secretaries  and  to  be  printed  for 
the  use  of  the  Convention.  He  then  proposed  to  call  the  States 
for  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  on  Resolutions  and  Platform. 

Mr.  James,  of  New  York,  before  that  is  put,  I  would  suggest 
that  the  Committee  on  Credentials  report.  We  refused  to  adopt 
this  very  resolution  before  dinner. 

THE  CHAIR— The  Chair  is  about  to  call  the  roll  of  the  States,  for 
the  purpose  of  receiving  the  names  of  gentlemen  to  constitute  a 
Committee  on  Resolutions. 

THE   COMMITTEE  ON   RESOLUTIONS. 

The  roll  was  then  called  and  the  committee  constituted  as 
follows: 

Maine,  George  F.  Talbott  ;  New  Hampshire,  Amos  Tuck;  Ver- 
mont, Ebenezer  M.  Briggs  ;  Massachusetts,  George  S.  Boutwell  ; 
Rhode  Island,  Benjamin  T.  Eames  ;  Connecticut!,  S.  W.  Kellogg  ; 
\r\v  York,  H.  R.  Selden  ;  New  Jersey,  Thos.  H.  Dudley  ;  Pennsyl- 
vania. Wirliam  Jessup;  Delaware,  N.  B.  Smithers;  Maryland,  F.  P. 
Blair  ;  Virginia,  Alfred  Caldwell ;  Ohio,  Joseph  H.  Barrett ;  Ken- 
tucky, George  D.  Blakey;  Indiana,  Wm.  T.  Otto;  Michigan,  Austin 
Blair;  Illinois,  Gustavus  Kcerner  ;  Wisconsin,  Carl  Schurz  ;  Min- 
nesota, Stephen  Miller;  Iowa,  J.  A.  Kasson ;  Missouri,  Chas.  L. 
Bernays;  California,  F.  P.  Tracy;  Oregon,  Horace  Greeley;  Texas, 
H.  A.  Shaw;  Dist.  Columbia,  A.  G.  Hill;  Nebraska,  A.  Sidney 
Gardner;  Kansas,  John  P.  Hatterschiedt. 

OTHER  REPORTS. 

Mr.  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  the  Committee  on  Business  have  a  report 
prepared  in  part,  but  they  are  detained  somewhat  by  the  want 
of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 


106  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Hopkins,  of  Massachusetts,  in  response  to  the  suggestion 
from  the  Chair.  I  move  you  that  the  Secretaries  of  this  Convention 
be  directed  to  prepare  a  full  list  of  the  delegates  to  this  Conven- 
tion. 

Mr. .  of  Missouri,  I  would  move  as  an  amendment,  that 

it  contain  their  post  office  addresses. 

THE  CHAlR—That,  I  suppose,  will  be  attended  to.  It  will  all  be 
done  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretaries. 

Motion  to  print  adopted. 

ANOTHER  INVITATION. 

THE  CHAIR— I  have  received  a  communication  from  the  Zouave 
Guard  directed  to  this  Convention,  which  Capt.  Rogers, of  Massa- 
chusetts, will  read. 

Charles  O.  Rogers  read  as  follows: 

ARMORY  OF  THE  ZOUAVE  CADET  GUARD, 

MAY  16,  1860. 

To  the  Honorable  Members  of  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention— Gentlemen:  In  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the 
citizens,  we  are,  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Committee,  permitted 
to  occupy  the  "Wigwam"  this  evening  for  an  exhibition  drill,  to 
which  we  beg  to  return  an  invitation  to  the  members  of  your 
honorable  body.  We  shall  feel  highljr  honored  by  the  presence 
of  all  who  can  find  leisure  to  attend.  Tickets  of  admission  will  be 
found  at  the  headquarters  of  the  different  delegations. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient  servant. 

E.  E.  ELLSWORTH. 
Commander  U.  S.  Zouave  Cadets. 

On  motion,  the  invitation  to  be  present  was  accepted  with 
thanks. 

MORE   PRINTING. 

Mr.  Kaufman,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  would  suggest  to  the  Commit- 
tee on  Platform,  before  they  present  to  the  Convention  their 
report,  that  they  have  a  large  number  of  copies  printed  and 
distributed  to  all  members  so  that  they  can  see  it.  It  will  be  im- 
possible to  have  it  read  here  so  that  we  can  understand  it  clearly, 
and  members  will  not  know  if  they  are  in  favor  of  it  or  Against  it. 
I  will  make  a  motion  to  that  effect. 

Motion  to  print  carried. 

ABOUT   ADJOURNMENT. 

Mi.  Vorhies,  of  Indiana,  I  move  that  when  this  Convention 
adjourns,  it  do  adjourn  until  to-morrow  morning  at  nine  o'clock. 

Many  voices— "Make  it  ten." 

THE  CHAIR— It  is  moved  to  amend  by  substituting  "ten." 

Mr.  Tracy,  of  California,  nine  o'clock  is  too  early.  I  have  come 
a  long  way,  many  thousand  miles,  to  attend  this  Convention  and 
;iiii  tired  and  I  can't  get  up  so  early. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  107 

Mr.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  there  are  several  committees  who 
have  business  to  attend  to;  one  of  which  I  know  meets  at  eight 
and  another  at  half-past  eight,  and  it  will  be  impossible  for  them 
to  get  through  their  business  by  nine  o'clock.  In  endeavoring  to 
save  an  hour,  I  think  the  Convention  will  waste  much  more  time. 
I  think  that  it  would  be  more  judicious  to  meet  at  ten  o'clock- 
when  the  committees  can  come  in  with  their  reports. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  to  ten  o'clock  prevailed. 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire, offered  the  follo\\'ing resolution: 

Resolred:  That  the  delegations  from  each  State  and  Territory 
represented  in  this  Convention  be  requested  to  designate  and 
report  the  name  of  one  individual  to  serve  as  a  member  of  the 
National  Republican  Committed?  for  the  ensuing  four  years. 

Mr.  Nourse,  of  Iowa,  moved  to  amend  the  resolution  so  that  the 
delegations  should  be  left  to  select  members  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee who  were  not  members  of  the  Convention. 

The  amendment  was  accepted  and  the  resolution  adopted. 

The  Convention  then,  on  motion,  adjourned  to  Thursda}"  morn- 
ing at  ten  o'clock. 

SECOND  DAY. 

The  Convention  assembled  in  the  Republican  Wigwam  at  ten 
o'clock,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  and  was  called  to  order  by  the 
President. 

THE  CHAIR  [Amid  great  confusion]— It  is  quite  apparent  that 
the  delegates  are  incommoded  by  the  gentlemen  on  the  platform, 
who  are  not  members  of  this  Convention  ;  the3~  are  respectfully 
invited  not  to  occupy  seats  devoted  to  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vention. [Applause.]  I  will  suggest  that  each  delegation,  through 
its  chairman,  purge  itself. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  will  set  the  example.  Those  gentlemen 
who  do  not  belong  to  the  Ohio  delegation  will  be  kind  enough  to 
retire.  [Applause.] 

Prayer  was  then  offered  up  by  Rev.  W.  W.  Patten,  of  the  Second 
Congregational  Church,  Chicago,  as  follows: 

Let  us  unite  in  prayer.  Great  God,  Thou  art  the  blessed  and  the 
only  potentate,  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords,  Thou  only  hast 
immortality.  Thou  dwellest  in  light  that  no  man  can  approach 
unto  Thee,  whom  no  man  hath  seen  nor  mortal  vision  can  see. 
see.  "We  are  Thy  weak  and  Thine  erring  creatures,  and  we  draw 
nigh  to  Thee  in  all  our  dependence,  that  we  maj-  avail  ourselves 
of  Thine  almighty  strength  and  boundless  wisdom.  We  thank 
Thee  that  Thou  hast  given  us  the  great  boon  of  existence;  that 
Thou  hast  sent  vis  into  this  world  to  work  out  our  destiny  and  to 
do  Thy  will;  privileging  us  with  the  opportunity  of  being  workers 
with  Thee  in  Thy  benevolent  and  wise  plan.  We  thank  Thee 
that  we  have  had  ovir  birth  and  residence  in  this  land  ;  and  that 
we  have  come  into  the  world  to  act  our  part  in  these  latter  days 
of  its  history.  We  pray  Thee  to  qualify  us  to  act  that  part  aright, 
as  men  should  act  who  live  in  this  nineteenth  centurj7.  And  we 


108  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

pray  Thee,  Oh  God,  that  Thy  blessing  may  rest  upon  our  country. 
We  thank  Thee  that  our  fathers  came  over  here  and  laid  the 
foundations  of  our  country  in  prayer  and  in  faith,  desiring-  here 
to  serve  God  and  their  fellow  men.  And  we  pray  Thee,  that  that 
same  spirit  may  dwell  in  their  children;  and  may  lead  them  to 
bring  forth  the  fruits  of  righteousness.  Help  this  great  people 
to  remember  that  it  is  righteousness  that  exalteth  a  nation,  while 
sin  is  a  shame  unto  any  people.  We  thank  Thee  that  Thou  hast 
permitted  us  to  witness  this  great  convocation  of  the  friends 
of  freedom  and  humanity.  We  pray  for  Thy  blessing  to  rest  upon 
all  in  this  Convention  who  have  come  hither  to  represent  the 
friends  of  freedom  in  this  nation.  We  beseech  of  Thee  that  Thou 
wilt  give  them  the  wisdom  which  is  from  above  which  begins  in 
the  fear  of  God.  Grant  that  they  may  be  saved  from  that  fear 
of  man  which  Thy  word  declares  bringeth  a  snare;  and  we  pray 
Thee  that  they  may  be  enabled  to  act  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the 
responsibility  committed  to  them.  Grant  that  in  their  delibera- 
tions they  may  be  aided  by  the  Spirit,  and  may  be  brovight  to 
such  conclusions  as  shall  be  for  the  furtherance  of  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  of  humanity  in  this  great  nation,  so  that  the}-  shall 
not  only  receive  the  commendation  of  their  fellow  men,  but  shall 
be  prepared  to  meet  God,  and  that  slave,  whose  friend  God  is,  at 
the  great  day  of  account.  All  this  we  ask  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ.  Amen. 

INVITATIONS. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  begs  leave  to  lay  before  the  Con- 
vention the  following  letter: 

CHICAGO,  May  17, 1860. 

Hon.  George  Ashmun,  President  of  the  Republican  Convention. 
Chicago: 

DEAR  SIR— The  members  of  the  Convention  are  invited  to  an 
excursion  over  the  C.  &  R.  I.  railroad,  to  the  city  of  Rock  Island, 
crossing  the  Mississippi  river  bridge  to  the  city  of  Davenport, 
Iowa,  any  day  during  their  stay  in  Chicago  which  the  Convention 
may  designate.  The  hour  of  leaving  Chicago  and  returning. 
subject  to  the  wishes  of  the  Convention. 

I  am  respectfully  yours, 

HENRY  FARNUM,  President. 

THE  PRESIDENT— It  will  be  laid  on  the  table  for  the  present. 
The  Chair  has  another  communication: 

To  the  Honorable  President  of  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention: 

SIR— Can  you  not  arrange  to  send  out  some  effective  speakers 
to  entertain  twenty  thousand  Republicans  and  their  wives,  out- 
side the  building?  [Great  applause,  and  cries  for  "Corwin,"  and 
others.) 

THE  RULES. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  first  business  in  order  will  be  to  hear  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Order  of  Business.  Is  that  Com- 
mittee ready  to  report: 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  109 

Mr.  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  Mr.  President,  I  am  instructed  by  the 
Committee  on  Order  of  Business  and  Rules  to  make  the  following- 
report: 

RULE  1.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention,  the  States 
and  Territories  shall  be  called  in  the  following'  order: 

Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
Delaware,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana.  M  issouri,  Texas, 
Wisconsin,  Iowa,  California,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas,  Nebras- 
ka, Dist.  Columbia. 

RULE  2.  Four  votes  shall  be  cast  by  Ihe  delegates  at  large  of 
each  State,  and  each  Congressional  District  shall  be  entitled  to 
two  votes.  The  votes  of  each  delegation  shall  be  reported  by  its 
chairman. 

RULE  3.  The  report  ot  the  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolu- 
tions shall  be  acted  upon  before  the  Convention  proceeds  to  ballot 
for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-president. 

RULE  4.  Three  hundred  and  four  votes,  being  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  votes  when  all  the  States  of  the  Union  are 
represented  in  this  Convention,  according  to  the  rates  of  repre- 
sentation presented  in  Rule  2,  shall  be  required  to  nominate  the 
candidates  of  this  Convention  for  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President.  [Applause,  and  cries  of  "No!  No!"] 

RULE  5.  The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  con- 
tinue to  be  the  rules  of  this  Convention  in  so  far  as  they  are  ap- 
plicable and  not  inconsistent  with  the  foregoing  rules. 

All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

A  MINORITY   REPORT. 

Mr.  James,  of  New  York,  before  we  proceed  to  act  upon  those 
rules,  I  wish  to  sa}r  that  when  this  committee  met  there  were  but 
seventeen  out  of  twenty-five  members  present.  That  the  4th 
rule  which  has  been  adopted  was  only  adopted  by  one  majority, 
and  as  a  member  of  that  committee  I  propose  to  offer  a  substitute, 
which  I  will  read  as  follows: 

THE  PRESIDENT — Will  the  gentleman  waive  it  until  the  4th  rule 
comes  before  the  meeting? 

Mr.  James,  I  suppose  the  amendment  should  be  submitted  be- 
fore we  enter  upon  the  duty  of  considering  the  report. 

THE  PRESIDENT — It  will  be  much  more  convenient  for  the 
gentleman  to  present  his  amendment  when  it  comes  up. 

Mr.  James,  It  is  a  minority  report. 

THE  PRESIDENT — It  is  in  order  then. 

Mr.  James,  the  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Business  and 
Rules  propose  the  following  amendment  to  the  4th  rule,  as  a 
minority  report: 

4th.  That  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  represented 
in  this  Convention,  according  to  the  votes  prescribed  by  the  2nd 
rule,  shall  be  required  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  President  and 
Vice-President.  [Applause,  and  cries  of  "No!  No!"] 


no  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  first  question  is  upon  the  first  rule. 

Mr.   Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I   desire   to   ask   this    House    a 

question. 

Tin:  PRESIDENT— Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  has  the  floor. 

Mr.  Reeder,  I  beg  the  gentleman's  pardon  ;  I  had  not  seen  him. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  we  are  approaching  a  labor  that  is  going 
to  involve  our  constituencies  in  this  Convention,  and  there  is  no 
report  from  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  (Voices— "We  can't 
)i.  ar  you."]  Before  entering  upon  the  consideration  of  this  re- 
port, which  I  perceive  is  to  be  litigated,  I  propose  to  go  into  the 
battle  with  the  army  organized.  [Voices— "  That's  correct," 
"  Good,"  and  so  on.]  Therefore  I  ask  the  postponement  of  the 
consideration  of  the  report  of  the  committee,  until  we  have  a 
report  from  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Mr.  Reeder,  that  is  precisely  the  suggestion  I  was  going  to 
make. 

Mr.  Cartter — I  knew  you  were  thinking  just  about  right.  [Laugh- 
ter.] 

Motion  to  postpone  adopted  unanimously. 

REPORT  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

Mr.  Benton,  of  New  Hampshire— On  behalf  of  the  Committee 
on  Credentials,  I  am  instructed  to  make  the  following  report: 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  report  herewith  the  names  and 
numbers  of  delegates  from  the  several  states  as  being  elected, 
and  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  states  of  Pensylvania  and  New 
Jersey  have  appointed  four  delegates  from  each  Congressional 
district  and  eight  Senatorial  delegates,  instead  of  appointing 
delegates  and  alternates;  and  Iowa  has  appointed  eight  delegates 
from  each  Congressional  districts  and  sixteen  Senatorial  dele- 
gates. [Laughter.]  The  Committee  also  present  the  names  of 
the  delegates  present  and  duly  elected  from  the  district  of  Col- 
umbia and  the  territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  leaving  it  for 
the  Convention  to  decide  whether  they  shall  be  permitted  to  vote 
in  thi.s  Convention. 

All  of  which  is  respectfully  presented  in  behalf  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

The  states  and  territories  are  specified,  and  I  can  read  them  if 
the  Convention  desire  it,  although  the  Chairman  did  not  deem 
it  necessary,  as  they  are  in  the  specification  accompanying  the 
report. 

Mr.  Reeder— I  desire  to  know  if  this  Committee  has  reported 
what  states  are  represented  and  entitled  to  a  vote  in  this  Conven- 
tion. Have  they  so  reported? 

Mr.  Benton — They  have  so  reported. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Massachusetts— I  desire  to  have  that  portion  of 
the  report  read  stating  which  states  are  represented  and  entitled 
to  a  vote  in  this  Convention,  with  the  number  of  votes  to  each. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  ill 

Mr.  Benton — In  accordance  with  the  suggestion,  I  will  read  the. 
votes  of  the  states  : 

California,  8;  Conneticut,  12;  Delaware,  6;  Iowa,  32;  Illinois.  _''_'; 
Indiana.  2(5:  Kentucky.  24;  Maine.  lf,;  Maryland,  10;  Massachu- 
setts. 2<'.;  Michigan.  12;  Minnesota,  8;  Missouri,  18;  New  York,  70; 
New  Jersey.  2s;  New  Hampshire.  10;  Ohio, 48;  Oregon..!;  Pennsyl- 
vania.,~>4;  Rhode  Island,  8;  Texas,  8;  Vermont.  10;  Virginia,  30; 
"Wisconsin,  10;  Kansas,  6;  Nebraska,  6;  Dist.  Columbia,  4. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Mass. — I  move  that  so  much  of  the  report  as 
relates  to  the  delegation  from  Texas  be  referred  back  to  the  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Wilmot.  of  Penn. — I  move  to  amend  the  motion  so  as  to 
include  the  states  of  Maryland,  Kentucky  and  Virginia.  I  had 
foreseen  before  I  came  to  this  Convention,  that  the  question 
would  very  properly  arise  as  to  the  propriety  of  allowing  these 
states  to  have  a  full  vote  in  this  Convention.  \Ve  are  a  Conven- 
tion of  delegates  representing  a  party,  having  constituencies  at 
home.  This  is  not  a  mass  convention,  in  which  a  mere  numeri- 
cal majority  of  all  who  choose  to  attend  control  the  result,  but 
this  is  a  Convention  of  delegates  representing  a  constituency, 
and  having  constituents  at  home  to  represent.  [Great  applause.] 

Now.  sir,  can  it  be  possible  that  those  gentlemen  who  come  here 
from  states  in  which  there  is  no  organized  party,  or  from  states 
in  which  thej-  cannot  maintain  an  organized  party — is  it  possible 
that  thej"  are  to  come  here  and  by  their  votes  control  the  action 
of  the  Convention?  I  can  see  nothing  better  calculated  to 
demoralize  a  part}',  and  to  break  it  up,  than  just  such  a 
proceeding.  Why,  sir.  this  nomination  is  to  be  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  Republican  party  in  the  Union,  not  the  nomi- 
nation of  respectable  gentlemen  who  may  belong  to  the 
Republican  party  in  Virginia.  Maryland  or  Kentucky. 
What  are  the  facts  in  Maryland?  In  Maryland,  thirty  gen- 
tlemen assembled  in  Baltimore  for  the  purpose  of  sending  a 
delegation  to  this  Convention.  Did  they  assemble  as  the  repres- 
entatives of  a  party:  Not  at  all.  They  have  never  had  a  Republi- 
can party  in  Maryland,  and,  in  my  judgment,  there  will  be  no 
such  party  there  until  the  people  of  the  free  states  shall  place 
this  government  in  different  hands,  and  relieve  them  from  the 
tyranny  which  now  weighs  them  down.  There  are  respectable 
gentlemen  in  Maryland,  many  of  them,  who  sympathize  with  us 
and  our  cause;  and  so  there  are  in  every  other  Southern  state; 
but  they  are  not  formed  nor  forming  into  a  party  organization. 
These  gentlemen  are  not  here  as  the  representatives  of  any  organ- 
ised party  at  all.  If  this  thing  is  to  be  done,  the  result  of  the 
deliberations  of  this  Convention  respecting  its  nominee  maybe 
another  thing;  it  may  be  other  than  such  a  result  as  would  be 
produced  by  the  voices  of  those  only  who  are  properly  repres- 
ented upon  this  floor.  Admit  this  precedent,  sir,  arid  hereafter 
some  candidate,  or  rather  the  friends  of  the  candidate  may,  in 
their  anxiety  to  procure  a  result  favorable  to  their  wishes,  at  the 
next  convention  we  shall  have.  sir.  carry  this  thing  still  further; 
and  there  will  be  delegates,  not  representing  any  party— but  there 
will  be  gentlemen,  excellent  men.  no  doubt,  coming  in  here 
from  every  state  of  the  Union,  brought  here  by  influences  from 
the  North,  but  not  sent  here  by  a  party  from  home.  That  will  be 
the  result.  [Applause.]  Sir,  they  may  possibly  come  here  in  this 


llj  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

manner,  in  a  situation  of  this  kind.  I  cast  no  imputation  upon 
the  gentlemen  who  come  here  to  this  Convention.  I  have  full 
confidence  in  their  integrity  and  in  the  earnestness  and  zeal  with 
which  the)'  are  enlisted  in  the  cause;  but,  sir,  in  another  Conven- 
tion that  may  assemble  here,  gentlemen  may  come  from  South 
Carolina,  from  Arkansas  and  from  Mississippi,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  controlling,  demoralizing  and  breaking  up  the  Repub- 
lican party.  [Loud  Cheers.]  Now,  sir,  if  this  is  not  stopped, 
there  is  no  help  for  us.  The  true  policy  of  the  Republican  party 
is  to  allow  all  its  members  a  voice,  but  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers.  The  Committee  have  reported  here  that  304  votes  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice— a  majority  of  the  votes  of  all  the  states, 
when  a  large  portion  of  those  states  are  not  represented  here. 
Why  have  they  done  that?  Why  have  they  broken  down  the  plain 
old  Republican  rule,  that  the  majority— the  real  majority— shall 
control?  Because  they  know  it  is  necessary  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  object.  That  rule,  if  adopted,  would  establish  one 
precedent  in  the  admission  of  men  here  to  vote  who  are  not  rep- 
resentatives of  a  part)-;  and  then  they  adopt  another  mischiev- 
ous rule  for  the  purpose  of  rectifying  the  first.  What  we  want  is, 
that  the  representatives  of  the  Republican  party  here  should  vote 
for  a  candidate  for  President,  and  that  a  majority  should  control. 
[Tremendous  cheering.]  That  is  what  we  desire.  This  rule  that 
is  proposed,  would  introduce  upon  us  thirty  or  forty  votes  that 
do  not  represent  any  party  whatever.  They  are  gentlemen  of 
character,  gentlemen  of  worth,  gentlemen  who  sympathize  in  this 
movement  heartily;  but  they  represent  110  organized  party — they 
have  no  constituency  at  home.  You  admit  them  here,  and  then 
to  avoid  the  consequences  of  your  first  wrongful  act,  you  require 
304  votes  for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate.  I  therefore  move 
that  this  question  respecting  Texas,  embraced  in  the  first  motion, 
embrace  also,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  the  Territories  of 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  all  be 
referred  back  to  this  committee. 

Mr.  Ewing,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  deprecate  the  sentiment  of  my 
friend  from  Pennsylvania.  [Voice,  "That's  the  talk."  Applause.] 
We  all  come  here  as  Republicans,  and  those  men  who  came  here 
from  the  states  named  deserve  ten  times  more  credit  than  those 
who  came  here  from  the  free  states.  Why,  sir,  disfranchise  our 
friends  from  Virginia,  a  border  state — a  free  state  so  far  as  con- 
cerns Western  Virginia?  Sir,  shall  they  be  disfranchised  in  this 
Convention  of  Republicans  [voices.  "No!  no!"]  by  Pennsylvania, 
Nt-\\  York,  or  New  England,  because  they  have  the  courage  to 
stand  up  in  a  slave  state  for  Republicanism  and  for  free  thought? 
[Applause.]  While,  sir,  we  may  not  be  willing  to  give  those  states 
tin-  full  power  of  the  whole  delegation  of  the  whole  state,  yet  in 
tin-  name  of  God  shall  they  not  represent  their  immediate  dis- 
tricts? It  cannot  be  that  a  Convention  of  Republicans  assembled 
here  from  these  whole  United  States  will  ever  adopt  such  an  out- 
rage as  to  disfranchise  our  friends  that  come  from  the  Southern 
States.  Why,  sir,  I  was  mortified  at  such  a  sentiment  coming 
tioin  my  distinguished  friend  from  Pennsylvania,  that  thcsr 
gentlemen  who  have  come  here  in  defiance  of  the  sentiment  which 
prevails  in  their  own  states;  that  come  here  as  bold  and  inde- 
pendent Republicans,  and  who  are  as  good  Republicans  at  home 
as  here,  should  be  voted  out.  They  are  representatives  of  the 
party  so  far  as  the  party  in  these  states  extends,  and  we  wish  to 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  113 

build  up  the  party  in  those  states.  I  hope  that  this  Convention 
never  will  adopt  the  principle  to  exclude  these  gentlemen  who 
come  here  from  the  Southern  States,  because  we  may  yet  take  a 
candidate  from  one  of  those  Southern  States.  I  know  not  what 
may  be  the  result. 

Mr.  Armour,  of  Maryland,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  stand  before  this 
Convention  and  this  assembled  host  of  freemen,  a  representative 
from  the  State  of  Maryland.  [Applause  and  three  cheers  for 
Maryland.]  I  claim  to  be  as  true  a  Republican  as  the  distin- 
guished member  of  the  People' a  party  from  Pennsylvania.  [Laugh- 
ter and  much  applause.]  I  have  dared  more  than  he  has  ever 
dared.  [Applause.]  I  have  periled  more  than  he  has  ever  periled. 
He  lives  in  a  free  state;  he  breathes  the  pure  air  of  the  grand  old 
Keystone  state,  and  yet  they  have  not  arrived  at  a  condition  in 
which  they  are  willing  to  avow  themselves  Republicans.  [Great 
applause.]  I  faced  the  mob  in  Baltimore;  I  faced  the  mob  urged 
on  by  the  aristocracy  of  the  custom  house,  menial  hirelings  of 
this  corrupt  Administration.  I  went  to  my  home  and  found  that 
I  had  been  burned  in  effigy  and  suspended  by  the  neck,  because  I 
dared  avow  myself  the  friend  of  freedom.  We  met  in  Baltimore, 
in  obedience  to  the  call  of  the  National  Committee.  We  have  a 
party  in  Maryland,  and  we  can  poll  from  three  to  four  thousand 
votes,  [a  voice,  "good  for  you,"  and  applause,)  and  if  ever  we  ex- 
pect Republican  principles  to  prevail  all  over  this  land,  we  must 
organize,  and  you  who  live  in  the  Northern  states  must  fraternize 
with  us,  and  not  despise  the  day  of  our  small  things.  [Applause.] 
There  is  the  coat  of  arms  of  my  grand  little  commonwealth, 
"Crescite  et  Nultiplicnniini. "  And  that  shall  be  the  motto  of 
the  Republicans  of  Maryland.  We  will  grow  and  we  will  increase, 
until  Massachusetts,  Pennsj'lvania,  and  all  the  states  of  the 
Northwest,  will  welcome  our  grand  little  commonwealth  to  the 
band  of  states  which  have  ever  been  unshrinking  in  their  devotion 
and  their  loyalty  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom.  I  scorn  the 
idea.  I  am  proud  to  despise  the  sentiment  which  says  that 
Northern  influence  has  been  brought  to  bear  upon  us.  We  are 
unpurchased,  and  unpurchaseable.  [Loud  applause.]  And  we 
tell  Pennsylvania  to  put  that  in  her  pipe  and  smoke  it.  [Laughter 
and  applause.]  Exclude  us  from  the  convention  if  you  will-  turn 
us  out  of  these  doors;  [cries  of  "No,"  and  "We  won't.]  we  will  go 
home,  notwithstanding,  and  nominate  an  electoral  ticket,  and 
under  the  blessing  of  heaven  we  will  do  all  that  we  can  to  ad- 
vance the  cause  of  humanity.  I  beg  not  for  Northern  votes  to 
sustain  us  here.  I  am  sure  there  will  be  a  spontaneous  outburst 
for  freedom,  of  the  true  sympathy  of  the  people  here.  And  if  this 
Convention  attempts  to  exclude  us,  that  large  assemblage  of 
people  will  frown  it  down.  [Applause.]  I  have  vindicated  my- 
self. I  have  vindicated  my  co-delegates.  I  have  vindicated  my 
state.  Your  applause  assures  me  of  that  fact,  and  I  will  give  way. 
[Three  cheers  for  Maryland.] 

Mr.  James  W3rse,  of  District  of  Columbia,  Mr.  President:  I  come 
from  the  capital  of  this  great  and  mighty  Republic,  and  like  my 
friend,  I  am  descended  from  old  Maryland.  [Applause.]  I  stand 
in  this  mighty  Convention  congregated  in  the  Queen  City  of  the 
Great  West,  a  representative  from  the  District  of  Columbia  of  the 
great  Republican  party.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  stand  here  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  persecuted  and  down-trodden,  and  disfranchised 

8 


114  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

people,  that  have  no  vote  for  President;  no  voice  in  Congress,  and 
no  voice  anywhere  to  legislate  for  us,  and  yet  our  territory  con- 
tains a  hundred  thousand  freemen.  I  came  to  this  city  as  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  Republican  party  for  no  sinister  purpose,  but 
for  the  people  of  that  disfranchised  district.  We  claim  from  the 
people  of  this  country  the  right  of  franchise,  we  claim  the  right 
of  citizenship,  we  claim  to  be  heard  in  this  discussion,  and  not  to 
be  silent  longer  in  this  Republic.  We  have  no  legislature.  We 
ask  of  Congress  a  legislature,  and  we  intend  that  they  shall  give 
us  a  territorial  legislature  and  a  representation  in  Congress 
that  we  shall  have  our  own  laws,  and  that  Congress  will  confirm 
them — that  we  will  be  a  people  and  have  a  word  in  this  great 
Republic.  I  come  here  to  tell  this  people  that  they  have  trodden 
down  the  Republican  party  with  the  iron  heel  of  despotism,  worse 
and  more  tyrannical  than  that  of  Russia  or  the  Austrian  empire. 
What  has  not  Buchanan  Administration  done?  Why,  sir,  they 
have  gone  into  the  workshops  of  the  government  to  seek  out  a 
Republican  and  then  turn  him  out  to  grass,  taking  the  bread 
from  his  family,  if  he  did  not  bow  down  to  the  slave  power.  But 
thanks  be  to  God,  we  come  here  like  the  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land, daring  to  be  Republicans;  and  we  will  baptize  that  District 
of  Columbia  over  again;  and,  by  the  help  of  God,  we  will  exclude 
slavery  from  it  in  less  than  two  years.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Blakey,  of  Kentucky,  having  just  arrived  from  a  meeting 
of  the  Committee  on  Platform,  I  understand  that  a  proposition 
has  been  made  that  this  Convention  shall  exclude  the  delegates 
from  the  state  which  in  part  I  represent.  I  should  not  have  been 
more  surprised  had  I  been  told  that  a  proposition  had  been 
gravely  made  that  the  ashes  of  Washington  should  have  been 
placed  without  the  pale  of  this  continent.  [Cheers.]  I  should 
not  have  been  more  surprised  had  I  been  told  that  a  proposition 
had  been  gravely  made  that  the  remains,  the  precious  remains, 
now  silently  resting  under  the  shade  of  Ashland,  should  be  re- 
moved from  the  precious  soil  of  Kentucky;  nor  should  I  have 
been  more  surprised  had  I  been  informed  that  it  has  been  gravely 
proposed  that  Cassius  M.  Clay  [applause]  should  be  buried.  Who 
dare  propose,  I  say,  to  institute  a  proposition  here  that  the  free 
born  sons  of  Kentucky  and  of  Virginia,  and  of  Maryland,  and  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  or  even  of  Georgia,  or  any  southern 
state,  have  not  just  as  good  a  right  to  be  Republicans  and  breathe 
free  air,  and  be  free  men  upon  American  soil  as  the  old  Keystone 
State.  [Applause.]  Gentlemen,  I  have  but  one  word  more  to  say, 
and  I  want  it  to  be  heard,  and  I  wish  it  could  be  heard  from  one 
end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.  I  had  the  honor  of  a  situation, 
a  prominent  position,  it  was  a  position  of  which  my  children  and 
grand-children  will  be  proud,  in  the  Republican  Convention  of 
1856.  [Applause.]  When  the  vote  of  Kentucky  was  called  for 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  I  had  the  honor  then  and  there 
to  announce  that  Kentucky  had  been  experimenting';  that  we  had 
held  up  the  Declaration  of  Independence  before  the  mirror,  and 
so  reflected  the  platform  of  the  17th  of  June,  1856;  that  we  had 
held  up  the  precious  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  so  reflected  the  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  [applause];  that  our  votes  were  cast  for  David  Wilmot. 
[Laughter  and  applause.]  Thus  stood  Kentucky  in  1856!  Can  I 
be  forgiven  for  that  sin?  [Applause  and  laughter.] 

Mr.  Phillips,  of  Kansas,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Republican  Convention:  I  stand  here  with  my  fellow  colleagues 
to  represent  the  people  of  Kansas.  The  Republicans  of  Kansas. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  I860,  iv>i.  115 

whom  we  have  the  honor  to  represent  upon  this  floor,  sent  us  here, 
expecting-  that  we  would  have  several  grave  issues  to  meet,  but 
they  did  not  expect  that  the  representatives  of  Kansas  would  have 
to  appear  upon  this  floor  with  proof  that  Kansas  is  an  integral 
part  of  the  Republican  party.  Kansas  and  the  Republican  party 
were  born  together.  [Hearty  applause.]  Its  first  impulses  were 
stirred  by  the  wrongs  of  her  people;  the  part}'  was  baptized  in 
her  blood.  [Rapturous  applause.] 

The  people  of  Kansas  in  lS~>r>  appeared  in  the  National  Republi- 
can Convention,  and  threw  a  vote  for  the  then  Republican  nom- 
inee. The  people  of  Kansas  throughout  the  whole  of  their 
struggle  have  vindicated  in  Kansas  the  Republican  party,  their 
cause  and  their  principles.  It  ma}'  be  said  to-day  that  Kansas  is 
not  a  State— Kansas  is  scarcely  a  Territory;  but  the  cause  of  lib- 
erty is  identified  with  her  history.  She  has  a  history  and  a  glori- 
ous one.  This  administration,  whose  duty  it  was  to  foster  this 
infant  State,  has  dealt  with  Kansas  with  a  harsh  rule.  The  hand 
of  the  administration,  that  she  has  felt  so  often,  has  been  a  hard 
stern  hand;  and  all  has  been  done  to  keep  her  back,  and  prevent 
her  from  rising  and  bearing  aloft  the  banner  of  Republican  lib- 
erty. She  has  been  not  only  persecuted,  but  tempted.  If  Kansas 
had  accepted  the  Lecompton  bribe,  she  would  have  been  a  State 
to-day.  If  Kansas  had  not  been  one  of  the  strongest  and  best 
united  organizations  in  the  Republican  part}-,  she  would  have 
been  received  into  the  Union  years  ago,  by  the  Democrats  at 
Washington.  [Applause.]  Hut  Kansas  scorned  the  JLecomptou 
bribe,  and  stands  there  to-day,  and  will  stand  forever,  a  Republi- 
can State.  [Great  cheers.] 

Mr.  Chairman  — Kansas  does  not  expect  to  come  into  this  Con- 
vention and  be  alienated  from  the  Republican  party.  She  stands 
now  a  Territory,  because  she  would  not  share,  or  accept,  the  spoils 
of  the  Democratic  party.  She  has  alienated  herself,  from  every- 
thing, to  identify  her  people  and  destiny  with  the  cause  of  the 
National  Republican  party;  and  now  I  don't  think  the  time  has 
come  when  the  Republicans  can  alienate  Kansas  from  the  Na- 
tional Republican  party.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  do  not  wish  to  con- 
sume the  time  of  this  Convention  by  urging  this  point.  I  do  not 
think  the  gentlemen  of  this  Convention  will  demand  that  Kansas 
shall  be  excluded.  She  has  come  here  to  say  if  she  have  prefer- 
ences, she  will  exercise  those  preferences,  or  leave  this  hall. 
Kansas  believes  in  the  right,  which  has  carried  her  through 
many  a  dark  hour;  and  she  believes  that  it  is  principle  alone 
which  will  carry  the  Republican  cause  through  in  triumph. 

Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania—I  regret  exceedingly  that  I  was 
misunderstood  by  the  gentlemen  who  have  responded  to  me  in 
behalf  of  the  States  of  Maryland,  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  I  made 
no  proposition  to  exclude  those  gentlemen  from  a  fair  represen- 
tation upon  this  floor — [applause] — none  at  all.  I  proposed  that 
certain  States  be  referred  back  to  the  Committee  for  the  purpose 
of  an  investigation,  to  see  what  vote  they  are  entitled  to  upon  this 
floor. 

Mr.  Blakey — I  was  not  present  when  the  proposition  was 
made. 

Mr.  Wilmot— In  the  course  of  my  argument  I  presented  cer- 
tain considerations  that  seemed  to  me  to  be  entitled  to  weight,  to 
wit:  that  gentlemen  who  come  up  here  representing  no  party- 
having  no  constituencies — were  not  entitled  to  vote  for  their 


116  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

States  upon  this  floor.  That  was  the  simple  proposition  that  I 
made.  Now,  I  desire  that  the  facts  be  inquired  into.  Will  it  be 
pretended  that  thirt}r  gentlemen,  meeting-  at  the  cit}*  of  Baltimore, 
not  delegates  from  the  Counties  of  ths  State,  but  gentlemen  as- 
sembling together —have  a  right  to  represent  and  select  twenty- 
delegates? 

Mr.  Armour — Will  you  allow  me  to  correct  you? 

Mr.  Wilniot — Certainly. 

Mr.  Armour — There  has  existed  in  Baltimore  City,  for  a  num- 
ber of  years,  a  Republican  Association.  That  Association,  in 
obedience  to  the  call  of  }he  National  Executive  Committee,  issued 
calls  for  the  Republicans  of  Maryland  to  meet  in  Baltimore  at 
such  a  time  specified  in  the  call,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
an  electoral  ticket  and  sending  delegates  to  this  Convention. 
When  that  Convention  met,  every  Congressional  district  in  the 
State  of  Maryland  was  represented.  [Applause.]  There  were 
gentlemen  from  the  Eastern  Shore  and  the  Western  Shore — from 
the  extreme  East  to  the  extreme  West.  There  were  perhaps  only 
thirty-five  or  forty  delegates;  but  there  were  at  least  150  or  200  Re- 
publicans in  the  Convention.  Baltimore  City  sent  only  eleven  del- 
egates, and  therefore  she  was  entitled  to  only  eleven  votes,  yet  the 
hall  was  full  of  Republicans.  My  town  is  full  of  Republicans; 
and  I  wish  to  say,  in  reply  to  the  remark  of  the  Judge  that  we 
have  no  party  in  Maryland,  I  have  the  assurance  of  a  gentleman, 
and  know  it  to  be  true,  that  in  my  town — which  polls  only  about 
900  votes — we  can  poll  400  votes  at  the  next  election,  nearly  half 
the  votes  of  the  town — not  of  the  district.  This  is  all  I  have  to 
say. 

Mr.  Wilmot — The  explanation  that  the  gentleman  has  made, 
if  it  does  anything,  would  enforce  the  propriety  of  my  motion. 
What  I  have  desired  is,  that  the  committee  should  investigate 
this  subject,  and  should  report  the  facts  in  respect  to  these  States. 
That  is  what  I  have  desired.  If  Maryland  be  properly  represented 
here;  if  there  be  a  party  in  Maryland,  whether  great,  large  or 
small,  that  stands  as  an  organized  party  in  the  field,  that  is  the 
point;  not  that  there  may  be  Republicans  scattered  over  the 
State.  There  may  be  a  majority  in  the  town  in  which  the  gentle- 
man lives.  There  may  be  individual  Republicans  scattered  over 
that  State  in  every  county,  but  have  they  combined  together  in  a 
political  organization,  and  do  they  come  here  representing  an 
organized  party?  That  is  the  question  I  desire  this  committee 
to  enquire  into,  and  that  is  the  very  object  of  the  motion.  The 
committee  might  report  that  Maryland  was  entitled  to  her  sena- 
torial votes  on  this  floor,  and  that  she  was  entitled  to  a  vote  from 
such  and  such  a  district.  If  they  so  reported  upon  the  facts  be- 
fore them  I  shall  be  willing  to  accept  that  report.  So  too  as  to 
Virginia,  if  the  committee  reported  that  certain  districts  in 
Virginia  took  regular  action  as  an  organzied  party  and  elected 
their  delegates,  and  were  entitled  to  so  many  votes,  I  should  be 
willing  to  accept  that  report,  and  in  addition,  I  should  stand 
ready  to  give  them  the  two  electoral  votes  of  their  state.  So  in 
respect  to  Texas.  But  what  are  the  facts  about  her,  gentlemen. 
I  speak  of  it  upon  nothing  but  rumor  and  as  a  rumor — I  don't  as- 
sert the  fact,  for  I  know  nothing  about  it — but  I  am  told  that  the 
gentlemen  who  are  here  from  Texas,  or  a  majority  of  them,  are 
not  residents  of  the  state  at  all,  and  that  they  have  no  Republican 
organization  in  that  state.  It  may  be  asked  of  me  why  I  do  not 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  117 

speak  of  Oregon.  But  we  know  that  Oregon  has  a  formidable 
party;  we  know  that  they  held  a  regular  State  Convention  and 
that  they  elected  their  delegates  directly,  and  that  these  gentle- 
men are  entitled  to  their  seats.  So  if  Texas  has  held  a  regular 
convention  and  elected  her  delegates  and  they  find  it  inconvenient 
to  attend  as  delegates,  then  gentlemen  they  are  entitled  to  seats 
on  this  floor.  But  if  there  has  been  no  convention — no  movement 
in  Texas,  if  nothing  having  the  semblance  of  a  party  has  taken 
action  in  the  State  of  Texas,  and  certain  gentlemen  are  here  for 
the  purpose  of  controlling  this  result,  then  I  say  it  is  mischievous, 
it  is  demoralizing;  it  will  break  up  any  party  under  God's  heaven. 
Will  the  distinguished  gentlemen  from  New  York,  a  candidate  be- 
fore this  Convention,  or  rather  his  friends,  consent  that  they  shall 
be  overslaughed  or  defeated  by  the  votes  of  gentlemen  represent- 
ing no  part}-,  by  gentlemen  having  no  constituents?  "Will  the 
friends  of  the  candidate  which  Pennsylvania  will  present  submit 
to  such  a  procedure?  If  they  do,  it  would  be  extremely  hard — it 
would  be  difficult  to  enforce  submission.  This  was  the  object  of 
iny  proposition.  I  wish  gentlemen,  instead  of  indulging  in 
declamation  and  rhetorical  flourishes,  in  appeals  to  the  ashes  of 
Washington,  had  consented  to  leave  the  question  fairly  to  argu- 
ment. I  raised  no  question  with  the  "gude  man"  from  Maryland 
as  to  who  has  dared  more  or  suffered  more  in  this  cause.  I  con- 
cede to  him  and  his  associates  the  palm  of  victory  in  that.  But 
if  every  Republican  who  has  suffered  in  the  cause  of  freedom  is 
to  come  in  to  settle  this  question,  then  the  little  territory  of  Kansas 
can  control  this  Convention — under  that  rule  she  has  the  right  to 
control  it.  She  has  poured  out  her  blood  freely  in  this  cause. 
The  graves  of  our  murdered  sons  are  scattered  all  over  her  terri- 
tory. If  the  question  is  as  to  those  who  have  suffered  in  the  cause 
of  Republicanism,  who  have  been  mobbed,  and  those  are  to  come 
here  and  control  this  Convention,  then  let  us  adjourn  and  invite 
Kansas  to  come  here  in  a  body,  man,  woman  and  child,  and  let 
them  say  whom  the  Republican  party  shall  nominate  as  candidate 
for  President.  The  simple  question  is,  are  all  the  "gude  men" 
here  from  Virginia,  Maryland,  Texas  and  certain  other  districts 
as  representatives,  or  all  being  here  as  individual  Republicans? 
I  don't  question  their  Republicanism.  I  have  no  doubt  upon  that 
point.  I  cast  no  imputations  upon  their  integrity;  but  this  I  do 
assert,  that  if  this  precedent  be  adopted,  that  at  the  next  Conven- 
tion the  sympathies  or  the  anxiety  of  friends  to  secure  their 
candidate  may  impel  them  to  secure  delegates  here  from  every 
state  of  the  Union,  not  because  there  is  a  party  there  to  represent, 
but  because  the  anxiety  of  the  friends  of  candidates  will  bring 
men  here.  Would  it  be  difficult  to  find  twelve  men  in  the  State  of 
Tennessee  who  are  Republicans?  I  doubt  not  if  inducements 
were  held  out  to  them  they  could  come  here  from  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississipppi,  and  all  the  Southern  states.  Then  what 
would  be  the  result?  Instead  of  requiring  304  votes,  you  would 
have  to  require  that  there  should  be  500  votes.  Why  require  400, 
or  why  require  304,  except  that  you  have  already  virtually  de- 
moralized the  Convention?  If  you  have  men  here  who  do  not 
represent  an  organized  party  at  home,  they  should  not  cast  votes 
for  their  states  for  a  Republican  President.  It  was  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inquiry,  not  to  proscribe  or  disfranchise  anybody,  that 
my  motion  was  made. 


118  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  will  you  permit  a  delegate 
from  Marj'land  to  say  one  word.  I  wish  merely  to  say  to  the  Con- 
vention— [voices — "Louder!"] — I  can  only  make  myself  heard  over 
a  small  space.  But  I  must  say  one  word,  and  that  is,  so  far  as  my 
feeling's  are  concerned,  and  of  a  large  majority  of  those  with 
whom  I  am  associated  on  this  floor,  the  sentiments  uttered  by  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  meet  our  entire  accord. 
[Applause.]  We  wish  no  larger  voice  in  this  deliberation  than 
the  gentlemen  of  the  Convention  with  whom  we  are  associated 
shall  deem  our  members  and  those  whom  we  represent  entitled 
to  have  on  this  floor.  [Cheers.]  We  do  not  come  here  (and!  speak 
for  myself  and,  I  believe,  a  large  portion  of  those  representing 
the  slave  states  on  this  floor),  we  do  not  wish  to  stand  here  as 
dictating  to  those  who  have  to  elect  the  candidates.  We  are 
willing;  -we  ask  only  to  be  heard,  and  if  permitted  we  will  give 
our  votes  in  the  direction  which  we  think  ought  to  be  taken  by 
the  Convention;  but  we  do  not  wish,  and  we  will  endeavor  so  to 
act — and  I  am  sure  I  represent  the  sentiments  of  those  who  are 
associated  with  me — upon  this  point  as  not  to  give  any  controll- 
ing voice  in  the  Convention.  [Applause.]  That  is  all  I  have  to 
say  upon  the  subject.  I  would  be  glad  to  have  some  action,  if  the 
Convention  deem  it  necessary,  taken  upon  the  point  which  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  has,  I  think,  timely 
made  before  this  body,  and  I  therefore  second  his  motion.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Cleveland,  of  Connecticut,  I  respect  exceedingly  the  remarks 
of  the  gentleman  from  Maryland,  Mr.  Montgomery  Blair;  I  can 
see  imminent  danger  in  this  movement  now  made,  and  I  look 
upon  it  as  unfortunate.  We  are  here  to-day  with  high  hopes  of 
victory — with  almost  the  assurances  of  victory.  We  should  re- 
member that  in  consequence  of  the  action  of  one  solitary  man  as 
a  representative  in  Congress,  for  the  State  of  Maryland — to  Henrj^ 
W.  Davis — we  have  a  speaker  by  whom  we  have  been  able  to 
expose  the  corrupt  frauds  of  the  Administration  and  give  us  the 
assurance  of  victory  inevitable.  [Loud  cheers.]  And  yet  we  are 
not  willing  to  give  her  a  full  vote!  In  the  name  of  God  and 
humanity  what  are  we  doing?  I  heard  a  Maryland  delegate  say 
he  was  willing  to  take  a  halt  loaf  of  bread.  I  want  to  give  her  all; 
she  has  given  us  all.  [Cheers.]  This  is  all  on  that  point.  We 
have  been  charged  for  years  with  being  a  sectional  party.  The 
lie  does  not  stick  in  their  throats,  but  we  can  make  it  stick  in  ours 
and  theirs  by  our  folly;  we  are  not  a  sectional  party!  [Cheers.] 
We  want  the  slave  states  to  come  here  and  be  represented.  I  say 
in  this  very  connection,  that  knowingly  or  not  the  understanding 
of  the  slave  states  is  that  the  power  is  to  be  changed  from  the 
hands  of  the  slave  oligarchy  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
friends  of  freedom,  in  the  free  states  as  well  as  the  slave  states, 
and  hence  they  deserve  to  share  in  this  great  and  glorious  work. 
If  we  succeed  next  fall,  as  I  believe  we  shall,  with  men  competent 
to  take  charge  of  the  government,  and  put  secession  and  disunion 
where  it  belongs  (and  God  grant  we  may  all  live  to  see  it),  we  will 
probably  have  the  entire  slave  states  represented  in  our  next 
National  Convention.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  believe  it.  Why  should 
we  not?  The  disunionists  are  in  a  small  minority  in  the  slave 
states,  and  they  keep  down  the  majority  by  just  such  unwise 
operations  as  was  attempted  here  this  morning.  If  we  treat  them 
kindly  and  hold  our  hand  out  to  them,  as  men  competent  to  fill 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  119 

the  high  offices  of  the  United  States,  \\ •<.•  shall  have  the  majority' 
out  from  under  the  heel  of  the  slave  oligarchy.  We  shall  unite 
the  voice  of  the  American  people  in  favor  of  the  Republican  or- 
ganization. 1  say,  sir,  and  I  wish  it  to  be  understood  everywlu-iv, 
I  am  not  here  for  the  purpose  of  making  war  on  the  slave  states, 
nor  do  I  believe  that  there  is  a  man  in  this  house  who  is.  We 
have  been  charged  with  that.  It  is  false  and  they  know  it.  We 
are  here  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying  tin-  American  people"  that 
we  are  willing  to  give  the  slave  states  their  entire  rights.  We  say 
to  those  gentlemen,  with  that  you  will  be  content — beyond  that 
you  shall  not  go.  A  large  majority  of  the  voters  South,  if  they 
dare  express  it,  in  the  South,  would  be  with  us.  Their  hearts  are 
with  us  now.  For  God's  sake,  and  humanity's  sake,  let  us  not  es- 
tablish the  fact,  by  our  folly,  that  we  are  a  sectional  party,  and 
hate  the  slave  states.  [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Oyler,  of  Indiana,  I  merel}*  desire,  gentlemen,  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  this  Convention  to  the  call  inviting  delegates  to  this 
Convention.  Read  and  reflect  for  one  minute  what  thafcall  con- 
tains and  it  settles  this  question.  What  is  it: 

"The  Republican  electors  of  the  several  states,  the  members  of 
the  People's  party  of  Pennsylvania,  and  of  the  opposition  party 
of  New  Jersey,  and  all  others  who  are  willing  to  co-operate  with 
them  in  support  of  the  candidates  which  shall  there  be  nominated, 
and  who  are  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  present  administration, 
to  federal  corruption  and  ursurpation,  to  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  territories,  to  the  new  and  dangerous  political  doctrine 
that  the  Constitution  of  its  own  force  carries  slaver}'  into  all  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  to  the  opening  of  the  African 
slave  trade,  to  any  inequality  of  rights  among  citizens;  and  who 
are  in  favor  of  the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union, 
under  the  Constitution  recently  adopted  by  its  people,  of  restoring 
the  federal  administration  to  a  system  of  rigid  economy  and  to 
the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  of  maintaining  invio- 
late the  rights  of  the  states  and  defending  the  soil  of  every  state 
and  territory  from  lawless  invasion,  and  of  preserving  the  integ- 
rity of  this  Union  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and 
laws  passed  in  pursuance  thereof  against  the  conspiracy  of  the 
leaders  of  a  sectional  party  to  resist  the  majority  principle 
as  established  in  this  government  even  at  the  expense  of  its  exist- 
ence— are  invited  to  send  from  each  state  two  delegates  from  each 
congressional  district,  and  four  delegates  at  large  to  the  Con- 
vention." 

Why,  when  we  have  issued  a  call  to  those  men,  called  them 
from  the  sunny  shores  of  the  South  to  the  bleak  regions  of  the 
North,  to  meet  us,  why  should  be  mooted  the  right  of  these 
gentlemen  to  vote  to  select  a  candidate  and  with  us  go  home  to 
help  vis  elect  the  man  that  we  may  nominate,  and  carry  forward 
the  principles  that  we  proclaim  here.  [Cheers.]  I  say,  gentlemen, 
you  can't  discuss  this  question.  The  question  is  settled  by  the 
call.  If  we  are  honest,  if  we  are  not  the  veriest  hypocrites  in  the 
world,  we  have  no  right  to  question  the  right  of  the  slave  states 
to  be  represented  here  upon  this  floor.  [Applause.] 

I  have  a  word  to  say  about  the  territories.  I  don't  think  that 
they  stand  upon  the  same  ground.  The  call  is  not  to  them.  They 
have  no  vote  for  our  candidates  after  we  have  nomiaated  them, 
and  I  am  in  favor  of  following  out  the  rule  of  the  federation— I  am 


120  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

in  favor  of  the  delegates  from  the  territories  holding-  seats  upon 
this  floor,  being  heard,  and  attentively  heard,  on  our  part;  I  am 
in  favor  of  their  counselling  with  us,  but  when  it  comes  to  the 
vote,  as  they  have  no  vote  for  the  ticket,  the}*  ought  not  to  vote 
formally.  The  District  of  Columbia  is  in  the  same  fix. 

Gov.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania  (in  his  seat),  Mr.  Chairman,  [cries 
of  "Take  the  stand."]  I  can  be  heard  here  if  I  can  get  started.  I 
have  not  much  to  say,  but  what  I  have  to  say,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
say  to  the  point.  It  seems  to  me  that  a  great  deal  has  been  said 
altogether  outside  of  this  question  now  before  the  Convention. 
The  proposition  before  us,  if  I  understand  it,  is  to  refer  this  report 
back  to  the  committee  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether 
these  gentlemen  now  here  upon  the  floor  of  the  Convention  from 
the  states  designated,  represent  the  entire,  or  less  than  the  entire 
state. 

Now,  sir,  all  the  eloquence,  and  all  the  fire  of  many  of  the 
gentlemen  upon  the  other  side,  is  lost,  when  we  make  the  avowal 
that  we  have  not  the  most  remote  idea  of  disfranchising  the  dele- 
gates who  come  here  from  the  Southern  states.  (Loud  applause.] 
Sir,  we  humbly  ask  from  our  Southern  brethren  upon  this  floor, 
the  poor  privilege  of  being  put  upon  an  equality  with  them. 
[Renewed  applause.]  When  Pennsylvania,  Illinois,  Indiana  and 
Iowa  come  here,  sir,  with  a  delegation  from  one,  two,  or  three 
congressional  districts,  do  you  allow  them  to  vote  for  the  entire 
state?  No,  sir;  they  would  not  ask  it.  They  could  not  get  it  if 
thej-  did  ask.  If  there  is  a  delegation  here  from  the  State  of 
Maryland  from  one,  two,  or  three  congressional  districts, we  want 
them  to  vote  for  one,  two,  or  three  congressional  districts.  (Ap- 
plause.] But,  when  they  vote  the  entire  vote  of  the  State  of  Mary- 
land, and  the  vote  of  the  electors  at  large,  they  have  a  great  ad- 
vantage over  us.  What  I  wish  to  avoid,  sir,  is  that,  in  any  state, 
whether  north  or  south,  east  or  west,  a  few  men  should  come 
from  a  single  county,  or  a  single  congressional  district,  represent- 
ing only  that  county,  or  that  congressional  district,  and  then 
come  upon  the  floor  of  this  Convention  and  ask  to  cast  the  entire 
vote  of  the  state. 

Now,  sir,  I  ask  these  gentlemen  who  have  declaimed  so  loudly 
and  so  eloquently  in  favor  of  our  brethren  of  the  South  to  listen 
to  us;  and  no  man  on  this  floor  or  away  from  this  floor  can  go 
farther  than  I  in  my  admiration  for  those  gentlemen  who  stand 
up  in  the  face  of  the  despotism  exercised  by  the  oligarchy  that 
surrounds  them,  and  contend  for  the  right  of  free  speech,  free 
labor  and  free  men.  [Applause.]  Sir,  I  know  what  the  despotism 
of  that  oligarchy  is.  [Great  applause.]  I  know,  sir,  that  it  hunt* 
men  like  hounds  who  have  the  spirit  of  freemen.  [Renewed  ap- 
plause.] I  respect  and  I  admire  every  man  to  whom  God  has 
given  the  nerve  and  the  back-bone  to  stand  up  and  face  that 
despotism.  [Continued  applause.]  I  am  ready  to  extend  the 
right  hand  of  fellowship  to  all  the  gentlemen  who  have  come 
"tried  out  of  the  fire"  to  meet  us  in  this  National  conclave.  What 
I  ask  of  them  is  the  poor  privilege  of  being  on  an  equal  footing 
with  them  in  this  Convention.  I  am  sure  they  ought  not  and 
would  not  ask  any  more;  but  if  gentlemen  are  here  representing 
a  single  district  from  the  State  of  Texas,  or  a  single  district  from 
the  State  of  Maryland,  or  from  the  State  of  Kentucky,  will  they, 
sir,  be  unjust  and  unfair  enough  to  stand  up  here,  being  the  rep- 
resentatives of  a  single  district,  and  ask  to  cast  the  vote  of  the 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  121 

entire  state?  Assuredly  not,  sir;  and  assuredly  those  gentlemen, 
when  they  come  to  reflect  upon  this  subject,  will  see  the  propriety 
of  ascertaining-  how  much  of  their  state  is  represented,  and  hav- 
ing- found  that,  to  apportion  their  vote  accordingly  to  what  they 
really  represent,  giving  to  them  such  a  vote  as  they  represent; 
and  I  would  be  willing  to  have  them  then  throw  the  true  vote  to 
which  they  are  entitled.  [Prolonged  applause,  and  cries  of 
"Question,  question."] 

Mr.  Bucklancl,  of  Michigan,  I  cannot  discover  what  object  is  to 
be  gained  by  referring  back  that  report  to  the  committee,  but 
that  the  gentleman  may  have  the  benefit  of  his  motion.  I  wish  to 
make  an  amendment.  I  propose  to  include,  also,  Oregon. 

THE  CHAIR — I  will  put  the  question  first,  on  the  original  recom- 
mitment. 

Mr.  Buckland,  I  propose  to  make  an  amendment,  and  I  believe 
the  vote  should  first  be  taken  upon  1113-  motion  to  amend. 

Mr.  McCrillis,  of  Maine,  I  have  a  single  word  to  say  in  reply  to 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana.  I  agree  with  the  gentleman  in  the 
doctrines  he  announces,  as  to  the  territories;  all  of  them,  sir,  ex- 
cept Kansas.  \Yhy,  I  say  Kansas  is  in  the  Union  now.  It  is  a 
rule  of  equity  that  when  a  thing  ought  to  be  done,  it  is  to  be  con- 
sidered as  done.  [Applause  and  laughter.]  I  say,  sir,  that  Kan- 
sas, if  she  is  out  of  the  Union,  is  out  of  it  on  account  of  the 
corrupt  and  despotic  Senate  of  the  United  States;  and  in  this 
Convention  she  should  be  treated  as  a  sovereign  state.  While  I 
am  up,  I  will  make  a  remark  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Wilmot.  who  told  the  Convention  that  the  time 
would  come,  although  he  qualified  it  some,  when  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama  and  all  the  Southern  states  would  be  represent- 
ed in  this  Convention.  On  behalf  of  the  most  far  off  Xew  England 
State  in  the  Union,  I  say  that  we  from  that  wild  region  will  wel- 
come them — aye,  thrice  welcome  them.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Hackleman,  of  Indiana,  I  have  no  doubt  about  the  propriety 
of  admitting  Kansas  to  a  vote  in  this  Convention,  but  I  have 

¥reat  doubts  in  regard  to  the  proprietj*  of  admitting  the  State  of 
exas.  So  far  as  Virginia,  so  far  as  Maryland,  or  Missouri,  or 
Kentucky  are  concerned,  it  is  a  matter  of  public  notoriety  that 
they  have  held  Republican  conventions  to  appoint  delegates  to 
this  Convention;  but  where  is  the  notoriety  of  the  convention  of 
the  State  of  Texas?  I  want  to  hear  from  the  delegates  from  the 
State  of  Texas,  to  know  who  appointed  them  to  come  here.  All  the 
others  I  shall  welcome  with  open  hands.  We  are  no  sectional 
party.  [Applause.]  We  are  the  part}-  to  control  this  government, 
and  we  want  all  these  states  here.  But  let  us  know  in  regard  to 
Texas.  I  understand  that  was  the  original  proposition;  the  other 
was  added  by  way  of  amendment.  I  do  want  an  investigation,  so 
far  as  Texas  is  concerned. 

Mr.  M.  S.  C.  Crawford,  of  Texas,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I 
cannot  believe  that  you  are  prepared  to  stifle  the  voice  of  Texas, 
because  there  the  Republican  party  is  in  its  infaiic}';  for  though 
it  is  in  its  infancy,  it  is  nevertheless  a  hopeful  child.  [Loud 
cheers.]  Gentlemen,  the  foreign  population — the  Germans — are 
with  us.  [Loud  cheers.]  And  there  will  be  an  electoral  ticket 
in  the  field  there.  We  come  here  with  no  axes  to  griend. 
We  have  our  preferences  to  be  sure,  and  when  the  time  comes, 


122  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

if  we  are  permitted,  we  shall  express  that  preference.  I 
am  sorry  that  this  motion  should  come  from  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  where  there  is  not  sufficient  pluck,  where 
there  is  not  the  moral  courage  to  come  out  and  take  a  manly  stand 
in  favor  of  the  right  as  a  Republican  part}'.  [Applause,  cheers 
and  a  few  hisses.J  Organize  yourselves  and  train  under  the 
Republican  banner  before  you  accuse  us  in  Texas  of  not  having 
a  Republican  organization.  It  isunbecoming.it  is  unmanly,  it  is 
anti-Republican.  [Cheers.]  I  hail  from  Galveston.  There  is  free 
soil — there  is  anti-slavery  sentiment  there,  and  it  will  be  expressed 
next  fall  at  the  polls,  depend  upon  it.  [Loud  applause  and  cheers.] 
We  ask  a  hearing  on  the  floor  of  this  Convention,  and  we  believe 
you  will  grant  it  to  us.  [Cheers.] 

Mr.  Eggleston,  of  Ohio,  I  understand  now  that  we  are  about  to 
go  into  the  business  for  which  we  were  convened,  and  that  no 
part  of  that  business  is  the  making  of  sympathy  speeches  as  to 
the  right  to  admit  this  territory,  or  that  section  of  country,  as 
delegates  into  this  Convention.  Now,  sir,  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana  has  well  said  that  this  investigation  only  had  to  be  made 
so  far  as  relates  to  Texas.  If  the  committee,  which  has  reported, 
or  attempted  to  report  on  credentials,  has  not  the  nerve  to  go  out, 
and  come  in  and  say  to  this  Convention  what  they  believe  right, 
and  who  should  vote,  let  them  go  out  again,  and  let  them  come  in 
with  a  definite  report  and  we  will  say  whether  we  will  support 
them  or  no.  For  gentlemen  to  come  here  and  make  speeches 
about  Kansas  is  entirely  out  of  order.  I  have  spent  my  money, 
and  I  have  worked  for  Kansas,  but  I  am  not  here  now  to  talk 
about  it.  I  am  here  now  to  nominate  the  men  who  shall  be  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  I  simply  desire  to  say  that  I  am  in 
favor  of  less  talk  and  more  work.  ["Good,  good,"  "no  more 
speeches  now."]  I  am  not  going  to  make  a  speech.  I  hope  the 
discussion  on  this  question,  for  the  present,  will  here  terminate, 
and  that  the  question  will  now  be  put.  [Cries  of  "Question, 
question.''] 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  would  like  to  have  the  District  of  Columbia,  Kan- 
sas and  Nebraska  included. 

The  question  being  on  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  of  Mr. 
Buckland,  of  Michigan,  recommitting  so  much  of  the  report  as 
relates  to  the  State  of  Oregon,  the  vote  was  taken  and  the  amend- 
ment was  voted  down. 

The  question  then  being  on  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  of 
Mr.  "Wilmot,  recommitting  such  portions  as  referred  to  Kentucky* 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  the  vote  was  taken,  and  this  amendment 
was  also  voted  down. 

The  question  then  recurring  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Davis,  of 
Massachusetts,  to  recommit  such  portion  as  referred  to  Texas, the 
vote  was  taken  and  the  motion  lost.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  now  move  that  the  whole  report 
be  recommitted  to  the  committee,  and  that  we  take  the  vote  by 
states. 

Mr.  Eggleston,  of  Ohio,  and  I  second  that  motion. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  m 

Mr.  Lowry,  that  committee  has  not  given  us  anything  to  act 
upon.  It  has  given  us  nothing.  I  am  not  going  to  inflict  a  speech 
upon  this  Convention,  but  I  ask  that  the  committee  have  it  back, 
that  they  may  give  us  something. 

Mr.  Benton,  of  New  Hampshire,  I  desire  to  state  that  the  com- 
mittee appointed  a  sub-committee,  who  considered  the  case  of. 
Maryland  particularly,  and  they  were  unanimously  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  delegates  reported  from  that  State  were  entitled  to 
represent  the  State  in  this  Convention.  They  had  not  the  time  to 
make  the  investigation  in  regard  to  Texas  that  was  desirable,  but 
it  was  understood  that  the  Convention  was  in  session,  waiting  to 
receive  the  report  of  the  committee  ;  therefore  it  was  thought  de- 
sirable. it  being  the  opinion  of  a  majoritj'  of  that  committee  that 
they  were  entitled  to  their  seats,  so  to  report.  I  think  the  commit- 
tee was  entirely  satisfied  with  the  evidence  furnished  them  as  to 
all  the  delegates  who  have  been  reported  here  as  being  entitled  to 
represent  the  several  states  from  which  they  come.  I  state  this 
at  the  request  of  the  members  of  that  committee. 

Mr.  Lowry,  I  call  for  a  vote  by  states. 

The  PRESIDENT—  The  Chair  will  inform  the  gentleman  that 
there  is  no  rule  by  which  that  can  be  arrived  at. 

Motion  to  recommit  lost  on  a  viva  voce  vote. 

A.  division  being  loudly  called  for. 

The  PRESIDENT—  A  division  is  called  for.  With  the  consent  of 
the  Convention  the  roll  of  the  states  will  be  called,  and  the 
delegations  will  then  announce  their  votes. 

Mr.  Benton,  (of  New  Hampshire,  and  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials,)  I  will  say  here  that  the  Committee  are  not 
satisfied  that  the  delegates  claiming  seats  from  Texas  were  en- 
titled to  them  as  a  whole.  The  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
thought  it  ought  to  have  investigation. 

The  roll  of  the  states  was  then  called  on  the  motion  of  Mr. 
Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  recommit  the  report  to  the  Committee 
on  Credentials. 

States.  Yes.  No.  States.  Yes.  No. 

Maine  ..............................      3     13  Kentucky  .........................    24      .. 

New  Hampshire  ____  .............      9       1  Ohio  ...............................    46 

Vermont  ...........................      0       1  Indiana  ............................    26 

Massachusetts  ...................     13       9  Missouri  ..........................      4     14 

Rhode  Island  .....................      8      ..  Michigan  ...........................      12 

Connecticut  .......................    10       2  Illinois  ......  .....................    22      .. 

New  York  ........................      1      69  Wisconsin  ....................  ......      10 

New  Jersey  .........................      14  Iowa  ..............................      8 

Pennsylvania  .....................    53'  i  Vt  California  .........................      4       2 

Maryland  ..........................      4       6  Minnesota  ..........................       8 

Delaware  .........................      1       5  Oregon  ..............................       5 

Virginia  ..........................    30      ..  -- 

Total  ......................................................................  275'/4  172K 


Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota.     I  would  add  instructions  to  ac- 
company this  amendment.     (Many  voices  "no.") 


124  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Burgess,  of  Ohio.  I  move,  sir,  that  we  now  adjourn  until 
three  o'clock. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio.  I  now  move  that  this  Convention  adjourn 
to  meet  again  at  three  o'clock. 

The  Convention  adjourned. 

AFTERXOOX  SESSION. 

The  Convention  reassembled  at  3:15  p.  m.,  and  was  called  to 
•order  by  the  President. 

Tne  CHAIR  —  The  Chair  begs  leave  to  suggest  that  there  are  out- 
side of  this  building,  vast  as  it  is,  twice  as  many  honest  hearts 
and  wise  heads  as  there  are  here.  They  have  requested  me  to  sug- 
gest that  Gov.  Randall  will  go  out  and  favor  them  with  his  views. 
•(Applause,  and  cries  of  "Corwin,  Corwin.") 

Mr.  Tracy,  of  California,  I  think  Mr.  Corwin  had  better  go  out 
with  Gov.  Randall.  (Laughter.) 

The  Chair  announced  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Mr.  Benton,  of  New  Hampshire.  Chairman  of  the  Committee  — 
Mr.  President:  the  Committee  on  Credentials  have  instructed  me 
to  report  that,  having  examined  the  credentials,&c.,of  the  several 
gentlemen  claiming  seats  in  this  Convetion,  they  find  gentlemen 
entitled  to  seats  in  the  following  states,  and  each  state  to  the  fol- 
lowing number  of  delegates: 


States. 
Maine.  

No.  of 
Dele- 
gates. 
16 

No.  of 
El't'l                   States, 
votes. 
8    Indiana  

No.  of 
Dele- 
gates. 
26 

No.  of 
El't'l 
votes. 
13 

New  Hampshire  

10 

5    Missouri  ..  .. 

18 

9 

Vermont  , 

10 

5    Michigan  

12 

6 

M  assach  usetts  

.    26 

13    Illinois 

22 

11 

8 

4    Wisconsin. 

10 

5 

Connecticut  

.    12 

6    Iowa  

8 

4 

New  York  

70 

35    California  

8 

4 

New  Jersey  

....      14 

7    Minnesota  .                    . 

g 

4 

Pennsylvania  

54 

27    Oregon    .  .. 

5 

3 

Maryland  ... 

o 

Delaware... 

m 

Territories. 

Virginia  

.     23 

15    Kansas  

6 

Kentucky... 

23 

12    Nebraska 

6 

Ohio... 

.     46 

23    District  of  Columbia... 

2 

[Cries  of  "Texas,"  "Texas."]  The  committee  have  considered 
the  question  iii  regard  to  the  representation  from  the  State  of 
Texas;  they  have  given  to  the  examination  all  that  care  which 
they  were  able  to,  and  which  the  time  from  the  adjournment  of 
the  Convention  this  forenoon  would  allow,  and  they  have  in- 
structed me  almost  unanimously,  with  a  solitary  vote  as  an 
exception,  to  report  that  Texas  be  allowed  six  votes  in  this  Con- 
vention. [Tremendous  applause  and  cries  of  "good."|  It  was 
proved  before  the  committee  that  the  Convention  which  elected 
the  delegates  from  Texas  —  resident  delegates  who  are  here  in  at- 
tendance, was  a  mass  Convention  ;  that  it  was  called  upon  a 
petition  signed  by  some  three  hundred  of  the  legal  voters  of 


NATIONAL  Cox  VEX  TIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  125. 

Texas.  [Applause.]  That  that  call  was  published  in  some  two  of 
the  German  papers  published  in  the  State;  that  written  notices 
and  advertisements  were  posted  up  in  various  parts  of  Texas, 
where  there  is  any  number  of  people  in  favor  of  the  principles  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  the  committee  were  almost  iiiiani- 
mously  of  the  opinion  that  these  delegates,  elected  under  these 
circumstances,  were  fairly  entitled  to  act  as  the  representatives 
of  the  Republican  party  of  the  State  of  Texas.  (Prolonged  ap- 
plause.] 

The  question  being-  on  the  adoption  of  the  report;  it  was 
adopted  unanimously  amid  great  cheering. 

Mr.  Corwiu  (of  Ohio,  and  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Rules 
and  the  Order  of  Business)  moved  to  take  from  the  table  the  re- 
port of  that  committee. 

The  motion  was  carried. 

Xr.  Corwin  proceeded  to  read  the  rules  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee, as  follows: 

1st.  That  upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention,  the  states 
and  territories  shall  be  called  in  the  following  order: 

Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
Delaware.  Virginia,  Kt-iitucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Missouri,  Michigan, 
Illinois,  Texas,  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  California,  Minnesota,  Oregon. 

Territories — Kansas,  Nebraska,  District  of  Columbia. 

( )n  motion  the  first  rule  was  adopted. 

'2.  Four  votes  shall  be  cast  by  the  delegates  at  large  of  each 
State,  and  each  Congressional  District  shall  be  entitled  to  two 
votes,  and  the  vote  of  each  delegation  shall  be  reported  by  its 
chairman. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  moved  as  an  amendment,  that  no 
delegation  should  cast  a  greater  number  of  votes  than  there  were 
delegates  in  attendance. 

Mr.  Sargent,  of  California,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials  just  adopted,  and  which  prescribes  the 
basis  of  representation  in  this  Convention,  is  in  conflict  with  the 
rule  now  proposed  to  be  adopted.  This  rule  provides  that  two 
votes  shall  be  cast  from  each  Congressional  district.  Now,  with 
reference  to  Texas  and  certain  other  states,  the  rule  has  been 
changed.  We  have  adopted  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials, which  provides  that  Texas  shall  have  less  votes  than  are 
accorded  to  her  by  this  rule. 

Mr.  Corwin,  I  think  the  gentleman  is  mistaken  in  regard  to  the 
character  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  They 
simply  report,  I  think,  the  number  of  representatives  in  attend- 
ance. 


iL'ii  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAX 

Mr.  Sargent,  the  report  fixes  the  number  of  votes  to  be  cast  by 
each  Congressional  District  in  the  Convention.  I  move,  a  further 
amendment  b 3^  adding  these  words,  "  provided  that  this  rule  shall 
not  conflict  with  any  rule  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials and  adopted  by  the  Convention." 

Mr.  Goodrich  accepted  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Sargent,  and  the 
amendment  of  Mr.  Goodrich  was  adopted. 

The  rule  as  amended  was  then  adopted. 

3.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Platform  and  Resolutions 
shall  be  acted  upon  before  the  Convention  proceeds  to  ballot  for 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

On  motion  the  rule  was  adopted. 

4.  Three  hundred  and  four  votes  being  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  votes  when  all  the  States  in  the  Union  are  represented 
in  convention  according  to  the  rates  of  representation  prescribed 
in  Rule  2,  shall  be  required  to  nominate  the  candidate  of  this  con- 
vention for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President. 

Voices — No,  no! 

The  President,  the  Secretary  will  now  read  the  minoritj-  rule 
proposed  as  a  substitute  for  that  reported  by  the  majority  of  the 
committee. 

4.  That  the  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  votes  represented 
in  this  Convention,  according  to  the  ratio  prescribed  by  the  Indi- 
ana rule,  shall  be  required  to  nominate  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President. 

The  President  assigned  the  floor  to  Mr.  Ketly, 

Mr.  Kellj',  of  Pennsylvania,  [taking  the  stand.] 

Mr.  James,  of  New  York— Am  I  not  entitled  to  the  floor,  havi no- 
offered  the  minority  report? 

The  Chair,  the  Chair  thinks  the  majority  have  a  right  to  the 
floor  first ;  but  it  is  a  question  of  courtesy. 

•Mr.  Kelly,  as  I  appear,  Mr. Chairman,  at  the  request  of  a  major- 
ity of  the  committee,  simply  to  state  the  views  which  governed 
that  committse  in  arriving  at  the  conclusion  they  present,  I  will 
cheerfully  yield  the  floor  to  the  gentleman,  and  will  present  those 
views  after  we  shall  have  heard  him.  [Loud  cries  of  "Go  on." 
"go  on."] 

The  Chair,  it  is  entirely  a  question  of  courtesy. 

Mr.  Kelly,  the  subject  which  now  engages  the  attention  of  the 
convention,  was  one  of  deep  consideration  to  the  committee  It 
seemed  to  them  to  be  the  most  important  question  that  came 
within  the  range  of  their  duties.  It  is  an  important  question  for 
this  Convention  to  decide,  what  vote  shall  nominate  the  candi- 
dates to  be  supported  for  President  and  Vice-President.  In  the 
first  place,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  cominittee  asked  what  body  had  ap- 
pointed them  to  report  upon  that  question?  and  the  answer  was 
that  the  National  Republican  Convention  had  appointed  them. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  18&i.  127 

and  that  the  candidates  were  to  be  the  candidates  of  the  National 
Republican  party  [great  cheers];  and.  consequently,  that  the 
number  of  votes  upon  which  a  man  should  be  nominated  should 
be  a  majority  of  the  electoral  college — no  more  and  no  less  [ap- 
plause]; so  that,  if  the  charge  were  made  against  the  part}'  or  its 
candidates  that  they  were  the  candidates  of  a  section,  or  a  sec- 
tional part}',  they  had  been  nominated  by  delegates  representing 
a  majority  of  the  electoral  college,  by  the  same  vote  that,  in  a 
convention  where  the  majority  rule,  and  where  the  section  sat  in 
person  through  its  representatives,  would  have  nominated  a  can- 
didate. It  is  simply  a  majority  rule  as  applied  to  the  electoral 
college. 

We  looked  at  the  call  of  the  Convention,  and  we  found  that  it 
invited  not  only  the  people  of  the  Northern  States — not  only  the 
people  of  the  border  slave  States — but  the  people  of  the  United 
States;  and  if  any  State  is  not  represented,  whether  it  be  by  acci- 
dent or  design,  we  count  her  as  here.  We  do  not  cast  he'r  vote, 
but  we  count  her  as  present.  She  is  here  in  spirit,  she  is  here  in 
contemplation  of  the  call  of  the  Convention;  and  we  can  say  she 
had  her  rights  here,  if  we  can  say  that  our  candidates  were  nomi- 
nated by  a  vote  they  would  have  had  had  she  and  her  sisters  been 
here  looking  to  their  duties.  This  was  the  first  view  that  con- 
trolled a  majority  of  the  committee— that  a  precedent  might  be 
set  here,  and  now,  that  to  nominate  a  Republican  candidate, 
should  require  a  delegate  for  ever}-  elector  that  it  would  take  to 
give  him  a  bare  majority  in  the  electoral  college. 

Having  passed  that  cardinal  point,  minor,  but  very  weighty  and 
important  considerations  added  themselves  to  these.  A  question 
was  raised  before.the  committee, 'when  we  came  to  fix  the  order  in 
which  States  should  be  called.  When  they  had  named  the  States, 
Kansas  was  not  among  them.  A  delegate  from  Nebraska  was 
present,  and  a  list  of  members  handed  us  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Convention  contained  not  only  the  names  of  the  States,  but  Kan- 
sas and  Nebraska  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  So  far  as  send- 
ing that  list  was  concerned,  this  Convention  had  told  us  that  the 
States  were  to  be  represented — that  Kansas  was  to  be  represented 
— that  Nebraska  and  the  District  of  Columbia  were  to  be  repre- 
sented— as  they  were  constituted  States,  and  had  an  electoral 
power  behind  them.  We  knew.  Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  were  a 
few  gallant  men — brave  spirits — honored  throughout  our  country 
— honored  wherever  courage  commands  honor — here  from  Mary- 
land, from  Virginia,  and  from  Kentucky.  We  knew  that  these 
men  were  here  to  testify  to  their  manhood,  their  appreciation  of 
their  rights  under  the  Constitution,  and  to  proclaim  to  the  men 
of  the  North  that  they  were  Americans,  who.  under  a  despotism 
more  dreadful,  and  grasping  and  audacious  than  that  of  Naples, 
Austria  or  Russia  -Americans,  who,  under  such  a  despotism — [A 
Voice — "Time!"] — would  take  their  lives  in  their  hands  and  would 
go  forth  to  say  "We  are  freemen,  and  will  unite  with  the  freemen 
of  this  country  in  restoring  the  Government  to  the  line  of  the 
fathers."  And  we  supposed  that  these  men  would  all  be  admitted 
to  this  Convention  as  though  they  carried  with  them  the  full 
electoral  vote  of  their  States  respectively  at  their  back. 

Now.  Mr,  Chairman,  it  occurred  to  your  committee  that  it  might 
so  fall  out.  in  view  of  the  admission  of  Kansas  here,  and  permit 
me  to  say  that  the  humble  individual  who  now  addresses  you  as 
the  orga'n  of  that  committee,  when  it  was  proposed  to  exclude 


128  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN* 

from  our  list  that  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  took 
the  ground  that  Kansas  was  a  State  on  the  very  ground  taken  by 
the  eloquent  gentleman  from  Maine,  that  equity  holds  that  to 
have  been  which  ought  to  have  been.  For  three  years  she  has 
been  in  power  and  in  right  a  State,  and  if  these  delegates  are  not 
representing  a  State  it  is  by  no  reason  of  theirs  or  their  constitu- 
ents, but  by  reason  of  the  oppression  and  lawlessness  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  Senate.  Therefore  we  hold  it  right  that  she  should  be 
here.  But  there  was  not  the  same  ground  for  Nebraska,  [a  voice, 
"How  about  Oregon:"]  Now  we  saw  that  unless  this  rule  was 
adopted  it  might  so  happen  that  our  candidate  would  be  nomi- 
nated by  less  than  a  majority  of  this  Convention.  [Cries  of 
"Question."]  I  am  drawing1  to  a  close.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  not 
here  in  defence  of  the  rule  proposed,  personally.  I  am  here  at 
the  request  of  the  committee  to  present  the  rules  they  instructed 
me  to  present.  When  I  have  done  that  as  briefly  as  I  can.  I  will 
retire.  [Voices — "All  right,  go  on."]  Perceiving  that  it  was  pos- 
sible under  the  list  of  delegates  to  be  admitted,  that  a  candidate 
might  be  nominated  who  should  not  have  a  majority  of  the  elect- 
ors who  represent  the  States  and  Congressional  Districts,  there 
seemed  to  be  additional  reason  why  the  rule,  in  itself  so  equita- 
ble, that  a  majority  of  the  whole  electoral  college  should  fix  the 
number  of  votes  required,  and  they  determined  to  submit  it  to 
the  Convention.  [A  Voice — "What  about  Oregon?"]  Oregon  is  a 
constituted  State  and  there  was  no  question  about  Oregon.  I  am 
holding  no  dispute  about  her.  .The  matter  is  now  before  the 
Convention  with  the  reasons  that  governed  the  committee;  and 
having  done  my  duty  I  will  give  way,  as  I  was  ready  to  do  before 
I  began.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  James  of  New  York,  as  the  Chairman  of  the  minority  of  the 
committee  which  presented  the  minority  report,  I  arise  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  the  reasons  why  we  saw  fit  to  present  a  minori- 
ty report  against  that  presented  by  the  majority,  and  I  don't  pro- 
pose to  entertain  you  with  any  particular  eloquence,  but  to  state 
simply  the  reason.  By  the  vote  which  has  already  passed  this 
Convention,  as  to  the  number  of  delegates  represented  upon  this 
floor,  if  I  understand  the  committee  aright  there  are  446  voting 
delegates  upon  the  floor — 

Secretary — The  number  is  466. 

Mr.  James,  then  there  is  a  mistake.  One  of  the  Secretaries  in- 
forms me  that  it  is  466.  I  took  the  list  from  a  reporter  who  took 
it  from  the  calling  off  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  and  we 
made  it  different.  We  will  call  it  the  largest  number,  then,  4<K 
That  was  thought  to  be  the  number  when  this  question  arose  in 
the  committee,  the  report  of  which  is  now  presented.  There  were 
but  seventeen  members  of  that  committee  present,  ten  being  ab- 
sent, and  upon  the  sense  of  that  body  being  called,  they  stood 
nine  to  eight — nine  for  the  majority  and  eight  against  it.  You 
will  thus  see  the  difference  between  the  two  reports.  One  is  sub- 
stantially the  "two-thirds  rule."  If  there  are  4M  votes,  311.  I  be- 
lieve, is  two-thirds  of  that  vote,  and  this  rule  requires  304.  There- 
fore it  is  only  seven  short  of  the  two-thirds  rule  which  has  been 
adopted  by  the  Democratic  party  in  the  management  of  their 
conventions.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  such  rule  was  ever  adopt- 
ed by  any  party  in  opposition  to  that  party,  and  I  was  not  aware 
that  that  party  ever  adopted  that  rule  until  1836.  and  again  in  1844, 
when  it  became  necessary  for  the  interest  and  purposes  of  slavery 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  129 

that  the  minority  should  rule  the  majority.  For  that  reason  I  am 
opposed  to  that  rule.  [A  voice — "That  is  right."]  I  have  sufficient 
confidence  in  the  integrity  and  judgment  of  this  Convention  to 
trust  the  nomination  of  its  candidate  to  the  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates here.  If  the  minority  report  is  adopted,  instead  of  a  two- 
thirds  rule,  the  result  will  be  left  to  the  wisdom  and  patriotism 
of  a  majority  of  the  Convention. 

Cries  of  "yuestion." 

Mr.  Mann,  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  President— 

THE  PRESIDENT — I  will  read. 

Mr.  Mann,  I  should  like  to  understand  if  I  am  out  of  order  in 
addressing  the  chair  as  other  men  do? 

THE  PRESIDENT— I  was  about  to  read  the  rule  reported  by  the 
majority  and  then  that  reported  by  the  minority,  and  straighten 
the  Convention  as  to  the  question  upon  which  a  vote  is  to  be  had. 
But  I  will  hear  the  gentleman  before  I  do  so  if  he  insists  upon  it. 

Mr.  Matin,  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  this  Convention  to 
this  new  rule  introduced  here.  I  come  here  from  a  land  where 
we  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  the  majority  [applause]  on  all  questions 
whenever  men  are  invited  together  to  deliberate.  I  know  nowhere 
in  a  Republican  Convention  where  men  are  entitled  to  vote  by 
proxy.  I  do  conceive  that  to  adopt  any  such  rule  here  would  be 
distinctive  of  its  character;  it  would  be  considered  as  to  be  aimed 
at  the  aspirations  of  an  individual,  and  if  an  individual  cannot  be 
struck  down  in  this  broad  country  without  doing  a  wrong,  I  should 
be  the  last  on  God's  earth  to  do  it.  These  are  my  sentiments,  and 
the  sentiments  of  the  true,  loyal  hearts  around  me  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, [applause,]  and  when  I  barely  announce  them  I  shall 
trouble  this  Convention  110  further. 

The  Chair  (Cleveland)  stated  the  motion.  The  roll  was  called, 
with  the  following  result: 


States 

Yes. 

No. 

States. 

Yes. 

No. 

Maine  

16 

Indiana  

25 

1 

New  Hampshire  

10 

Missouri  

18 

10 

Michigan  , 

...12 

22 

3 

Illinois.              

7 

4 

4 

Texas  

..  6 

.  8 

4 

Wisconsin  

...10 

New  York  

70 

Iowa  , 

5 

3 

12 

1 

California  

..  8 

2d>; 

Minnesota  

8 

Maryland  

..  5 

6 

Oregon  

3 

2 

Dele  ware  

6 

Territories. 

Virginia  
Kentucky                    ..  . 

13 

10 

8 
9 

Kansas  

..  6 

Nebraska  

6 

Ohio 

32 

9 

District  of  Columbia  

2 

Total  

,  358H 

NK 

So  the  majority  report  was  amended  by  the  substitution  of  the 
minority  report. 

While  the  vote  was  taking,  Pennsylvania  having  been  called 
three  times. 
9 


130  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  I  move  that  the  representatives  of 
the  People's  party  of  Pennsylvania  be  excused  from  voting-  upon 
their  own  proposition.  [Hisses  and  confusion.] 

Mr.  Reeder,  is  it  in  order  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  vote? 

THE  PRESIDENT — If  she  has  not  voted,  it  is. 

Mr.  Reeder,  Pennsylvania  could  not  vote  without  retiring-  to 
another  room  to  consult  her  large  delegation.  Did  I  understand  a 
gentleman  just  now  to  intimate  that  Pennsylvania  was  not  en- 
titled to  a  vote  upon  this  floor?  If  he  did,  I  should  be  glad  to  know 
who  he  is,  and  where  he  conies  from.  [Immense  applause  and 
cries  of  "Goodrich."] 

Mr.  Goodrich,  I  rise,  Mr.  President— [cries  of  "Sit  down,"  and 
hisses.]  I  will. 

THE  PRESIDENT — Gentlemen  do  not  forget  yourselves.  You 
must  keep  order. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  Mr.  President — [cries  of  "Sit  down,1'  and  hisses.] 
I  will  not  sit  down.  [Confusion.] 

THE  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  upon  my  right  is  desirous  of 
explaining  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  so  that  there 
may  be  no  ill  blood  in  the  Convention,  even  for  a  moment.  Will 
you  allow  him  to  do  it.  Let  us  act,  gentlemen,  in  a  friendljr  spirit, 
and  if  men  make  remarks  that  are  not  exactly  correct,  let  them  be 
forgotten  on  the  moment.  I  would  say  to  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  that  the  expression  was  promply  rebuked  by  the 
chair. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  I  wish  to  state  to  the  gentleman  who  desired  to 
know  who  it  was  that  had  suggested  that  Pennsylvania  had  not  a 
right  to  vote  here,  I  propose  to  respond  to  that  interrogatory.  I 
made  no  such  remark.  [Cheers,  and  cries  of  "order."]  When  the 
roll  was  called,  Pennsylvania  was  called  for  a  third  time,  when  a 
gentleman  answered,  who  I  supposed  was  speaking  authoratively 
for  Pennsylvania,  that  she  abandoned  her  proposition,  the  major- 
ity report,  and  then,  as  an  act  of  humanity.  I  moved  that  she  be 
excused  from  expressing  her  opinion.  [Laughter  and  cries  of  "sit 
down."] 

The  report  as  amended  was  then  adopted  nem.  con. 

THE    REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  chair  is  informed  that  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  and  Platform  is  ready  to  report.  [Immense  applause.] 

Mr.  Jessup,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Committee  on  Platform  and 
Resolutions  have  directed  me  to  say  to  the  Convention  that  these 
resolutions  have  been  adopted  with  great  unanimity,  there  being 
upon  one  or  two  of  these  resolutions  some  dissenting  voices  in 
the  committee.  The  greater  portion  of  the  resolutions  were 
adopted  with  entire  unanimity  in  the  committee. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  131 

THE  PLATFORM  AS  AMENDED  AND  ADOPTED. 

Resolved.  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the  Repub- 
lican electors  of  the  United  States,  in  Convention  assembled,  in 
discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  to  our 
country,  unite  in  the  following  declarations: 

1.  That  the  histor}-  of  the  nation  during  the  last  four  years,  has 
fully  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization 
and   perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causes 
which  called  it  into  existence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and 
now,  more  than  ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitution- 
al triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution, "That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by 
their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;    that  among  these 
are  life,  libertj-  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to  secure  these 
rights,   governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed"  is  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  our  Republican  institutions;  and  that  the  Federal 
Constitution,  the  Rights  of  the  States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States 
must  and  shall  be  preserved. 

3.  That  to  the  Union  of  the  States  this  nation  owes  its  unprece- 
dented increase   in  population,  its  surprising    development  of 
material  resources,  its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth,  its  happi- 
ness at  home  and  its  honor  abroad;  and  we  hold  in  abhorrence  all 
schemes  for  disunion,  come  from  whatever  source  they  may.  And 
we  congratulate  the  country  that  no  Republican  member  of  Con- 
gress has  uttered  or  countenanced  the  threats  of  disunion  so  often 
made  by  Democratic  members,  without  rebuke  and  with  applause 
from  their  political  associates;  and  we  denounce  those  threats  of 
disunion,  in  case  of  a  popular  overthrow  of  their  ascendancy  as 
denying  the  vital  principles  of  a  free  government,  and  as  an 
avowal  of  contemplated  treason,  which  it  is  the  imperative  duty 
of  an  indignant  people  sternly  to  rebuke  and  forever  silence. 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  states, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  state  to  order  and  control  its  own 
domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively, 
is  essential  to  that  balance  of  powers  on  which  the  perfection  and 
endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends;  and  we  denounce  the 
lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  state  or  terri- 
tory, no   matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  Administration  has  far  exceed- 
ed our  worst  apprehensions,  in  its  measureless  subserviency  to 
the  exactions  of  a  sectional  interest,  as  especially  evinced  in  its 
desperate  exertions  to  force  the  infamous  Lecompton  Constitution 
upon  the  protesting  people  of  Kansas;  in  construing  the  person- 
al relation  between  master  and  servant  to  involve  an  unqualified 
propertj-  in  persons;  in  its  attempted  enforcement,  everywhere, 
on  land  and  sea,  through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and  of  the 
Federal  Courts  of  the  extreme  pretensions  of  a  purely  local  in- 
terest; and  in   its   general   and  unvarying  abuse  of  the   power 
entrusted  to  it  by  a  confiding  people. 

6.  That  the  people  justly  view  with  alarm  the  reckless  extrava- 
gance which  pervades  every  department  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment;   that    a    return    to   rigid   economy  and  accountability   is 
indispensable  to  arrest  the  systematic   plunder  of  the  public 


132  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

treasury  by  favored  partisans;  while  the  recent  startling- develop- 
ments of  frauds  and  corruption  at  the  Federal  metropolis,  show- 
that  an  entire  change  of  administration  is  imperatively  demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  dogma  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  of  the  territories  of  the  United 
States,  is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at  variance  with  the  ex- 
plicit provisions  of  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous 
exposition,  and  with  legislative  and  judicial  precedent;  is  revolu- 
tionary in  its  tendency,  and  subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony 
of  the  county. 

8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  is  that  of  freedom:  That  as  our  Republican  fathers,  when 
they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained 
that  "no  person  should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property, 
without  due  process  of  law,"  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation, 
whenever  such  legislation  is  necessar3T,  to  maintain  this  provision 
of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it;  and  we  deny 
the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of  any 
individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory  of 
the  United  States. 

9.  That  wre  brand  the  recent  reopening-  of  the  African  slave 
trade,  under  the  cover  of  our  national  flag,  aided  by  perversions 
of  judicial  power,  as  a  crime  against  humanity  and  a  burning- 
shame  to  our  country  and  age;  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  take 
prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression 
of  that  execrable  traffic. 

10.  That  in  the  recent  vetoes,  by  their  Federal  Governors,  of  the 
acts  of  the  legislatures  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting1 
slavery  in  those  territories,  we  find  a  practical  illustration  of  the 
boasted  Democratic  principle  of  Non-intervention  and  Popular 
Sovereignty  embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  a  demon- 
stration of  the  deception  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should,  of  right,  be  immediately  admitted  as 
a  state  under  the  Constitution  recently  formed  and  adopted  by 
her  people,  and  accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  gen- 
eral government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires 
such  an  adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  devel- 
opment of  the  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country;  and  we 
commend  that  policy  of  national  exchanges,  which  secures  to  the 
working  men  liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunerating  prices, 
to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  an  adequate  reward  for  their 
skill,  labor,  and  enterprise,  and  to  the  nation  commercial  pros- 
perity and  independence. 

13.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  alienation  to  others  of 
the  public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers,  and  against  any  view  of 
the  free  homestead  policy  which  regards  the  settlers  as  paupers 
or  suppliants  for  public  bounty;  and  we  demand  the  passage  by 
Congress  of  the  complete  and  satisfactory  homestead  measure 
which  has  already  passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws  or  any  state  legislation  by  which  the  rights 
of    citizenship   hitherto   accorded   to   immigrants   from    foreign 
lands  shall  be  abridged  or  impaired;  and  in  favor  of  giving  a  full 
and   efficient  protection  to  the  rights  of  all  classes   of  citizens, 
whether  native  or  naturalized,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  133 

15.  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  river  and  harbor  im- 
provements of  a  national  character,  required  for  the  accommoda- 
tion and  security  of  an  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the 
Constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of  Government  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

16.  That  a  railroad  to   the   Pacific   Ocean   is   imperatively  de- 
manded by  the  interests  of  the  •whole  country;  that  the  federal 
government  ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its 
construction;  and  that,  as  preliminary  thereto,  a  daily  overland 
mail  should  be  promptly  established. 

17.  Finally,   having  thus  set  forth  our   distinctive   principles 
and  views,  we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  citizens,  however  diff- 
ering on  other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with  us  in  their 
affirmance  and  support. 

The  reading  of  the  sections  was  interrupted  by  tremendous 
bursts  of  applause — the  most  enthusiastic  and  long  continued 
being  given  to  the  tariff  and  homestead  clauses. 

Mr.  Cartter— Mr.  Chairman  :  That  report  is  so  eminently  un- 
questionable from  beginning  to  end,  and  so  eloquently  carries 
through  with  it  its  own  vindication,  that  I  do  not  believe  the  Con- 
vention will  desire  discussion  upon  it,  and  I  therefore  call  the 
previous  question  upon  it.  [Applause,  and  mingled  cries  of 
4'good,  good,"  and  "no,  no."] 

Mr.  Giddings,  I  arise,  sir,  solemnly  to  appeal  to  my  friend — 
{great  confusion;  cries  of  "withdraw  the  previous  question."  A 
voice — "Nobody  wants  to  speak,  but  we  don't  want  to  be  choked 
off,"  &c.] 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  insist  upon  the  previous  question. 
Mr.   Giddings,  I  arise,  and  I  believe  I  have  the  right,  with  the 
leave  of  my  colleague,  to  offer  a  short  amendment  before  the  pre- 
vious question  is  called. 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  did  it  to  cut  you  off,  and  all  other  amendments 
and  all  discussion.  [Great  confusion,  and  cries  of  "Giddings"  by 
the  audience.] 

A  delegate  at  the  south  end  of  the  platform,  the  resolutions 
have  not  been  distributed  among  the  members  yet,  and  will  the 
gentleman  ask  us  to  vote  upon  a  party  platform  we  have  not 
seen? 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  insist  upon  the  previous  question.  They  can 
read  it  by  copy.  It's  printed. 

Mr.  Giddings,  would  it  be  in  order  for  me  to  say  that  I  request 
my  friend  to  withdraw  the  previous  question,  that  I  may  offer  an 
amendment? 

A  delegate  from  Maine,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.      Is  the  mo- 
tion of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  seconded?     ["Yes,"  "yes,"  "yes."] 
Mr.  Andrew  of  Massachusetts,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.     The 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  is  not  in  order,  for  the  reason 
that   this  Convention  have  already  passed  a  rule  that  the  com- 


134  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

mittee  on  platform  and  resolutions  shall  make  their  report  in 
print,  and  that  printed  report  has  not  been  received  by  this  Con- 
vention. 

The  PRESIDENT — We  will  have  that  resolution  read. 

Mr.  Cartter,  there  is  no  such  rule. 

The  President — Will  gentlemen  give  their  attention?  The  Chair 
will  state  the  position  of  the  question.  The  committee  on  Plat- 
form and  Resolutions  have  presented  a  report  which  has  been 
read  by  the  Chairman.  Upon  the  question  of  acceptance  of  that 
report,  Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  demands  the  previous  question. 
Pending  that  demand,  Mr.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  raises  a 
question  of  order,  that  it  is  not  in  order  to  demand  the  previous 
question,  because  the  Convention  has  adopted  a  standing  rule 
that  before  acting  upon  that  report,  the  report  should  be  printed 
and  presented  to  the  Convention.  Upon  examining  the  record, 
the  Chair  rules  that  there  is  no  such  thing. — It  was  an  independ- 
ent resolution,  made  by  Mr.  Kauffmann,  of  Pennsylvania. 

[Much  confusion  was  here  caused  by  the  anxiety  of  delegates 
and  the  crowd  in  the  wigwam  to  obtain  copies  of  the  platform, 
which  by  this  time  had  been  brought  into  the  hall  and  was  being 
distributed.] 

The  PRESIDENT— The  question  is  on  the  demand  of  Mr.  Cartter 
for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Tracy  of  California,  I  hope,  as  a  member  of  the  committee 
on  Resolutions  and  Platform,  and  as  one  of  the  sub-committee 
that  drafted  these  resolutions,  that  the  previous  question  will 
not  be  sustained. 

The  PRESIDENT— It  is  not  a  debatable  question. 

Mr.  Tracy,  I  know  it  is  not  debatable.  I  only  expressed  a 
hope. 

Mr.  Giddings,  I  desire  my  colleague  to  withdraw  the  call  for 
the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Cartter,  It  has  got  to  be  voted  down  or  it  has  to  be  voted 
up. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  question  is,  is  there  a  second  for  the  call 
of  the  previous  question? 

Voices — Yes. 

Motion  submitted  and  declared  to  be  lost. 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  call  for  a  division  on  that  question  and  a  vote  by 
states. 

The  PRESIDENT — It  was  voted  down  three  to  one. 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  don't  understand  it  so.    I  call  for  a  division. 

A  delegate,  I  rise  to  a.  point  of  order.  It  is  too  late  to  call  for  a 
division  after  the  question  is  decided. 

Mr.  Cartter,  it  is  not.     You  can't  call  for  it  before. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  i:v> 

The  PRESIDENT  then  submitted  the  question.  The  roll  of  states 
was  called  with  the  following'  result: 

States.  Y.-    N...  States.  Yes.  No. 

Maine 1    14  Indiana 20  6 

New  Hampshire 10  Missouri 18 

Vermont 10  Michigan 8  4 

Massachusetts... 4   21  Illinois 14  8 

Rhode  Island 8  Texas 6 

Connecticut 1    11  Wisconsin 8  2 

New  York 25    45  Iowa 2  6 

New  Jersey 12',i  Hi  California 8 

Pennsylvania H53H  Minnesota 8 

Maryland 11  Oregon 2  2 

Delaware 4      2  Territories. 

Virginia 17     6  Kansas 6 

Kentucky 10    10  Nebraska 2  4 

Ohio 28    18  District  of  Columbia 2 

Total 155301 

California  being-  called — 

Mr.  Tracy,  California  believes  in  free  speech  and  free  men,  and 
votes  eight  against  the  previous  question. 

Ohio  being  called — 

Mr.  Cartter,  coming  from  Ohio,  a  state  where  free  speech  is  not 
allowed,  she  votes  28  ayes  and  18  nays. 

The  PRESIDENT  annunced  the  previous  question  not  sustained. 
[Great  applause.] 

AMENDMENTS  PROPOSED. 

Mr.  Giddings  of  Ohio  took  the  floor. 

Mr.  Reeder,  I  ask  the  gentleman  if  he  will  give  way  while  we 
take  up  these  resolutions  singly: 

Voices,  no,  no. 

Mr.  Giddings,  Mr.  President,  I  propose  to  offer,  after  the  first  re- 
solution as  it  stands  here,  as  a  declaration  of  principles,  the  fol- 
lowing: 

"That  we  solemnly  reassert  the  self-evident  truths  that  all  men 
are  endowed  by  their  creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights, 
among  which  are  those  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness [cheers] ;  that  government  are  instituted  among  men  to 
secure  the  enjoyment  of  these  rights." 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  interrupting,  Mr.  President,  I — 

Mr.  Giddings.  my  colleague  will  ask  no  favors  of  me,  I  take  it. 
[Applause.]  I  will  detain  the  Convention  but  a  moment.  Two 
hundred  years  ago  the  philosophers  of  Europe  declared  to  the 
world  that  human  governments  were  based  upon  human  rights, 
and  all  Christian  writers  have  sustained  that  doctrine  until  the 
members  of  this  Convention.  Our  fathers,  impressed  with  this 
all  permeating1  truth, — the  right  of  ever}-  human  being  to  live  and 
enjoy  that  liberty,  which  enables  him  to  obtain  knowledge  and 
pursue  happiness,  and  no  man  has  the  power  to  withhold  it  from 
him.  [Prolonged  cheers.]  Our  fathers  embraced  this  solemn 
truth,  laid  it  down  as  the  chief  corner  stone,  the  basis  upon  which 
this  Federal  Government  was  founded.  By  consent  of  all  parties 
the  supreme  court  included,  these  were  the  primitive,  life-giving 
vitalizing  principles  of  the  Constitution.  It  is  because  these 


136  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

principles  have  been  overturned,  uprooted  and  destroyed  by  our 
opponents,  that  we  now  exist  as  a  party  [cheers.]  At  Phila- 
delphia, we  prepared  and  propounded  this  issue  to  our  oppon- 
ents. We  called  on  them  to  meet  it.  They  have  not  met  it.  They 
put  forward  the  supreme  court  to  meet  it.  That  court  denied 
those  principles,  but  the  Democratic  party  to  this  day  dare  not 
deny  them;  and  through  the  campaign,  and  for  four  years,  no 
Democrat  has  stood  before  the  world  denying  that  truth,  nor  will 
they  deny  them.  Now,  I  propose  to  maintain  the  doctrines  of  our 
fathers.  I  propose  to  maintain  the  fundamental  and  primal  is- 
sues upon  which  the  government  was  founded.  I  will  detain  this 
Convention  no  longer.  I  offer  this  because  our  party  was  formed 
upon  it.  It  has  existed  upon  it — and  when  you  leave  out  this 
truth  you  leave  out  the  party.  [Loud  cheers.] 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  call  for  the  reading  of  clause  No.  2  in  the  report 
of  the  committee. 

Mr.  Lowry  of  Pennsylvania,  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order.  We 
have  upon  our  journal  a  resolution  that  all  questions  that  come 
up  by  resolution,  should  be  referred  to  the  committee  appointed 
for  that  purpose,  without  debate.  I  therefore  call  upon  the  Presi- 
dent of  this  Convention  now  to  enforce  the  rule. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  chair  is  of  the  opinion  that  this  proposi- 
tion does  not  come  within  the  principle  of  the  rule  that  the  gent- 
leman alludes  to. 

Mr.  Lowry,  then  Mr.  President — 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  wish  simply  to  read  in  reply  to  this — 

Mr.  Lowry,  well,  Mr.  President,  I  move  that  the  report  of  the 
committee  as  prepared  and  presented  be  adopted. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  is  out  of  order.  He  has  not 
got  the  floor. 

Mr.  Cartter,  the  only  reply  I  wish  to  make  on  this  amendment 
and  the  gas  expended  upon  it,  is  in  clause  two  of  the  report, 
which  reads  as  follows  : — "  that  the  maintenance  of  the  principles 
promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied 
in  the  Federal  Constitution,  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our 
republican  institutions;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  the  union  of  the  States,  must  and  shall 
be  preserved." 

Mr.  Thayer,  of  Oregon,  I  agree  with  the  venerable  delegate  from 
Ohio  (Giddings)  in  all  that  he  has  affirmed  to  this  Convention 
concerning  the  privileges  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
There  are  also  many  other  truths  than  are  enunciated  in  that 
Declaration  of  Independence — truths  of  science,  truths  of  physi- 
cal science,  truths  of  government,  and  great  religious  truths  ;  but 
it  is  not  the  business,  I  think,  of  this  Convention,  at  least  it  is  not 
the  purpose  of  this  party,  to  embrace  in  its  platform  all  the 
truths  that  the  world  in  all  its  past  history  has  recognized.  [Ap- 
plause.] Mr.  President,  I  believe  in  the  ten  commandments,  but 
I  do  not  want  them  in  a  political  platform. 


NATIONAL  C<>.\\  KNTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  137 

Mr.  Tracy,  I  move  that  the  resolution  be  referred  to  the  Commit- 
tee on  Resolutions  and  Platform. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  motion  is  out  of  order. 

A  Delegate  from  Connecticut — I  move  that  the  amendment 
offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  be  laid  upon  the  table. 

THE  PRESIDENT— That  is  out  of  order.  It  will  take  the  whole 
with  it.  The  question  must  be  on  the  adoption  of  the  amend- 
ment. 

Amendment  submitted  and  lost. 

ANOTHER  AMENDMENT. 

Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move  that  the  resolutions  be 
adopted  separately.  [Cries  of  "  No,"  and  "  Take  them  in  a  lot," 
<Jtc.]  I  have  an  amendment  to  offer  which  I  believe  will  commend 
itself  to  the  good  sense  of  every  gentleman  here.  The  amend- 
ment is  this:  in  the  14th  resolution  we  aay  "that  the  Republican 
part}'  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our  Naturalization  Laws,  or 
any  State  legislation  hy  which  the  rights  of  citizenship  hitherto 
accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands  shall  be  abridged  or 
impaired  ;  and  in  favor  of  giving  a  full  and  efficient  protection  to 
the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether  native  or  naturalized, 
both  at  home  and  abroad."  My  amendment  is  to  strike  out  the 
words  "  State  legislation,"  because  it  conflicts  directly  with  the 
doctrine  in  the  4th  resolution,  which  reads  thus  : 

"That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  Rights  of  the  States,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own 
domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively, 
is  essential  to  that  balance  of  powers  on  which  the  perfection  and 
endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends;  and  we  denounce  the 
lawless  invasion,  by  armed  force,  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Terri- 
tory, no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes." 

The  resolution  would  then  read,  "That  the  Republican  party  is 
opposed  to  any  change  in  our  naturalization  laws,  by  which  the 
rights  of  citizenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  for- 
eign lands  shall  be  abridged  or  impaired." 

Judge  Jessup,  (of  Pennsylvania,  and  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Platform),  the  reason  why  these  words  were  inserted  in  that 
resolution  I  will  state.  I  desire  briefly  to  state  to  the  Convention 
that  the  naturalization  laws  are  producing  a  sad  state  of  feeling 
among  a  large  number  of  the  Republican  party.  A  great  many 
Republicans  are  of  foreign  birth,  and  they  have  felt  that  it  was 
due  to  them  that  the  Republicans  should  affirm  first,  that  they  do 
not  desire  to  interfere  with  the  present  existing  naturalization 
laws;  secondly,  that  they  as  a  party  do  not  approve  of  the  change 
of  the  naturalization  laws  by  the  several  States,  and  that  they  do 
not  approve  of  that  legislation  which  went  to  impair  the  rights 
which  the  naturalization  laws  of  the  Union  give  to  naturalized 
citizens.  That,  Mr.  President,  was  what  was  intended  by  the 
words  which  are  now  proposed  to  be  stricken  out.  I  state,  there- 


138  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

fore,  that  it  is  not  proposed  to  interfere  with  State  rights.  It  is 
not  proposed,  nor  does  it  in  the  least  conflict  with  any  principle, 
if  it  be  looked  at  properly,  before  established  in  these  resolutions. 
It  simply  affirms  that  the  Republican  party  is  "opposed  to  any 
change  in  the  naturalization  laws,  or  any  legislation — State  legis- 
lation— by  which  the  rights  of  citizens  hitherto  conferred  upon 
emigrants  from  foreign  lands  shall  be  abridged  or  impaired." 
Now,  I  wish  to  know  if  my  colleague  from  Pennsylvania  affirms 
that  he  is  ready  to  permit,  with  his  consent,  the  State  legislatures 
to  impair  the  rights  that  are  guaranteed,  under  our  laws,  to  emi- 
grants becoming  citizens.  I  think  it  is  a  misapprehension  on  the 
part  of  my  colleague,  of  the  true  intent  and  import  of  this  resolu- 
tion. I  trust  if  he  looks  at  it  again,  he  will  withdraw  his  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsj'lvania,  I  do  not  know  but  I  misappre- 
hend this  clause.  The  declaration  here  reads  thus: 

"That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws,  or  any  State  legislation,  by  which  the  rights 
of  citizenship  hitherto  afforded  to  emigrants  from  foreign  lauds, 
shall  be  abridged  or  impaired." 

Now  my  amendment  was  to  strike  out  "  or  any  State  legislation." 
My  idea  was  this  (and  you  may  judge  whether  I  was  correct  or 
not),  that  it  conflicted  with  the  fourth  resolution,  which  declares: 

"That  the  maintaining  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  es- 
pecially of  each  State,  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively  is  essen- 
tial to  that  balance  of  power,"  &c. 

This  is  a  broad  declaration  of  State  rights — a  just  declaration 
of  State  rights;  and  under  that  any  State  in  this— every  State  in 
this  Union  has  a  perfect  power  to  prescribe  qualification  of 
voters.  Pennsylvania.  Massachusetts  or  any  other  State  may  to- 
morrow, if  it  sees  fit,  by  a  change  of  her  constitution,  not  only 
impair  the  right  of  foreign  citizens,  but  may  modify  and  impair 
the  rights  vested  in  native  born  citizens.  She  may  change  her 
Constitution  and  provide  that  a  residence  of  two  years  shall  be 
required  to  entitle  a  man  to  vote.  That  was  the  old  Constitution 
of  Pennsylvania.  Pennsylvania  may  go  back;  she  may  require 
that  any  person  coming  from  a  foreign  land  or  from  another 
State  shall  not  vote  until  he  has  been  a  resident  two  years,  and  on 
the  doctrine  of  State  rights  has  she  not  a  right  to  do  it !  and  who 
has  a  right  to  complain?  But  as  there  seems  to  be  a  doubt  or 
misunderstanding,  and  it  has  been  explained  to  me  here  that 
they  do  not  controvert  the  right  of  the  State  thus  to  modify  the 
rights  of  foreign  or  native  citizens,  but  merely  wish  to  make  the 
declaration  that  the  Republican  party,  as  a  party,  is  opposed  to 
it.  If  that  be  the  object,  I  agree  to  it,  and  in  that  view  I  am  will- 
ing to  withdraw  my  amendment.  [Loud  cheers.] 

Mr.  Carl  Schurz,  of  Wisconsin,  as  the  amendment  is  withdrawn 
by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  I  find  it  hardly  necessary  to 
address  the  Convention  upon  this  subject.  I  wish  that  this  reso- 
lution might  be  passed  without  opposition.  The  German  Repub- 
licans of  the  Northern  States  have  given  you  300,000  votes  [ap- 
plausej,  and  I  wish  that  they  should  nnd  it  consistent  with  their 
honor  and  their  safety  to  give  you  300,000  more.  [Increased  ap- 
plause.] That  paragraph,  I  think,  could  never  have  been  asked 
for  by  the  German  representatives  if  one  occurrence  had  not 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  139 

taken  place.  The  year  1856  was  the  year  of  good  feeling;  we  all 
joined  together  in  a  common  cause,  and  we  all  fought  the  com- 
mon enemy.  We  did  so  with  honor  to  ourselves  and  with  confi- 
dence in  each  other.  There  was  no  German  Republican,  I  believe, 
who  would  have  asked  for  anything  more  in  the  Philadelphia 
platform  but  the  resolution  which  is  there.  But,  since  it  has 
been  found  that  that  resolution  is  not  sufficient  to  protect  them 
from  intreiichment  upon  their  rights  in  the  States,  I  will  show 
you  how  they  reason.  They  said  our  rights  may  be  guaranteed 
to  vis  in  a  national  platform  by  a  general  sentence,  and  neverthe- 
less the  Legislatures  of  the  different  States  may  defeat  the  very 
purpose  for  which  that  national  platform  was  enacted.  Of  what 
use,  then,  is  a  plank  in  a  platform  if  its  purpose  thus  can  be  frus- 
trated by  an  act  of  a  State  Legislature?  It  has  been  very  well 
said  that  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  this  resolution  to  declare  that 
no  State  has  the  right  to  regulate  the  suffrage  of  its  citizens  by 
legislative  enactment,  but  it  was  the  purpose  to  declare  that  the 
Republican  part}-,  in  its  national  capacity,  is  opposed  to  any  such 
thing  in  principle.  [Renewed  applause.]  Gentlemen,  the  ques- 
tion is  simply  this,  on  one  side  there  stands  prejudice,  on  the 
other  side  there  stands  right.  You  please  calculate,  will  preju- 
dice give  us  more  votes  or  will  right  give  us  more  votes!  [Ap- 
plause continued.]  Let  me  tell  you  one  thing,  that  the  votes  you 
get  by  truckling  to  the  prejudices  of  people  will  never  be  safe; 
while  those  votes  you  get  by  recognizing  constitutional  rights 
may  every  time  be  counted  upon.  [Immense  applause.]  Why 
gentlemen,  the  German  Republicans  of  the  Northern  States  have 
been  not  only  among  the  most  faithful,  but  we  have  been  among 
the  most  unselrish  members  of  the  Republican  party.  We  never 
come  to  j-ou  asking  for  any  favor;  we  never  come  to  you  with  any 
pretensions;  the  only  thing  we  ask  of  you  is  this:  that  we  shall 
be  permitted  to  fight  for  our  common  cause;  that  we  shall  be 
permitted  to  fight  in  your  ranks  with  confidence  in  your  prin- 
ciples and  with  honor  to  ourselves.  IGreat  cheering.] 

Mr.  Hassaureck,  of  Ohio,  [Applause] — Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion: I  am  riot  going  to  detain  you  for  any  length  of  time  in  sup- 
port of  the  motion  now  before  the  Convention,  but  I  am  in  favor, 
gentlemen,  of  the  adoption  of  this  resolution,  not  because  I  am  an 
adopted  citizen,  but  because  I  claim  to  be  a  true  American, 
[Cheers.]  Gentlemen,!  claim  to  be  an  American,  although  I  hap- 
pened to  be  born  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  [Re- 
newed applause.]  I  breathed  true  Americanism  before  my  foot 
had  ever  stepped  011  American  soil.  [Applause.]  I  loved  this 
country  before  my  eyes  had  ever  beheld  its  hospitable  soil.  I 
had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  spirit  of  its  free  institutions  years  be- 
fore I  made  the  formal  declaration  of  loyalty.  [Enthusiastic 
cheers.]  Gentlemen,  I  felt  the  spirit  of  true  Americanism  thrill 
my  heart  when,  as  a  boy  in  school,  I  first  read  of  the  heroic  deeds 
of  the  immortal  Washington.  [Great  and  prolonged  applause.] 
I  hailed  true  Americanism  when  I  first  heard  of  the  great  Thomas 
Jefferson,  who,  upon  the  altar  of  God,  had  sworn  eternal  hostility 
to  tyranny  in  every  form.  [Renewed  applause.]  Gentlemen,  as 
one  who  has  suffered  the  stings  and  oppressions  of  despotism,  I 
claim  to  be  doubly  capable  of  appreciating  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty. [Loud  cheers.]  Gentlemen,  I  have  seen  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope smarting  under  the  arbitrary  rule  of  despots,  and  I  know 
what  an  inestimable  treasure,  what  an  incalculable  boon  freedom 


140  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

is  to  man.  It  is,  therefore,  one  of  the  proudest  moments  of  my 
life,  to  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  as  one  of  the  liberty  lov- 
ing- Germans  of  the  free  West,  before  this  vast  assembly  of  so 
manj*  of  the  best  and  true  men  of  the  nation,  loudly  to  proclaim 
my  undying-  and  unfaltering- love  and  adherence  to  the  principles 
of  true  Americanism.  [Great  applause.]  Gentlemen,  if  it  is  Am- 
ericanism to  believe,  religiously  to  believe  in  those  eternal  truths 
announced  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  all  men  are 
born  equal  and  free,  and  endowed  by  their  creator  with  certain  in- 
alienable rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  I  am  proud  to  be  an  American.  [Applause.]  If  it  is 
Americanism  firmly  to  believe  and  warmly  to  cherish  the  mem- 
ory of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic,  to  maintain  the  faith  and  per- 
petuate the  glorious  inheritance  which  they  have  left  to  an 
admiring  posterity,  I  shall  ever  be  an  American.  [Loud  cheers.] 
If  it  is  Americanism,  gentlemen,  to  believe  that  governments  are 
instituted  for  the  benefit  of  the  governed,  and  not  for  the  benefit 
of  the  privileged  few — if  it  is  Americanism  to  believe  that  this 
glorious  Federation  of  sovereign  States  has  a  higher  object  and 
a  nobler  purpose  than  to  be  the  mere  means  of  fortifying,  pro- 
tecting and  propagating  the  institution  of  human  servitude — if 
it  is  Americanism  to  believe  that  these  vast  fertile  Territories  of 
the  West  are  forever  to  remain  sacred,  to  remain  as  free  homes  for 
free  labor  and  free  men,  I  shall  live  and  die  an  American.  [Tum- 
ultuous cheering.]  Gentlemen,  if  it  is  Americanism  to  believe 
that  the  American  Constitution  as  framed  by  the  Fathers  was 
designed  as  a  bulwark  of  freedom,  and  intended  to  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  to  our  posterity,  and  that  it 
does  not  of  its  own  force  carry  slavery  into  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  but,  on  the  contrary,  means  freedom  and  justice 
wherever  it  goes,  I  shall  ever  claim  to  be  an  American.  [Great 
applause.] 

And,  Mr.  President,  for  this  reason  I  am  in  favor  of  the  adoption 
of  the  resolution — not  because  I  claim  to  be  an  adopted  citizen, 
but  because  I  claim,  and  shall  claim  to  the  end,  that  I  am  an  Am- 
erican— an  American  by  choice;  not  an  American  by  birth,  it  is 
true,  but  an  American  from  sentiment  and  from  principle.  Gen- 
tlemen, I  hope  this  resolution  will  pass  without  objection  from 
any  side.  There  are  more  than  20,000  Republican  German  votes 
in  the  State  of  Ohio  alone;  and  they  shall  ever  be  cast  in  a  solid 
phalanx  for  the  candidate  who  is  to  be  nominated  by  this  Con- 
vention. [Renewed  applause.] 

Mr.  Curtis, of  New  York,  What  is  the  question  before  the  house? 

THE  CHAIR — It  is  upon  the  adoption  of  the  report. 

Mr.  Curtis,  I  then  offer  as  an  amendment  to  the  report,  as  pre- 
sented by  the  committee,  the  following:  That  the  second  clause 
of  the  report  shall  read,  "That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles 
promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied 
in  the  Federal  Constitution" — and  then,  sir,  I  propose  to  amend 
by  addingthese  words,  "That  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that 
to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men, 
deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed"- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  141 

then  proceed — "  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Republican 
institutions;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  Rights  of  the 
States,  arid  the  Union  of  the  States,  must  and  shall  be  preserved." 
[Great  applause,  and  many  gentlemen  struggling  for  the  floor.] 
Mr.  Thayer,  has  not  that  amendment  been  once  voted  downr 
Mr.  Cartter,  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 

THE  CHAIR — There  is  one  question  of  order  already.  The  gen- 
tleman from  New  York,  Mr.  Curtis,  moved  to  amend  the  second 
resolution  in  the  words  which  he  has  read.  The  gentleman  from 
Oregon,  Mr.  Thayer,  raises  the  question  of  order  that  this  is  sub- 
stantiall}r  the  same  proposition  already  voted  upon;  and  the 
Chair  sustains  the  question  of  order,  and  the  question  recurs  on 
the  adoption  of  the  report. 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  if  it  is  necessary.  I  shall  appeal  from  the- 
decision  of  the  Chair.  The  amendment  which  was  first  offered 
was  to  the  first  clause  or  section,  and  the  amendment  offered  now 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York  is  to  the  second  section,  and  it 
an  entirely  different  question.  I  think,  if  it  is  necessary,  I  am 
ready  to  take  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  Chair. 

THE  CHAIR— I  took  it  from  the  statement  of  the  gentleman  from 
New  York,  that  he  offered  the  same  amendment  offered  before  by 
Mr.  Giddings,  and  voted  on. 

Mr.  Blair,  it  is  offered  now  as  an  amendment  to  the  second;  then 
it  was  to  the  first  resolution. 
THE  CHAIR — Then  the  amendment  is  in  order. 
Mr.  Curtis,  have  I  the  floor? 
THE  CAHIR— Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Curtis  (from  his  chair),  Mr.  President,  I  have  a  word  to  say 
on  that  amendment — [cries  of  "take  the  stand."]  I  can  speak  as 
well,  gentlemen  ,from  this  seat.  I  have  to  ask  this  Convention — 
the  second  National  Convention  the  Republican  party  has  ever 
held — I  have  to  ask  this  Convention  whether  they  are  prepared  to 
go  upon  the  record  and  before  the  country  as  voting  down  the 
words  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence?  [Cries  of  "No,  no," 
and  applause.]  I  have,  sir,  in  the  amendment  \vhich  I  have  intro- 
duced, quoted  simply  and  only  from  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. Bear  in  mind  that  in  Philadelphia  in  1856,  the  Convention 
of  this  same  great  party  were  not  afraid  to  announce  those  by 
which  alone  the  Republican  party  lives,  and  upon  which  alone 
the  future  of  this  country  in  the  hands  of  the  Republican  party  is 
passing.  [Tremendous  cheering.] 

Now,  sir,  I  ask  gentlemen  gravely  to  consider  that  in  the  amend- 
ment which  I  have  proposed,  I  have  done  nothing  that  ttie 
soundest  and  safest  man  in  all  the  land  might  not  do;  and  I  rise 
simply — for  I  am  now  sitting  down — I  rise  simply  to  ask  gentle- 
men to  think  well  before,  upon  the  free  prairies  of  the  West,  in  the 
summer  of  1860,  they  dare  to  wince  and  quail  before  the  men  who 
in  Philadelphia  in  1776 — in  Philadelphia,  in  the  Arch-Keystone 
State,  so  amply,  so  nobly  represented  upon  this  platform  to-day 
— before  they  dare  to  shrink  from  repeating  the  words  that  these 
great  men  enunciated.  [Terrific  applause.] 


U2  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Olyer,  of  Indiana,  I  presume  that  all  the  Republicans  here 
are  in  favor  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Does  it  neces- 
sarily follow  that  we  must  publish  it  in  our  platform?  [The 
crowd — "Yes."]  I  want  to  talk  to  the  delegates  here.  I  ask  the 
question,  if  it  is  necessary  to  put  it  in?  They  answer  me  it  is. 
Well,  then,  it  is  there  now.  [Voices — "No."]  Read  for  yourselves 
the  second  resolution.  [A  voice — "Put  it  in  twice."]  I  will  read  it 
to  you: 

"That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Repubican  institu- 
tions, and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  Rights  of  the  States, 
and  the  Union  of  the  States  must  and  shall  be  preserved." 

Does  not  that  endorse  it?  We  believe  in  the  Bible;  shall  we  put 
it  in  from  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis  to  the  last  chapter  of  Reve- 
lations? We  believe  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  shall 
we  put  it  in  from  the  first  to  last?  I  say  no.  I  say  it  is  enough 
for  us  to  assert  a  belief  in,  and  our  confidence  in,  and  firm  reliance 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Nye,  of  New  York,  I  want,  sir,  something-  done  in  this  Con- 
vention. [Cries  of  "Vote!"]  lam  only  anxious,  sir,  that  something- 
should  be  done  in  this  Convention  to  mark  with  great  distinctness 
and  in  unmistakable  terms,  that  we  endorse  the  language  and  that 
portion  of  the  language  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  that 
is  moved  as  an  amendment  to  the  second  resolution.  [Cheers  and 
voices,  "You  shall  have  it,"  "We  will,"  "You  shall  have  it  if  you  say 
no  more  about  it."]  That,  sir,  is  all  I  want.  I  am  exceeding^- glad 
that  simply  the  fear  of  a  speech  from  me  should  induce  gentlemen 
to  vote  in  that  way.  [Laughter  and  applause.[ 

The  question  being  on  the  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Curtis,  of 
New  York,  the  vote  was  taken  and  the  amendment  adopted. 

The  question  now  recurring  on  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the 
committee,  the  Platform  was  adopted  unanimously  with  a  shout 
of  applause. 

Upon  the  adoption  of  the  Platform,  the  delegates  and  the  whole 
of  the  vast  audience  rose  to  their  feet  in  a  transport  of  enthusiasm, 
the  ladies  waving  their  handkerchiefs  and  the  gentleman  their 
hats,  while  for  many  minutes  the  tremendous  cheers  and  shouts 
of  applause  continued,  and  again  and  again  were  renewed  and 
repeated. 

The  Chair,  as  soon  as  order  was  partially  restored,  announced 
that  several  gentleman  would  speak  in  the  Wigwam  at  night. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  I  move  that  we  adjourn.  [Cries  of  "No,"  "No." 
"Ballot,"  "Ballot."]  I  withdraw  the  motion,  and  move  that  we 
now  proceed  to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  the  Presidencjr.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Eggleston,  I  renew  the  motion  to  adjourn. 

The  motion  to  adjourn  was  put  and  lost 

Mr.  R.  M.  Corwine,  I  move  that  we  now  proceed  to  ballot  for 
President.  [Great  disorder,  and  cries  of  "Ballot,"  "Ballot."] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  143 

Mr.  Cartter,  I  call  for  a  division  by  ayes  and  nays,  to  see  if 
gentlemen  want  to  go  without  their  supper,  [Derisive  laughter, 
and  cries  of  ''Call  the  roll."] 

THE  CHAIR— I  am  requested  by  the  Secretary  to  inform  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention  that  the  papers  necessary  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  the  tally  are  prepared,  but  are  not  yet  at  hand, 
but  will  be  in  a  few  minutes. 

A  voice — I  move  that  this  Convention  adjourn  until  ten  o'clock 
to-morrow  morning. 

The  motion  prevailed,  and  the  Convention  adjourned  until  ten 
o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

THIRD   DAY. 

The  Convention  reassembled  at  ten  o'clock,  agreeably  to  ad- 
journment. After  the  delegates  had  seated  themselves,  the 
proceedings  were  opened  by  the  following  prayer,  by  Rev.  M. 
Green,  of  Chicago: 

Our  Lord,  our  God,  we  adore  thee  as  the  Eternal,  immortal,  in- 
visible, and  only  true  God.  Every  excellence  adorns  thy  nature; 
every  attribute  of  majesty  supports  thy  throne.  Thou  art  our 
God,  and  we  will  praise  thee;  our  father's  God,  and  we  will  exalt 
thee.  We  thank  thee,  O  Lord,  for  thy  numberless  kindnesses 
which  thou  hast  manifested  towards  this  people,  in  their  origin, 
in  their  deliverance  from  subsequent  evils  which  have  threatened 
them,  and  for  the  high  degree  of  prosperity  which  we  still  enjoy. 
O  God,  forbid  that  we,  their  descendants,  should  be  unworthy  of 
our  sires,  who  acknowledged  thee  in  their  ways,  and  invoked  thy 
benediction  upon  their  efforts  to  establish  a  free  government. 
Lord,  we  entreat  thee  who  hast  delivered  us  from  eternal  enemies, 
to  protect  us  from  intestine  evil.  Oh!  do  thou,  Infinite  disposer 
of  events,  perpetuate  our  liberties.  And  now,  we  thank  thee  that 
thou  hast  permitted  these  delegates  of  the  people  to  assemble 
and  so  far  to  pursue  their  object  with  such  harmony  and  mutual 
respect.  We  pray  thee  still  to  clothe  thy  servant,  the  President  of 
this  bod}-,  with  the  authoritj-  requisite  for  his  exalted  post,  and 
we  entreat  thee  to  bring  to  a  happy  result  the  labors  of  this  body 
of  representatives  of  the  people.  We  entreat  thee,  that  at  some 
future  but  not  distant  day  the  evils  which  now  invests  the  body 
politic  shall  not  only  have  been  arrested  in  their  progress,  but 
wholly  eradicated  from  the  system.  And  may  the  pen  of  the 
historian  trace  an  intimate  connection  between  that  glorious  con- 
summation and  the  transactions  of  this  Convention.  O  Lord,  our 
God,thou  art  in  Heaven  and  we  on  earth.therefore  should  our  words 
be  few.  Our  prayer  is  now  before  thee.  Wilt  thou  hear,  accept 
and  answer  it,  for  the  sake  of  our  Redeemer.  Amen. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

THE  PRESIDENT— Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  The  Chair  feels 
it  his  first  duty  this  morning  to  appeal,  not  merely  to  the  gentle- 
men of  the  Convention,  but  lo  every  individual  of  this  vast 
audience,  to  remember  the  utmost  importance  of  keeping  and 
preserving  order  during  the  entire  session — as  much  silence  as 
possible;  and  he  asks  gentlemen  who  are  not  members  of  this 


U4  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAX 

Convention,  in  the  name  of  this  Convention,  that  they  will,  to  their 
utmost  ability,  refrain  from  any  demonstrations  that  may  disturb 
the  proceedings  of  the  Convention.  I  should  suggest  to  the  dele- 
gates that  they  themselves  set  the  example  to  their  friends  who 
are  not  members  of  this  Convention;  that  each  will  to  the  utmost 
of  his  individual  capacity,  co-operate  with  the  Chair  in  keeping 
entire  order. 

The  Chair  has  received  some  communications,  which  he  will 
lay  before  the  Convention. 
The  Secretary  read  the  communications,  as  follows: 

CHICAGO,  May  18,  1860. 
Hon.   George  Ashmun,    President  of    the  National   Convention, 

Chicago: 

Dear  Sir:  — The  delegates  of  the  Convention  are  invited  to  an 
excursion,  on  Mondaj-  next,  over  the  Galena  and  Chicago  Union 
railroad  to  Dubuque,  thence  down  the  Mississippi  river  to  Fulton 
or  Clinton,  from  which  place  they  can  return  to  Chicago  on  Tues- 
day evening,  or  extend  their  excursion  to  Cedar  Rapids,  over  the 
Chicago,  Iowa  and  Nebraska  railroad,  and  return  on  Wednesday 
evening  in  time  to  connect  with  eastern  trains. 
Very  respectfully,  yours, 

E.  B.  TALCOTT,  Superintendent. 

A  Delegate — I  move  that  it  lie  on  the  table  for  the  present. 
THE  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  has  received  anotherccommunica- 
tion,  which  will  be  read. 
The  Secretary  read: 

NEW  YORK,  May  17. 
To  the  Republican  National  Convention: 

At  a  meeting  of  the  representatives  of  the  working  men  of  the 
different  wards  of  this  city,  Brooklyn.  Williamsburgh,  andGreen- 
point,held  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  inst.,  at  Union  Hall,  195 
Bowery,  it  was— 

Resolved,  That  the  officers  of  the  meeting  be  instructed  to  ad- 
dress the  Republican  National  Convention,  to  assemble  at  Chi- 
cago, and  respectfully  request  the  Convention  to  declare  itself 
opposed  to  all  further  traffic  in  the  public  lands  of  the  U.  S.,  and 
in 'favor  of  laying  them  out  in  farms  and  lots  for  the  exclusive 
use  of  actual  settlers. 

We  see  this  singular  condition  of  affairs,  that  while  wealth  in 
our  own  country  is  accumulating;  while  internal  improvements 
of  every  description  are  fast  increasing,  yet  with  all  these  advan- 
tages, the  compensation  for  useful  labor  is  getting  less  and  less. 
We  seek  the  cause  of  this  anomaly,  and  we  trace  it  to  the  monop- 
oly of  the  land,  with  labor  at  the  mercy  of  capitalists.  We  there- 
fore desire  to  abolish  the  monopoly,  not  by  interfering  with  the 
conventional  rights  of  persons  now  in  possession,  but,  by  arrest- 
ing the  further  sale  of  all  land  not  yet  appropriated  as  private 
property,  and  by  allowing  those  lands  hereafter  to  be  freely  occu- 
pied by  those  who  may  choose  to  settle  on  them.  We  propose 
that  the  public  land  hereafter  shall  not  be  owned,  but  occupied 
only.  The  occupant  having  the  right  to  the  sale  of  his  or  her  im- 
provements to  any  one  not  in  possession  of  other  lands,  so  that  by 
preventing  individuals  from  becoming  possessed  of  more  than  a 
limited  quantity,  any  one  may  enjoy  the  right. 
Respectfully  yours, 

HENRY  BENNING,  Chairman. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— I860,  1860,  1864.  145 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  would  suggest  that  the  Committee 
on  Platform  and  Resolutions  having  reported,  and  their  report 
covering  the  subject  matter  of  this  resolution,  that  the  communi- 
cation lie  upon  the  table.  Absented  to. 

THE  CHAIR — At  the  adjournment  a  motion  was  pending,  made 
by  Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  that  the  Convention  do  now  pro- 
ceed to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States 
[Applause.]  That  motion  is  the  business  now  in  order.  [Cries  of 
••  question,"  ''  question."] 

THE   MARYLAND   DELEGATION. 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Maryland,  before  the  vote  is  taken  upon  that  ques 
tic ni  1  wish  to  ask  leave  to  tile  the  credentials  of  additional 
delegates  to  fill  up  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  Marvland. 
This  is  made  necessary  by  the  resolution  or  rule  adopted  yester- 
day by  the  Convention,  which  provided  that  the  votes  of  the 
delegation  from  each  State  should  be  confined  to  the  number  of 
delegates  present.  The  delegation  from  Maryland,  not  being  full, 
it  became  necessary,  under  that  rule,  in  order  to  cast  the  full  vote 
of  the  State,  that  the  delegation  should  be  filled.  At  a  meeting- 
held  last  evening,  the  delegation  was  filled,  in  pursuance  of  the 
authority  given  us  by  the  State  Convention  of  Maryland,  which 
we  represent  on  this  floor,  I  therefore  offer  the  credentials  of  five 
additional  delegates  now  present  in  their  seats  completing  the 
delegation.  [Cries  of  "  leave,"  ',  leave."] 

THE  CHAIR — Xo  objection  being  made  they  will  be  received. 
What  do  you  say? 

Mr.  Sargent,  of  California,  the  ratio  of  representation,  as  at 
present  constituted,  gives  to  Maryland  eleven  votes.  I  wish  to 
inquire  if  the  effect  of  receiving  these  credentials  is  to  increase 
the  number  of  votes  to  sixteen,  or  twice  the  number  of  her  elect- 
oral vote,  or  if  the  vote  is  still  simply  eleven?  If  it  is  merely  to 
receiving  these  gentlemen  upon  this  floor  to  adviee  with  the 
Maryland  delegation,  there  can  be  no  objection  to  the  increase — 
letting  the  Maryland  delegation  stand  on  the  same  footing  as 
now  ;  but  if  it  is  proposed  to  increase  their  vote  in  this  Conven- 
tion. I  shall  certainly  oppose  it.  If  it  is  proposed  now  to  increase 
the  vote  cast  bj-  that  or  any  other  State.  I  object.  It  seems  to  me 
that  this  matter  was  fully  considered  by  the  committee  on  cre- 
dentials, voted  on  by  the  Convention  when  the}-  received  the 
report  of  that  committee  ;  their  report  is  before  the  Convention, 
having  been  received,  and  before  the  vote  of  any  State  is  in- 
creased, it  seems  to  me  that  the  matter  ought  to  go  back  to  the 
committee,  and  they  should  investigate  the  matter,  and  under- 
stand by  what  authority  this  increase  is  made.  I  therefore  ask 
for  information  whether  this  proposition  is  to  increase  the  vote 
of  Maryland,  or  to  increase  the  number  of  persons  who  will  cast 
the  vote  already  determined  upon?  If  I  am  right  in  supposing 
that  it  is  to  increase  their  vote  I  shall  oppose  it. 

Mr.  Coale,  of  Maryland,  I  will  answer  the  gentleman.  We  had 
to  come  some  distance  to  get  here ;  and  we  found  when  we  met 
that  there  were  only  eleven  gentlemen  present.  And  so  I,  as  a 
member  of  the  committee  on  elections,  handed  in  eleven  names. 

10 


146  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

because  there  were  only  eleven  of  us  present:  I  stated,  at  the  same 
time,  that  there  was  a  full  delegation  elected,  and  that  we  had  full 
power  from  our  constituents  to  fill  up  all  vacancies.  We  had  the 
power  and  we  had  the  right,  but  we  deemed  it  improper  and  im- 
modest in  us  to  come  forward  at  first  and  claim  to  cast  the  vote 
of  the  whole  convention  until  we  found  Marylanders  enough 
were  present,  ready  and  willing  to  take  their  places  with  us. 
Our  delegation  then  held  a  meeting,  and  according  to  the  right 
that  has  been  exercised  by  every  other  delegation,  and  the  au- 
thority given  to  us  by  our  constituents,  we  filled  the  vacancies; 
and  the  gentlemen  are  here  present.  Shall  we  be  thrown  out 
now?  Shall  we  be  told  that  we  are  not  to  have  the  privileges  of 
other  delegations?  That  we  are  forbidden  to  do  that  which  has 
been  done  by  others?  I  have  no  idea  that  such  iUiberality  will 
be  extended  to  us. 

Mr.  Sargent  of  California,  by  the  report  of  the  committee,  Mary- 
land is  entitled  to  cast  eleven  votes.  The  question  is  now,  whether 
Maryland  proposes  to  cast  any  beyond  the  eleven  votes? 

Mr.  Coale,  of  Ma^'land,  No,  sir.  We  have  six  congressional  dis- 
tricts, and  we  have  six  votes  in  virtue  of  these  districts,  and  we 
have  two  senators,  making  eight,  and  to  cast  the  full  vote  we 
double  that  number,  making  sixteen.  In  that  way  we  would  vote 
according  to  the  same  ratio  with  the  other  delegations. — ["That's 
right,  "that's  right."! 

THE  CHAIR— The  chair  understands  that  on  yesterday  the  Con- 
vention adopted  a  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  de- 
claring Maryland  entitled  to  eleven  delegates,  to  cast  eight  votes; 
and  understood  also,  that  proposition  made  this  morning,  if 
adopted  and  ratified  by  the  Convention,  will  give  the  power  to 
sixteen  gentlemen  to  cast  eight  votes — the  same  number,  pre- 
cisely, as  before. 

Mr.  M.  Blair  of  Maryland.  The  Committee  on  Credentials  re- 
ported that  the  delegates  present  should  cast  the  vote  of  the  state. 
Our  state  is  entitled  on  this  floor,  to  sixteen  delegates.  While 
that  report  was  before  the  Convention,  and  before  the  vote  was 
taken  on  it,  the  gentleman  from  Minnesota,  Mr.  Goodrich,  offered 
an  amendment  which  limited  the  vote  of  the  state  to  the  delegates 
present,  and  that  made  it  incumbent  upon  us,  in  order  to  cast  the 
vote  of  the  state,  to  fill  up  the  delegation.  That  is  the  explana- 
i  on,  gentlemen,  why  we  did  not  fill  it  up  when  we  first  came  here. 
The  body  has  before  allowed  the  delegates  to  cast  the  vote  of  the 
state,  whether  more  or  less  were  present.  We  expected  to  cast 
the  whole  sixteen  votes  of  Maryland.  Now,  we  ask,  in  pursuance 
of  the  authority  given  us  by  the  State  Convention  of  Maryland, 
to  fill  up  our  delegation,  and  be  able  to  cast  the  whole  vote  of  the 
state  of  Maryland.  I  have  not  heard  any  gentleman  object  to  our 
proposition  to  cast  the  full  vote. 

Mr.  Benton  of  New  Hampshire,  and  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Credentials.  It  was  proposed  to  limit  the  number  of  votes  to 
the  number  of  delegates  actually  present.  This  was  agreed  to 
not  only  in  reference  to  the  state  of  Maryland,  but  Virginia,  Ore- 
gon and  Texas.  It  was  discussed  in  committee,  and  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  this  state  should  be  allowed  to  cast  eleven  votes. 
After  the  committee  adjourned  one  gentleman  appeared  and 
asked  to  be  allowed  to  appear  on  the  floor  and  vote.  I  told  him  it 
was  too  late.  It  was  generally  understood,  and  it  was  acted  upon 
by  almost  unanimous  consent,  that  the  states  which  were  not 


NATIONAL  Cox YENTIONS— 1856,  1800,  1864.  HT 

full}-  represented  should  claim  no  more  votes  in  the  Convention 
than  those  here  actually  present  either  real  or  substituted  dele- 
gates. 

Mr.  Armour  of  Maryland,  as  one  of  the  delegates  from  the  state 
of  Maryland,  I  object  to  the  credentials  being-  received.  ["Loud- 
er."] This  is  a  matter  of  business  and  is  not  for  outsiders.  [A 
voice — "We  ain't  outsiders."]  I  say  then  that  there  are  only  eleven 
of  us  here,  of  the  sixteen  appointed  by  our  State  Convention.  The 
Committee  on  Credentials  reported  that  fact.  Since  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  Convention — [A  voice — "If  you  will  take  your  seat  on 
this  side  of  the  house,  the  Convention  can  hear  you.  We  cannot 
hear  you  now."]  I  have  a  reason  as  one  of  the  eleven  delegates 
from  the  state  of  Maryland,  to  enter  my  solemn  protest  against 
the  reception  of  the  credentials  as  filled  up.  We  met  in  the  city 
of  Baltimore  and  appointed  eight  delegates  and  eight  alternates. 
But  eleven  of  us  are  here.  Eleven  names  were  yesterday  pre- 
sented to  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  and  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  made  their  report,  and  reported  us  eleven  present 
and  entitled  to  eight  votes.  Since  the  adjournment  of  the  Con- 
vention on  yesterday  a  portion  of  my  co-delegates — I  am  not  here 
to  impugn  their  motives,  nor  do  I  intend  to  do  so — a  portion  of 
them  met  without  m}'  knowledge,  without  the  knowledge  of  at 
least  one  more,  and  perhaps  two  more  of  the  delegates,  and  have 
tilled  up  our  delegation  from  gentlemen,  God  almighty  only 
knows  where  they  live.  [Applause  and  laughter.] 

I  do  not  wish  to  place  myself  in  an  attitude  hostile  to  the  ma- 
jority of  my  delegation.  I  do  not  .wish  to  throw  any  embarrass- 
ment in  the  way  of  the  peaceful  settlement  of  all  the  business 
that  has  brought  us  together,  but  I  wish  to  say  that  there  is  a 
gentleman  here  from  Maryland,  who  has  been  knocking  at  the 
door  of  this  Convention,  but  who  has  not  been  received;  my  co- 
delegates  have  refused  to  fill  up  the  delegation  with  his  name, 
and  have,  for  purposes  only  known  to  themselves,  filled  it  up  with 
outsiders.  For  this  reason,  for  the  reason  that  the  delegation  has 
been  made  full  by  placing  upon  it  the  names  of  men  unknown  to 
me;  by  placing  upon  it  the  names  of  non-residents  of  the  state  of 
Maryland;  and  because  I  had  no  knowledge  that  this  meeting 
was  coming  together;  because  I  have  not  co-operated  in  this 
movement;  because  I  do  not  know  the  purpose  for  which  the  de- 
legation has  been  filled  up,  and  because  I  think  we  should  not 
pretend  to  present  in  this  convention,  a  stronger  front  than  that 
which  we  possess.  We  have  eleven  men  here,  and  we  should  only 
vote  our  eleven  votes.  I  hope  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  3-011 
will  vote  this  thing  down.  [Applause  and  cries  for  the  question.] 

Mr.  Cartter  of  Ohio,  I  call  for  the  previous  question. 

Previous  question  sustained,  and  motion  to  receive  the  dele- 
gates lost. 

THE     NOMINATION. 

Mr.  Evarts  of  New  York,  Mr.  Chairman:  As  the  Convention  has 
by  its  vote  decided  to  proceed  to  a  ballot,  you  may  be  assured 
that  I  do  not  rise  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  speech.  I  rise 
simply  to  ask.  sir,  whether  it  is  in  order  to  present  names  in  no- 
mination'- 


148  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

THE  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  is  of  the  opinion  that  under  the 
execution  of  the  order  adopted,  it  may  be  in  order  to  put  in  nomi- 
nation such  persons  as  you  may  desire,  without  debate. 

Mr.  Evarts,  I  rise — 

A  voice,  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  is  not  provided  with  seats. 
[Voices — "Get  them  quick."] 

THE  PRESIDENT— I  will  take  this  opportunity  to  present  a  com- 
munication received  by  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  read: 

CHICAGO.  MAY  18,  1860. 

We  feel  it  our  duty  to  inform  3'ou  that  members  of  your  Con- 
vention pass  their  tickets  over  the  railings  and  through  the  win- 
dows to  their  friends  who  are  not  entitled  to  seats.  If  the  Con- 
vention find  inconvenience,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  members  and  not 
through  our  interference.  Any  instructions  you  think  proper  to 
give  will  be  strictlj-  carried  out.  PETER  PAGE. 

GURDON  S.   HUBBARI). 

CHAS.  X.  HOLDEN. 

The  Chair  requested  the  delegates  to  avoid  the  inconvenience 
spoken  of  by  purging  their  own  seats  of  outsiders. 

Mr.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  In  the  order  of  business  before  the 
Convention,  Sir,  I  take  the  liberty  to  name  as  a  candidate  to  be 
nominated  by  this  Convention  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  William  H.  Sew'ard.  [Prolonged  applause.] 

Mr.  Judd,  of  Illinois,  I  desire,  on  behalf  of  the  delegation  from 
Illinois,  to  put  in  nomination,  as  a  candidate  for  President  of  the 
United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois.  [Immense  ap- 
plause, long  continued.] 

Mr.  Dudley,  of  New  Jersey,  Mr.  President,  New  Jersey  presents 
the  name  of  William  L.  Dayton.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  Pennsylvania  nominates  as  her 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  General  Simon  Cameron.  [Cheers.] 
.  Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  Ohio  presents  to  the  consideration  of  this 
Convention  as  a  candidate  for  President,  the  name  of  Salmon  P. 
Chase.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  C.  B.  Smith, of  Indiana,  I  desire,  on  behalf  of  the  delegation 
from  Indiana,  to  second  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois.  [Tremendous  applause.] 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  I  am  commissioned  by  the  representa- 
tives of  the  State  of  Missouri  to  present  to  this  Convention  the 
name  of  Edward  Bates  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Blair,  of  Michigan,  in  behalf  of  the  delegates  from  Michi- 
gan I  second  the  nomination  for  President  of  the  United  States, 
of  William  H.  Seward.  [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Corwin,of  Ohio,  I  rise,  Mr.  President,  at  the  request  of  many 
gentlemen,  part  of  them  members  of  this  Convention,  and  many 
of  them  of  the  most  respectable  gentlemen  known  to  the  history 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  149 

of  this   country   and  its   politics,   to  present  the  name   of  John 
McLean.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  Schurz,  of  Wisconsin,  I  am  commissioned  by  the  delegation 
from  the  State  of  Wisconsin,  to  second  the  nomination  of  William 
H.  Seward,  of  New  York.  [Warm  applause. | 

Mr.  North,  of  Minnesota,  I  am  commissioned,  on  behalf  of  the 
delegation  from  Minnesota,  to  second  the  nomination  of  William 
H.  Seward.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Phillips,  of  Kansas,  I  am  commissioned,  not  only  by  the 
delegation  from  Kansas,  but  by  the  people  of  Kansas,  to  present 
the  name  of  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Delano,  of  Ohio,  I  rise  on  behalf  of  a  portion  of  the  delega- 
tion from  Ohio,  to  put  in  nomination  the  man  who  can  split  rails 
and  maul  Democrats — Abraham  Lincoln.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  Mr.  President,  in  order  or  out  of  order,  I 
desire  to  move  that  this  Convention,  for  itself  and  this  vast  audi- 
ence, to  give  three  cheers  for  all  the  candidates  presented  by  the 
Republican  part}'. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  gentleman  is  out  of  order. 

Mr.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  Mr.  President,  I  rise  in  the  name  of  two 
thirds  of  the  delegation  of  Iowa,  to  second  the  nomination  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  I  move  you  that  we  proceed  to 
vote. 

The  Convention  then  balloted,  with  the  following  result: 
FIRST   BALLOT. 


STATES, 

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District  of  Columbia. 

150  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

EXPLANATION,  &C. 

Mr.  Tracy,  of  California,  I  wish  to  say,  as  there  has  been  one 
vote  cast  for  Mr.  Fremont,  that  he  is  not  a  candidate  before  this 
Convention. 

When  the  State  of  Maryland  was  called,  during  the  vote,  Mr. 
Cochrane,  Chairman  of  the  delegation  said: 

The  Republican  State  Convention  of  Maryland  having- requested 
that  the  delegation  should  vote  as  a  unit,  I  therefore,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the  delegation,  cast  11  votes 
for  Edward  Bates.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Coale.  of  Marjrland,  I  object  to  that.  I  am  a  freeman  in 
Maryland,  although  surrounded  by  slavery.  If  I  were  going  to 
look  for  a  place  to  be  immolated  upon  the  altar  of  slavery  I 
should  not  come  to  Chicago — [great  confusion  and  cries  of 
"order.'1]  Well,  hear  my  point  then.  We  are  not  instructed  to 
vote  for  Edward  Bates.  Such  a  resolution  was  presented  there 
and  was  instantly  voted  down.  [A  voice — You  are  not  in  order.] 
Well,  my  point  is  that  we  were  not  instructed,  and  that  we  will 
not  act  according  to  the  recommendation  except  so  far  as  we 
please. 

Mr.  Armour,  of  Maryland,  I  will  present  the  point  of  protesta- 
tion a  little  clearer  than  my  aged  friend  has  done.  (Cries  of 
"  Call  the  roll.") 

THE  PRESIDENT — It  is  not  a  subject  of  debate.  The  question  is, 
shall  the  Convention  receive  the  eleven  votes  from  the  State 
of  Maryland  for  Mr.  Bates?  and  this  must  be  decided  without  de- 
bate. (Voices — "Call  the  roll,"  "hear  him,,'  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Armour,  I  do  not  wish  to  debate  the  point.  I  wish  to  state 
succinctly  and  clearlj'-  the  point  of  our  protest.  Have  I  leave? 
(Cries  of  "Yes"  and  "No.")  At  the  Convention  which  assembled 
at  Maryland,  a  resolution  was  offered  instructing  the  delegates  of 
the  State  of  Marj'land  to  vote  as  a  unit.  There  was  a  general 
feeling  against  that  resolution,  and  a  number  of  gentlemen  spoke 
against  it,  and  I  had  risen  to  protest  against  it  when  some  gen- 
tleman in  my  rear  moved  that  we  be  simply  "recommended." 
Not  one  man  in  that  Convention  considered  that  "  recommend'' 
and  "instruct"  were  synonymous  terms.  Not  one  of  us  consid- 
ered that  the  recommendation  was  equivalent  to  an  instruction. 
Therefore,  we  let  it  pass,  believing  then  and  now  that  we  were  free 
to  cast  our  votes  for  the  man  of  our  choice,  and  we  now  claim 
that  right  on  the  floor  of  the  Convention.  (Cries  of  "Good,"  and 
applause.) 

Mr.  R.  M.  Corwine,  of  Ohio,  one  of  the  rules  adopted  yesterday 
declares  that  the  Chairman  of  each  delegation  shall  cast  the  vote 
of  his  delegation. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  i.~>i 

A  Voice — No,  no  !  it  says  he  shall  "  announce  "  it. 

Mr.  Coale,  we  will  vote  as  we  please  and  we  will  not  vote  any 
other  way. 

The  Chair  then  stated  the  question. 

Mr.  Frank  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  I  de- 
sire to  know  whether  this  Convention  is  to  be  governed  by  its 
rules  or  not?  I  call  the  attention  of  the  President  to  the  rule 
which  we  have  adopted,  and  under  which  we  must  act,  unless  it 
is  intended  now  to  violate  it. 

THE  CHAIR— The  Chair  is  aware  of  the  rule.  The  rule  adopted 
was  that  the  vote  of  each  State  should  be  announced  by  its  chair- 
man. 

A  Voice — He  must  but  announce  it  and  announce  it  truly. 

THE  CHAIR— And  the  Chair  rules  that  he  is  bound  to  receive  the 
report  made  by  the  Chairman  of  the  delegation,  and  announce  it 
to  the  Convention  as  their  vote,  unless  it  is  rejected  by  the  Con- 
vention ;  and  the  Chair,  not  wishing  to  take  the  respotisibitity  of 
settling  this  question,  may  refer  it  to  the  Convention,  and  the 
Chair  now  puts  the  question  to  the  Convention:  Shall  the  vote  an- 
nounced b*y  the  Chairman  be  received  by  the  Convention  as  the 
vote  of  the  State  of  Maryland? 

The  question  was  decided  in  the  negative. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  voting,  which  occupied  considerable 
time,  the  result  was  announced  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Conven- 
tion as  follows: 

For  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  17312;  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois,  102;  for  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  48;  for  Simon 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  50lo;  for  John  McLean,  of  Ohio,  12;  for 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  49;"*  for  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  of  Ohio,  H; 
for  William  L.  Da3^ton,  of  New  Jersey,  14;  for  John  M.  Reed,  of 
Pennsylvania,!;  for  Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont,  10;  for  Charles 
Simmer,  of  Massachusetts,  1;  for  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  1. 
Whole  number  of  votes  cast,  465;  necessary  to  a  choice,  2iW. 

The  Chair  announced,  that  no  candidate  having  received  a  ma- 
jority of  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast,  the  Convention  would 
proceed  to  a  second  ballot. 


152  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

SECOND  BALLOT. 

Mr.  Caleb  B.  Smith  in  the  Chair,  the  ballot  proceeded  as  fol- 
lows: 


STATES 

c3 

B  .    •    •  s 

5       7*       5 

3       *       r       J5 

t:       3       *      a 

02 

_:      x      a 

S      ^      5      d 

10 

ti 

1 

9 

10 

Massachusetts      ...           

22 

4 

Rhode  Island  

3 

2         3 

Connecticut  

44.. 

2                    2 

New  York       

70 

New  Jersey  

4 

10 

Pennsylvania  
Maryland  

2% 
3 

48                   1 
8 

2V,     

Delaware       

6 

Virginia  

.      8 

It        ..          i 

Kentucky  

7 

!) 

6 

Ohio  

14 

5       29 

Indiana    

26 

Missouri  

IS 

Michigan      .        

12 

Illinois 

22 

Texas         .           ..         

6 

Wisconsin             

10 

Iowa  

2 

5 

Vt*      '» 

California  

....      8 

Minnesota  

8 

Oregon  

5 

TERRITORIES. 

Kansas  

6 

Nebraska  

3 

1 

2 

District  of  Columbia... 

2 

After  the  vote  was  taken,  and  before  it  was  announced — 
Gov.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  desire  to  state,  that  while  the 
vote  was  going-  on,  and  after  that  vote  was  given,  the  name  of 
Gen.  Cameron  was  withdrawn.  I  now  formally  withdraw  the 
name  of  Gen.  Cameron  from  this  Convention  as  a  candidate  for 
nomination. 

(Great  confusion  while  the  ballot  was  being  counted.) 
The  Secretary  announced  the  result  of  the  second  ballot  as  fol- 
lows: 

For  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  18412  votes.  (Applause.) 
For  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  181  votes.  (Tremendous  ap- 
plause, checked  by  the  Speaker.)  For  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri, 
35  votes.  For  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  2  votes.  For 
John  McLean,  of  Ohio,  8  votes.  For  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio, 
42Vfc  votes.  For  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  10  votes.  For 
Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  2  votes.  Whole  number  of  votes 
cast,  -465;  necessary  to  a  choice,  233. 

The  Chair  announced  that  no  candidate  having  received  a  ma- 
jority of  all  the  votes  cast,  there  was  no  nomination,  and  the 
Convention  would  proceed  to  a  third  ballot,  which  was  then 
taken,  as  follows : 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  153 

THIRD  BALLOT. 


"E          ./          -J         -r          ?  5 

STATES. 

s        ~.       2        =       ~        *       s. 

S     «     5     a    a     a     - 

Maine  ................................................    10       ..       ..        6 

New  Hampshire  .....................................      l       ..       ..        9 

Vermont  ....................................  ...............        10 

Massachusetts  ......................................    IS       ...          8       .. 

Bhode  Island  ...................  ...................      1       ..         1        5        1        . 

Connecticut  ..........................................      1424..         .        1 

New   Vi-.rlc   ...........................................     70         ........... 

New    Ji-t-.-v  ..........................................      5        ....          8        ...        1 

Pennsylvania  ..............................................        52         2 

Maryland  .........................................      2        ....         9 

Delaware  ..................................................          6 

Virginia  ............................................      8        ..        ..        14 

Kentucky  ...........................................      6  4        13 

Oliio  ...................................................  15       29         2 

Indiana  .....................................................        26 

M:—  iourl  ............................................        18        ...... 

Michigan  ...........................................     ]•_'  ...... 

Illinois  .....................................................        22        ...... 

Texu-  .............................................      6        ............ 

\Vi-.-un~iii  .........................................      10        ............ 

Iowa  ...............................................      2        ..  4      5'4     ..... 

California  .........     .................................      8        ............ 

Minnesota  ..........................................      8        ............ 

Oregon  ..............................................      J        ..        ..         4        ...... 

TKRRITOKIK- 
Kansas  ................................................      6        ..        .          ........ 

Nebra-ka  ........................................      3  2          1         ...... 

District  of  Colombia  ................................     2       ............ 

Total  ........................................  ..180       22       24",  23Ui      5         1         I 

The  progress  of  the  ballot  was  watched  with  most  intense 
interest,  especially  toward  the  last,  the  crowd  becoming  silent  as 
the  contest  narrowed  down,  when,  before  the  result  was  an- 
nounced, 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  said,  1  arise,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  announce 
the  change  of  four  votes  of  Ohio  from  Mr.  Chase  to  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

This  announcement,  giving  Mr.  Lincoln  a  majority,  was  greeted 
by  the  audience  with  the  most  enthusiastic  and  thundering  ap- 
plause. The  entire  crowd  rose  to  their  feet,  applauding  raptur- 
ously, the  ladies  waving  their  handkerchiefs,  the  men  waving 
and  throwing  up  their  hats  by  thousands,  cheering  again  and 
again.  The  applause  was  renewed  and  repeated  for  many  min- 
utes. At  last,  partial  silence  having  been  restored,  with  many 
gentlemen  striving  to  get  the  floor, 

Mr.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  Mr.  Chairman,  has  the  vote  been  de- 
claredr 

THE  CHAIR—  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  sought  an  op- 
portunity some  time  since,  and  before  finishing  the  roll  call  of 
the  States,  at  the  direction  of  many  of  m}-  associates  of  the  Mas- 


154  THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 

sachusetts  delegation,  to  correct  their  vote.  I  am  instructed  to 
report  that  the  vote  from  Massachusetts  stands:  for  Abraham 
Lincoln,  18  ;  for  William  H.  Seward,  8.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  McCrills,  of  Maine,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  young  giant  of  the 
West  has  become  of  age.  He  is  21  years  old.  [Loud  cries  of 
"order."]  Maine  gives  her  vote  unanimously  in  favor  of  Lincoln. 
[Renewed  applause.] 

Mr.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  desire  to  correct  the  vote  of 
Pennsylvania.  In  the  haste  of  taking  so  large  a  number  of  dele- 
gates, it  was  not  taken  as  they  desire,  and  they  wish  me  to 
announce  it  as,  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  53 ;  for  John  McLean,  12;  for 
Wm.  H.  Seward,  i2- 

Mr.  Rollins,  of  New  Hampshire,  I  desire  to  correct  the  vote  of 
New  Hampshire.  New  Hampshire  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln  10 
votes.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Eames,  of  Rhode  Island,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  now  to 
announce  that  Rhode  Island  casts  8  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Mr.  Welles,  of  Connecticut, Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  requested  to  state 
that  the  vote  of  Connecticut  is  8  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  2  for  Sal- 
mon P.  Chase — the  rest  as  before  given. 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  am  reqviested  by  the  delegation  from 
Ohio  to  now  present  their  unanimous  vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln, 
46  votes.  [Great  applause.] 

At  this  time  there  was  great  confusion.  A  salute  was  fired 
without,  and  responded  to  within  the  wigwam  by  vociferous 
cheers.  A  life  size  photograph  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  brought 
upon  the  platform,  and  the  audience  greeted  the  sight  with  rap- 
turous and  long  continued  cheering. 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Missouri,  I  am  instructed  to  cast  the  entire  vote 
of  Missouri — 18  votes— for  that  gallant  son  of  the  West,  Abraham 
Lincoln.  [Great  enthusiasm.] 

A  Delegate  from  Iowa,  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegation  from 
Iowa,  to  change  their  vote,  and  make  it  unanimous  for  Lincoln. 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  Gallagher,  of  Kentucky,  Mr.  President,  Kentucky  came 
here,  not  to  obtrude,  but  to  sanction  the  expression  that  is  now 
indicated,  and  casts  a  full  vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  [Loud 
cheers.] 

Mr.  North,  of  Minnesota,  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegation 
from  Minnesota,  to  make  it  unanimous  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

A  delegate  from  Virginia — The  delegation  from  Virginia  ask  to 
have  their  full  vote  recorded  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Tracy,  of  California,  I  am  directed  by  the  delegation  of  Cali- 
fornia to  change  five  votes  in  favor  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  making 
her  vote  5  to  3. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  i860,  1864.  i.v> 

Mr.  Fitch,  of  Texas,  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegation  of  Texas 
to  have  her  vote  recorded  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Wyse,  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  I  am  authorized  to 
change  the  vote  of  the  District  of  Columbia  from  \Vm.  H.  Seward 
to  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

Mr.  Wilder,  of  Kansas,  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegation  from 
Kansas  to  change  her  vote  to  the  gallant  disciple  of  the  "  irre- 
pressible conflict,"  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Webster,  of  Nebraska,  Nebraska  casts  her  unanimous  vote 
for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

A  Delegate  from  Oregon — Oregon  also  casts  her  unanimous 
vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  vote  was  then  announced  by  the'  Secretary  as  follows: 
Whole  number  of  votes  cast,  466  ;  necessary  to  a  choice,  234. 

For  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  304  votes. 

THE  CHAIR — Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  is  selected  as  your 
candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States.  [Thunders  of  ap- 
plause and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Evarts,  Chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation,  then  took 
the  stand  and  said 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention: The  State  of  New  York,  by  a  full  delegation,  with  com- 
plete unanimity  of  purpose  at  home,  came  to  this  Convention  and 
presented  to  its  choice  one  of  its  citizens,  who  had  served  the 
State  from  boyhood  up,  who  had  labored  for  and  loved  it.  We 
came  from  a  great  State,  with,  as  we  thought,  a  great  Statesman 
(prolonged  cheers),  and  our  love  of  the  great  Republic  from 
which  we  are  all  delegates,  the  great  American  Union,  and  our 
love  of  the  great  Republican  party  of  the  Union,  and  our  love  of 
our  Statesman  and  candidate,  made  us  think  that  we  did  our  duty 
to  the  country  and  the  whole  country,  in  expressing  our  prefer- 
ence and  love  for  him.  (Loud  cheers.)  For,  gentlemen,  it  was 
from  Gov.  Seward  that  most  of  us  learned  to  love  Republican 
principles  and  the  Republican  party.  (Renewed  cheers.)  His 
fidelity  to  the  country,  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  his  fidelity 
to  the  part}-  and  the  principle  that  the  majority  govern,  his  inter- 
est in  the  advancement  of  our  party  to  its  victor}-,  that  our  coun- 
try may  rise  to  its  true  glory,  induces  me  to  assume  to  speak  his 
sentiments  as  I  do  indeed  the  opinions  of  our  delegation,  when  I 
move  you.  as  I  do  now,  that  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois,  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  suffrages  of  the 
whole  country  for  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  American 
Union,  he  made  unanimous.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.] 

Several  speakers  then  attempted  to  get  the  floor,  which  was  ac- 
corded to  Mr.  Andrew,  Chairman  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation. 
He  said: 

Mr.  President,  Gentlemen  of    the  Republican    National  Conven- 
tion and  Fellow  Citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

I  am  deputed  by  the  united  voice  of  the  Massachusetts  delega- 
tion to  second  the  motion  just  proposed  by  the  distinguished 
citizen  of  New  York,  who  represents  the  delegation  of  that  noble 


ir*;  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

state.  I  second  that  motion,  therefore,  in  the  name  of  Massachu- 
setts, that  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  be  made  unani- 
mous. [Loud  cheers.]  Gentlemen,  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
hold  in  their  heart  of  hearts,  next  to  their  reverence  and  love  for 
the  Christian  faith,  their  reverence  and  love  for  the  doctrine  of 
•equal  and  impartial  liberty.  [Renewed  cheers.]  We  are  Republi- 
cans by  a  hundred  thousand  majority  of  the  old  stamp  of  the 
revolution.  [Cheers.]  We  have  come  up  here — the  delegation 
from  Massachusetts — from  the  ground  where  on  Bunker's  Hill 
the  Yankees  of  New  England  met  the  deadlj-  fire  of  Britain.  We 
have  come  from  Concord,  where  was  spilled  the  first  blood  of  the 
revolution;  from  Lexington,  where  its  embattled  farmers  fired  a 
shot  that  was  heard  around  the  world.  We  have  come  from 
Faneuil  Hall,  where  spoke  the  patriots  and  sages,  and  soldiers  of 
the  earliest  and  best  days  of  American  history,  where  our  fathers 
heard  propounded  those  doctrines  and  principles  of  liberty  and 
human  equality  which  found  their  enunciation  and  exposition  in 
the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts,  and  by  which,  under  judicial 
decision,  human  slavery  was  banished  from  the  venerable  soil  of 
that  ancient  commonwealth,  before  the  colonies  were  a  united 
people.  [Cheers.]  We  have  come  from  the  shadows  of  the  old 
South  Church,  where  American  liberty  was  baptized  in  the  waters 
of  religion.  [Loud  applause.]  We  hold  the  purpose  firm  and 
strong,  as  we  have  through  the  tedious  struggle  of  years  now 
gone  by,  to  rescue,  before  we  die,  the  holy  ark  of  American  liberty 
from  the  grasp  of  the  Philistines  who  hold  it.  Yes,  sir,  whether 
in  the  majority,  or  without  the  majority  of  the  American  people, 
there  we  stand.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.]  Whether  in  victory,  or  in 
defeat,  there  we  stand,  and,  as  said  the  apostle,  "having  done  all, 
still  there  we  will  stand,  and  because  of  our  love  and  of  our  faith." 
The  affection  of  our  hearts  and  the  judgment  of  our  intellects 
bound  our  political  fortunes  to  William  Henrj'  Seward,  of  New 
York  [cheers];  him,  who  is  the  brightest  and  most  shining  light 
of  this  political  generation  [applause  and  cheers];  him,  who,  by 
the  unanimous  selection  of  the  foes  of  our  cause  and  our  men, 
has  for  years  been  the  determined  standard-bearer  of  liberty, 
William  H.  Seward.  [Loud  cheers.]  Whether  in  the  legislature 
of  his  native  State  of  New  York,  whether  as  governor  of  that 
young  and  growing  imperial  commonwealth,  whether  as  senator 
of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  tribune  of  the  people,  ever  faithful, 
ever  true.  [Cheers.]  In  the  thickest  and  the  hottest  of  every 
battle  there  waved  the  white  plume  of  the  gallant  leader  of  New 
York.  [Cheers.]  And,  gentlemen,  by  no  hand  of  Massachusetts 
was  it  for  him  to  be  stricken  down.  Dearly  as  we  love  triumph 
we  are  used  to  momentary  defeat,  because  we  are  right;  and  what- 
ever storms  assail  our  ship  before,  in  whatever  gales  she  may 
reel  and  quake,  we  know  that  if  the  bark  sinks  it  is  but  to  another 
sea.  We  know  that  this  cause  of  ours  is  bound  to  triumph,  and 
that  the  American  people  will,  one  day,  be  convinced,  if  not  in 
I860,  that  the  path  of  duty  and  patriotism  leads  in  the  direction  of 
the  Republican  cause.  It  was  not  for  us  to  strike  down  William 
Henry  Seward,  of  New  York.  But  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen. 
as  we  love  the  cause,  and  as  we  respect  our  own  convictions,  and 
as  we  mean  to  be  faithful  to  the  only  organization  on  earth  which 
is  in  the  van  of  the  cause  of  freedom,  so  do  we,  with  entire  fidelity 
of  heart,  with  entire  concurrence  of  judgment,  with  the  firmest 
and  most  fixed  purpose  of  our  will,  adopt  the  opinion  of  the  ma- 


.NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  i:>7 

jority  of  the  Convention  of  delegates,  to  which  the  American 
people  have  assigned  the  duty  of  selection;  and  as  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois,  is  the  choice  of  the  National  Republican  Conven- 
tion, Abraham  Lincoln  is  at  this  moment  the  choice  of  the 
Republicans  of  Massachusetts.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.)  \\Y\vheel 
into  line  as  one  man,  and  we  will  roll  up  our  100.000  majoritj',  and 
we  will  give  you  our  13  electoral  votes,  and  we  will  show  you  that 
the  "irrepressible  conflict"  is  the  "manifest  destiny"  of  the  Demo- 
cracy. [Cheers.]  The  Republican  party  is  to-day  gentlemen,  the 
only  united  national  party  in  America.  It  is  the  cause  of  liberty. 
By  universal  concession,  it  is  the  cause  of  the  Union,  as  it  is  the 
only  party  in  the  nation  which  stands  by  the  Union  and  holds  no 
secessionists  in  its  ranks.  Now,  since  the  result  (if  it  may  In- 
called  a  result),  is  known  of  the  Convention  at  Charleston',  the 
Democratic  party  is  the  only  secession  party  in  existence.  That 
Democracy,  which  with  proud  defiance,  has  arrogated  constant 
title  of  "National,"  exists  only  to-day  in  two  sect  ions,  one  of  which 
ir-  absolutely  devoted  to  slavery, and  theother  of  which  is  opposed 
to  liberty.  [Loud  cheers  and  laughter.]  Against  that  party.  Mr. 
President  and  gentlemen,  and  against  all  those  who  hold  its 
dogmas,  or  preach  its  heresies,  with  whatever  associates,  and 
under  whatever  lead.  Massachusetts  comes  into  the  line,  and 
under  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  we  are  bound  to  march  with 
you  to  victory.  [Tremendous  cheers.] 

Mr.  Carl  Schurz,  Mr.  President,  I  am  commissioned  by  the  dele- 
gation of  Wisconsin  to  second  the  motion  made  by  the  disting- 
uished gentleman  from  New  York.  The  delegates  of  Wisconsin 
were  instructed  to  cast  their  votes  unanimously  for  William  H. 
Seward,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  the  instructions  we  re- 
ceived added  but  solemn  obligations  to  the  spotaneous  impulses 
of  our  hearts.  [Great  applause.]  It  would  be  needless  to  say 
anything  of  Mr.  Seward.  His  claims  stand  recorded  in  the  annals 
of  the  country,  and  they  are  reported  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
He  needs  no  eulogy  here,  and  my  voice  can  add  nothing  to  so 
powerful  a  testimony.  We,  gentlemen,  went  for  him  because  we 
considered  him  foremost  among  the  best,  and  to  whatever  may  be 
said  in  his  praise  I  will  add  but  one  thing.  I  know  I  am  speaking 
in  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Seward,  when  I  say  that  this  ambition  will  be 
satisfied  with  the  success  of  the  cause  which  was  the  dream  of 
his  youth,  and  to  which  he  has  devoted  all  the  days  of  his  man- 
hood, even  if  the  name  of  Wm.  H.  Seward  should  remain  in  his- 
tory, an  instance  of  the  highest  merit,  uncrowned  with  the  highest 
honor.  [Loud  cheers.]  We  stood  by  Mr.  Seward  to  the  last,  and  I 
tell  you  we  stand  by  him  yet,  in  support  of  Abraham  Lincoln, of 
Illinois.  [Applause.]  With  the  platform  we  adopted  yesterday, 
and  with  the  candidate  who  so  fairly  represents  it,  as  Mr.  Lincoln 
does,  we  defy  all  the  passion  and  prejudice  that  may  be  invoked 
against  us  by  our  opponents.  We  defy  the  whole  slave  power 
and  the  whole  vassalage  of  hell.  [Cheers  universally  prevailing.] 
Aye,  and  let  them  bring  on  their  "Little  Giant"  himself.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

Again,  do  we  stand  by  Mr.  Seward  as  we  did  before,  for  we  know 
that  he  will  be  at  the  head  of  our  column,  joining  in  the  battle 
cry  that  unites  us  now,  "Lincoln  and  Victory."  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Austin  Blair,  of  Michigan,  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 
Like  my  friend  who  as  just  taken  his  seat,  the  State  of  Michigan, 
from  first  to  last,  has  cast  her  vote  for  the  great  statesman  of 


158  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

New  York.  She  has  nothing  to  take  back.  She  has  not  sent  me 
forward  to  worship  the  rising-  sun,  but  she  has  put  me  forward  to 
say  that,  at  your  behests  here  to-day,  she  lays  down  her  first,  best 
loved  candidate  to  take  up  yours,  with  some  beating  of  the  heart, 
with  some  quivering  in  the  veins  [much  applause];  but  she  does 
not  fear  that  the  fame  of  Seward  will  suffer,  for  she  knows  that  his 
name  is  a  portion  of  the  history  of  the  American  Union;  it  will  be 
written,  and  read,  and  beloved  long  after  the  temporary  excite- 
ment of  this  day  has  passed  away,  and  when  presidents  themselves 
are  forgotten  in  the  oblivion  which  comes  over  all  temporal 
things.  We  stand  by  him  still.  We  have  followed  him  with  a 
single  eye  and  unwavering  faith  in  times  past.  We  marshal  now 
behind  him  in  the  grand  column  which  shall  go  out  to  battle  for 
Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

Mark,  you.  what  has  obtained  to-day  will  obtain  in  November 
next.  Lincoln  will  be  elected  by  the  people.  We  say  of  our  can- 
didate, God  bless  his  magnanimous  soul.  [Tremendous  applause.) 
I  promise  you  that  in  the  State  of  Michigan,  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent,  where  the  Republican  party  from  the  days  of 
its  organization  to  this  hour,  never  suffered  a  single  defeat,  we 
will  give  you  for  the  gallant  son  of  Illinois,  and  glorious  standard- 
bearer  of  the  West,  a  round  twenty-five  thousand  majority. 

Mr.  Evarts,  I  have  no  desire  to  cut  short  any  speeches  of  a 
general  character  that  are  desired  to  be  made,  but  I  would  sug- 
gest to  the  Convention  that  we  have  perhaps  given  a  liberal  share 
of  our  time  to  this  enthusiasm  at  this  stage  of  our  duty.  I  rise, 
merely  to  make  a  suggestion  and  a  motion  in  regard  to  the  sub- 
ject of  Vice-President  and  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention. 
Will  the  Convention  allow  me  to  do  so? 

Mr.  Judd,  Illinois  desires  to  respond  by  Mr.  Browning  for  a  few 
moments. 

Mr,  Evarts,  I  did  not  exactly  understand  the  nature  of  my 
friend's  suggestion,  but  I  suppose  from  what  has  passed  between 
him  and  me  that  I  gather  his  purpose,  and  if  he  proposes  to  do 
it  now  before  I  make  my  business  motions,  it  is  all  the  same  to 
me.  [Voices — "Go  on."]  If  I  go  on  he  can  have  an  spportunity 
to  say  what  he  wishes  to  say  afterwards. 

Now  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  half  past  one  o'clock,  and  I  think  we 
require  as  much  time  as  from  now  till  five  o'clock,  on  the  rise  of 
this  Convention.  I  would  suggest,  if  no  more  desirable  or  rapid 
plan  can  be  suggested,  that  the  chairman  of  each  delegation, 
states  and  territories,  here  present,  meet  at  some  hour  in  the  in- 
terval, at  the  headquarters  of  the  New  York  delegation  at  the 
Richmond  House.  Is  that  agreeable  and  convenient?  [Voices — 
"Agreed."]  I  would  suggest  then  that  they  should  meet  at  that 
place  as  early  as  three  o'clock.  Is  that  suitable?  [Voices — "Yes," 
and  "All  right."] 

Then  allow  me  to  say  to  my  own  delegation  that  I  wish  they 
would  meet  at  the  same  place,  the  headquarters  of  our  delegation, 
at  the  Richmond  House,  immediately  after  the  adjournment  of 
the  Convention. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS- -ixv>.  ISGO,  1864.  159 

I  move,  sir.  now,  that  this  Convention  adjourn  to  meet  at  five 
o'clock,  and  that  the  balloting-  for  Vice-President  be  laid  over 
during-  recess. 

Carried  noni.  con. 

Mr.  Evarts,  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  allow  me  to  say  that  1  have  been 
in  error  or  out  of  order  all  the  while,  and  you  with  me  also.  The 
motion  that  I  made  that  the  nomination  l-e  made  unanimous  has 
not  yet  been  put.  I  suppose  the  observations  of  my  friend  from 
Illinois  are  in  order. 

THE  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  begs  leave  to  state  that  the  gentle- 
maii  has  not  been  out  of  order.  Mr.  Browning-,  of  Illinois,  will 
now  take  the  floor. 

ILLINOIS  RESPONDS. 

Mr.  Browning1,  of  Illinois,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention:  On  behalf  of  the  Illinois  delegation,  I  have  been  re- 
quested to  make  some  proper  response  to  the  speeches  that  we 
have  heard  from  our  friends  of  the  other  states.  Illinois  ought 
hardl}-  on  this  occasion  to  be  expected  io  make  a  speech,  or  be 
called  upon  to  do  so.  We  are  so  much  elated  at  present  that  we 
are  scarcely  in  a  condition  to  collect  our  own  thoughts,  or  to 
express  them  intelligentlj"  to  those  who  may  listen  to  us. 

I  desire  to  say,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  that  in  the  contest 
through  which  we  have  just  passed,  we  have  been  actuated  by  no 
feeling  of  hostility  to  the  illustrious  statesman  from  New  York, 
who  was  in  competition  with  our  own  loved  and  gallant  son.  We 
were  actuated  solely  by  a  desire  for  the  certain  advancement  of 
Republicanism.  The  Republicans  of  Illinois,  believing  that  the 
principles  of  the  Republican  party  are  the  same  principles  which 
embalmed  the  hearts  and  nerved  the  arms  of  our  patriot  sires  of 
the  revolution;  that  they  are  the  saiue  principles  which  were 
vindicated  upon  every  battlefield  of  American  freedom,  were  ac- 
tuated solely  by  the  conviction  that  the  triumph  of  these  princi- 
ples was  necessary  not  only  to  the  salvation  of  our  party,  but  to 
the  perpetuation  of  the  free  institutions  whose  blessings  we  now 
enjoy,  and  we  have  struggled  against  the  nomination  of  the  illus- 
trious statesman  of  New  York  solely  because  we  believed  here 
that  we  could  go  into  battle  on  the  prairies  of  Illinois  with  more 
hope  and  more  prospect  of  success  under  the  leadership  of  our 
own  noble  son.  No  Republican  who  has  a  love  of  freedom  in  his 
heart,  and  who  has  marked  the  course  of  Governor  Seward,  of 
New  York,  in  the  councils  of  our  nation,  who  has  witnessed  the 
many  occasions  upon  which  he  has  risen  to  the  very  height  of 
moral  sublimity  in  his  conflicts  with  the  enemies  of  free  institu- 
tions, no  heart  that  has  the  love  of  freedom  in  it  and  has  wit- 
nessed these  great  conflicts  of  his,  can  do  otherwise  than  venerate 
his  name  on  this  occasion.  I  desire  to  say  only,  that  the  hearts 
of  Illinois  are  to-day  filled  with  emotions  of  gratification,  for 
which  they  have  no  utterance.  We  are  not  more  overcome  by  the 
triumph  of  our  noble  Lincoln,  loving  him  as  we  do,  knowing  the 
purity  of  his  past  life,  the  integrity  of  his  character,  and  devotion 
to  the  principles  of  our  party,  and  the  gallantry  with  which  we 
will  be  conducted  through  this  contest,  than  we  are  by  the  mag- 
namity  of  our  friends  of  the  great  and  glorious  State  of  New  York 
in  moving  to  make  this  nomination  unanimous.  On  behalf  of  the 


160  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

delegation  from  Illinois,  for  the  Republican  party  of  this  great 
and  growing-  prarie  state,  I  return  to  all  our  friends,  New  York 
included,  our  heartfelt  thanks  and  gratitude  for  the  nomination 
of  this  Convention.     [Applause.] 
The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  five  o'clock  p.  m. 

AFTERNOON   SESSION. 

The  Convention  re-assembled  and  was  called  to  order  by  the 
President  at  5  o'clock. 

The  Chair  announced  that  the  first  business  in  order  was  to 
proceed  to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States. 

Mr.  Wilder,  of  Kansas,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  behalf  of  the  Kansas 
delegation,  I  am  commissioned  to  nominate  John  Hickman,  of 
Pennsylvania,  as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  the 
office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  [Loud  and  pro- 
longed applause.] 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  will  present  the  name  of  Senator  Hanni- 
bal Hamlin,  of  Maine.  [Great  cheering.] 

Mr.  Lewis,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  second  the  nomination  of  John 
Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  President,  in  behalf  of  a 
large  majority  of  the  delegation  from  Massachusetts,  and  in  be- 
half, I  believe,  of  a  great  majority  of  the  people  of  that  Common- 
wealth and  New  England,  I  present  the  name  of  the  iron  man  of 
Massachusetts,  Nathaniel  P.  Banks.  [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  in  behalf  of  a  large  number  of 
the  Indiana  delegation,  I  present  the  name  of  the  gallant  son  of 
Kentucky,  Cassius  M.  Clay.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.] 

A  delegate  at  the  north  end  of  the  platform,  with  all  1113-  heart  I 
second  the  nomination  of  Cash.  Clay. 

Mr.  Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  nominate  Andrew 
H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  Governor  of  Kansas.  [Loud  ap- 
plause.] 

The  Convention  then  proceeded  to  ballot  as  follows : 

FIRST  BALLOT  FOR   VICE-PRESIDENT. 


STATES. 


Maine  ............................................  16 

New  Hampshire  ................................  10 

Vermont  .........................................  10 

Massachusetts  ............................       20        1         1  1 

Rhode  Island  ...................................  8 

Connecticut  ............................      21..         25 

New  York  ...............................      9        4        2       11  35 

New  Jersey  ............................      1        ..         7  6 

Pennsylvania  ...................  ........      4'/i      2V4    24         7  11 


NATIONAL  Cox\  HXTIOXS  -1856,  1860,  1861. 


1G1 


STATES. 

• 
Maryland      

| 

5 
98 

•n 

» 

0 

Hanks. 

Reeder. 

a 
- 

M 
o 

1 

,  il.niilin 
Heed. 

II.Wi.lt,  .  !);,> 

Dayton. 

Houslmi 

Delaware  

K 

1 

•) 

Virginia 

>VJ 

Kentucky  

-j;{ 

Ohio    

M 

Indiana  

18 

V 

M  i-souri         

9 

i) 

Michigan  

4 

B 

Illinois         ..              

2 

10 

.1 

Te  \  a  s  

5 

Wisconsin                      ..  .. 

5 

5 

Iowa          

1 

1 

o 

California  

8 

Minnesota             

l 

1 

o 

Oregon    

1 

3 

1 

TKIUUTOKIES. 
Kansas    

| 

Nei)ra-!\a.               

1 

Di-l  rict  of  Columbia... 

2 

Total  ...............................  101^    38'i    51        58      194         1         8         3         t> 

Tin-;  CHAIR  (the  result  having-  been  announced)  —  No  one  hav- 
ing rvo>ived  a  majority,  the  roll  will  be  called  again  for  a  second 
ballot. 

THE  SECOND  BALLOT. 

The  Convention  then  proceeded  to  a  second  ballot,  which  re- 
sulted as  follows  : 


STATES. 


Il 


Maim-  ........................ 

New  Hampshire  .............. 

Vermont 

Massacl  in  -cits 

Rhode  Island 

Conner  tie  ut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Maryland 

Delaware 

Virginia 

Kentucky 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Missouri 

Mii-hiiran 

Illinois 

Texas 

Wisconsin 

Iowa 

California 

Minnesota 

Oregon 

TEKIUTOIUES. 
Kansas 
Nebraska 
District  of  Columbia 


amlin. 

IB 
10 
10 
28 

8 
10 
70 
14 
54 
10 

6 


Clay.    Hickman. 


46 
12 
13 

& 
20 


Total 
1  1 


357 


23 
23 

14 
5 
4 

2 

5 
1 


86 


162  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

WITHDRAWALS,  ETC. 

Mr.  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  the  State  of  Massachusetts  with- 
draws her  vote  for  Mr.  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  and  casts  her  vote  for 
Mr.  Hamlin. 

Mr.  Kelly,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  withdraw- 
ing- the  name  of  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania. 

GREETINGS. 

THE  CHAIR — We  have  a  dispatch  from  Detroit,  which  I  wish  to 
read: 

To  the  Republican  Convention  assembled  in  the  Republican 
Wigwam  at  Chicago,  greeting: 

One  hundred  guns  are  now  being  fired  in  honor  of  the  nomina- 
tion of  Lincoln.  [Immense  applause.] 

THE  RESULT. 

THE  PRESIDENT — The  result  of  the  last  ballot,  gentlemen,  I  will 
now  announce.  There  were  cast  466  votes;  234  are  necessary  for  a 
choice.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  has  received  357  votes,  and 
is  nominated  as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  Vice- 
President. 

Mr.  Blakey,  of  Kentucky,  in  behalf  of  the  friends  of  that  gallant 
son  of  freedom,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  I  move  that  the  nomination  of 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  be  made  unanimous,  and  in  retiring 
from  this  Convention  at  its  close,  allow  me  to  return  to  those  who 
have  honored  him  with  their  votes,  an  assurance  of  his  regards; 
assuring  them  at  the  same  time  that  in  casting  their  votes  for 
that  gallant  son,  they  have  voted  for  a  man  whose  only  crime  has 
been  that  he  has  rolled  freedom  as  a  sweet  morsel  under  his 
tongue,  while  on  his  lips  liberty  has  loved  to  linger.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Curtis,  of  New  York,  three  cheers  for  Cassius  M.  Clay. 

The  call  was  promptly  responded  to. 

THE  CHAIR — It  has  been  moved  and  seconded  that  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Hamlin  be  made  unanimous. 

Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  as  I  had  the  honor  of  presenting  to  this 
Convention  the  name  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  as  a  can- 
didate for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  I  deefn  it  proper 
that  I  should  second  the  motion  made  by  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky,  to  make  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin  unanimous. 

In  seconding  this  motion  I  beg  leave  to  state  that  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Republicans  of  the  State  which  I  in  part  represent, 
there  is  no  one  of  the  many  distinguished  advocates  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  no  one  of  that  illustrious  band  who  are  contend- 
ing for  the  principle  of  freedom,  who  is  more  endeared  to  the 
great  heart  of  the  Republicans  of  this  country,  than  is  Cassius 
M.  Clay. 


NATIOXAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1863,  186L  163 

It  is  a  very  easy  matter  for  us  who  live  upon  soil  unstained  by 
slavery;  who  breathe  the  free  air  of  States  where  the  manacles  of 
the  slave  are  never  seen,  and  their  wailings  are  never  heard,  to 
advocate  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party;  but,  gentlemen, 
to  advocate  those  principles  upon  the  soil  of  slavery  itself,  in  the 
very  face  and  shadows  of  their  altars  and  false  gods,  requires  a 
degree  of  moral  heroism  of  which  but  few  of  us  can  boast. 

I  have  an  assurance  that  this  cause  will  triumph,  and  that  the 
flag-  of  freedom  will  wave  in  triumph  over  the  land.  [Loud  ap- 
plause.] Let  me  assure  you,  gentlemen,  when  that  cause  shall  be 
borne  aloft  in  triumph,  and  its  glorious  folds  shall  be  expanded 
to  the  wings  of  heaven,  you  will  see  inscribed  upon  its  brightest 
folds  in  characters  of  living-  light,  the  name  of  Cassius  M.  Clay. 
[Great  applause.] 

We  have  now  completed  the  great  work  for  which  we  assembled 
here.  We  have  presented  to  this  country  a  ticket  which  will  com- 
mand the  love  and  admiration  of  Republicans  everywhere,  and 
the  respect  and  esteem  of  the  entire  country.  [Applause.]  In 
leaving  this  fair  State,  and  this  large  and  enthusiastic  assembly. 
I  shall  leave  it  with  an  abiding  confidence  that  that  ticket  will  be 
triumphant;  for  let  me  assure  you  that,  with  the  gallant  son  of 
Illinois  as  our  standard-bearer;  with  the  platform  which  we  have 
adopted;  with  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Maine  as  the  sec- 
ond in  command,  I  feel  that  we  stand  upon  a  rock,  and  the  gates 
of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it. 

In  behalf  of  1113'  friends  of  Indiana,  I  would  say  that  any  efforts 
which  we  have  made  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois,  we  have  been  animated  by  no  feeling  of  animos- 
ity toward  the  distinguished  son  of  New  York,  for  in  no  single 
State  of  the  Union  is  the  name  of  William  H.  Seward  more  highly 
honored  than  in  Indiana.  [Applause.]  We  would  not,  if  we 
could,  pluck  one  leaf  from  the  laurel  that  adorns  his  brow;  we 
would  not  tarnish  one  letter  in  the  history  which  will  render  his 
name  illustrious  in  all  coming  time.  It  is  not  that  we  have  loved 
Seward  less,  but  because  we  have  loved  the  great  Republican 
cause  more. 

Thirty  years  ago  on  the  Southern  frontier  of  Indiana  might 
have  been  seen  a  humble,  ragged  boy,  bare  footed,  driving  his 
oxen  through  the  hills,  and  he  has  elevated  himself  to  the  pin- 
nacle which  has  now  presented  him  as  the  candidate  of  this  con- 
vention. It  is  an  illustration  of  that  spirit  of  enterprise  which 
characterizes  the  West,  and  every  western  heart  will  throb  with 
joy  when  the  name  of  Lincoln  shall  be  presented  to  them  as  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  [Great  and  long  continued 
applause.] 

In  conclusion  I  assure  you  that  the  Republican  flag  will  wave 
in  triumph  upon  the  soil  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  McCrillis,  of  Maine — Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention:  I  will  detain  you  but  a  single  moment.  I  wish  in 
the  first  place  to  make  an  acknowledgment  in  behalf  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Maine,  for  the  honor  that  this  Convention  has  conferred 
upon  them  by  selecting  one  of  her  distinguished  sons  for  the 
candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
Mr.  President,  the  people  of  Maine  were  the  ardent  admirers  and 
friends  of  William  H.  Seward.  [Applause  and  cheers.]  They  be- 
lieved that  the  candidate  which  this  Convention  would  nominate 
would  surely  be  the  next  President  of  these  United  States,  and 


l&t  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN- 

they  charged  their  delegation  that  above  all  things  they  should 
select  a  man  loyal  to  the  spirit  of  human  liberty — loyal  to  the 
spirit  of  free  government,  loyal  to  the  principles  upon  which  our 
fathers  laid  deep  the  foundations  of  this  great  empire — loyal  to 
the  Constitution  and  loyal  to  the  Union  of  these  States.  And, 
Mr.  Chairman,  they  believe  that  in  the  person  of  Wm.  H.  Seward, 
the  great  Senator  of  New  York,  all  these  great  qualities  were  com- 
bined in  addition  to  his  eminent  and  distinguished  services  to 
the  Republican  casue,  and  his  exalted  statesmanship.  [Loud 
cheers.] 

Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  however  earn- 
est we  may  have  been  in  pressing  the  claims  of  our  particular 
candidates,  when  the  President  of  the  Convention  announced  the 
result,  all  partisan  feelings  and  differences  subsided  and  we 
stood  together  as  a  band  of  brethren,  as  a  united  phalanx.  And 
when  the  electric  spark  shall  convey  the  intelligence  of  the  nom- 
ination to  the  remotest  portions  of  this  Republic,  every  Republi- 
can will  stand  by  his  fellow,  forming  a  united  phalanx  and  elect 
the  nominee.  Illinois  and  Maine  are  not  only  sisters  in  the  great 
family  of  States,  they  are  not  only  sisters  under  the  Constitution — 
sisters  in  law,  but  they  are  by  kindred  and  by  blood.  Of  the  peo- 
ple of  New  England  thousands  upon  thousands  are  our  brethren 
and  sisters  who  have  emigrated  to  Illinois  and  are  scattered 
throughout  the  great  West.  And  here,  sir,  they  are  among  the 
living,  and  here  their  bones  repose  among  the  dead.  In  1856,  the 
man  who  is  now  your  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the 
United  States,  resigned  his  seat  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Commerce  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  was  nominated  for 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Maine.  Maine  led  the  van  in  the  conflict. 
In  September  of  that  year,  Maine  electrified  the  nation  by  a  vote 
of  20,000  majority.  She  led  the  van  in  that  great  fight.  She  was 
the  Star  in  the  East — the  bright  Star  that  illuminated  the  whole 
Northern  horizon;  she  was  the  Star  of  Hope — like  the  Star  of 
Bethlehem.  She  came  over  and  stood  by  the  cause  of  freedom 
with  her  young  and  gallant  leader.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  the 
people  of  Maine  well.  1  know  that  they  will  give  a  cordial  and 
united  support  of  this  ticket.  I  know  that  from  every  hill,  from 
every  valley,  and  every  mountain — along  her  rivers — along  her 
rock-bound  coast,  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  will  be 
hailed  with  one  spontaneous,  loud,  long  and  continued  shout  of 
enthusiasm  and  applause;  and  that  the  people  will  inscribe  on 
her  banner,  "Lincoln  and  Hamliu-  Union  and  Victory."  [Tum- 
ultuous applause.] 

The  motion  to  make  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin  unanimous 
was  then  put  to  vote,  and  carried  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm. 

[Loud  cries  of  "Corwin,"  "Corwin."] 

Mr.  Cartter,  of  Ohio,  I  desire  to  m.ake  an  apology  for  my  col- 
legue.  Mr.  Corwin  has  been  very  frequently  called  for  in  this 
assembly,  with  the  view  of  eliciting  a  response  from  him.  He  is 
how  lying  indisposed  upon  his  back  at  a  private  residence  in  this 
town,  and  he  requested  me  to  make  this  apology  if  he  should  be 
called  upon;  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  the  Republicans  here 
assembled  the  assurance  of  his  full  approbation  of  what  has 


.NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  16.1 

transpired  here;  and  the  further  assurance  of  his  labor  through- 
out this  campaign.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "good,"  "good," 
"Corwin  forever."] 

.Mr.  Tuck,  of  New  Hampshire,  Mr.  President,  I  offer  the  following 
resolution: 

AVso/rec/,  That  the  President  of  this  Convention,  and  tilt- 
chairmen  of  the  respective  delegations,  be  appointed  a  committee 
to  notify  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of 
Maine,  of  their  nomination  by  this  Convention  as  the  candidates 
of  the  Republican  part}',  for  the  offices,  respectively,  of  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

A  Delegate — I  move  to  amend  by  inserting  the  word  "unani- 
mous" before  "nomination." 

The  amendment  was  accepted  and  the  resolution  adopted 
unanimously. 

A  RESOLUTION. 

Mr.  Giddings.  of  Ohio,  I  offer  the  following  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  we  deeply  sympathize  with  those  men  who  have 
been  driven,  some  from  their  native  states  and  others  from  the 
states  of  their  adoption,  and  are  now  exiled  from  their  homes  on 
account  of  their  opinions;  and  we  hold  the  Democratic  party 
responsible  for  this  gross  violation  of  that  clause  of  the  Consti- 
tution which  declares  that  the  citizens  of  each  state  shall  be  en- 
titled to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the 
several  states. 

Resolution  adopted. 

Mr.  Lane  of  Indiana,  was  received  with  many  cheers.  Freemen 
of  the  United  States,  you  have  to-day  inaugurated  a  grand  work. 
No  event  in  the  history  of  the  United  States,  subsequent  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  is  more  sublime  and  impressive 
than  the  event  which  has  this  day  been  inaugurated  in  this  vast 
presence  of  the  freemen  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Into 
your  hands  this  day  is  placed  the  grand  responsibility  of  bearing 
the  torch  of  civilization  in  the  vanguard  of  freedom.  I  ask  you 
to  bear  it  aloft  and  upward  until  the  whole  world  shall  glow  with 
the  light  of  our  illumination.  My  fellow  citizens,  the  work  com- 
menced to-day  shall  go  on,  until  complete  victory  shall  await  our 
efforts  in  November. 

The  position  of  man}'  of  the  states  of  the  West  may  have  been 
misunderstood.  We  regard  to-day  William  H.  Seward  as  the 
grandest  representative  of  the  liberty-loving  instincts  of  the 
iiumaii  heart  who  exists  in  the  United  States.  In  our  heart  of 
hearts  we  love  him,  and  would  make  him  President  to-day  if  we 
had  the  power  to  do  so;  but  we  regard  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois, 
as  an  equally  orthodox  representative  of  Republican  principles, 
and  a  most  beautiful  illustration  of  the  power  of  free  institution^ 
and  the  doctrines  of  free  labor  in  the  United  States. 

My  fellow  citizens,  it  is  not  my  purpose  at  this  late  hour  further 
to  detain  you.  In  the  present  contest  is  involvednotonly  the  well- 
being,  but  the  very  existence  of  the  government  under  which  we 
live-.  I  ask  you  by  your  action  to  sternly  rebuke  the  disunion 
spirit  which  now  disgraces  the  politics  of  the  United  States,  and 


166  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

to  burn  hissing  hot  into  the  brazen  front  of  Southern  Democracy 
the  brand  of  disunion,  as  God  marked  Cain,  the  first  murderer. 
[Great  applause.] 

My  fellow  citizens,  I  find  myself  unable  after  the  eloquent  res- 
ponses to  which  you  have  listened  this  day,  to  express  to  you  the 
sentiments  which  are  in  my  heart.  Massachusetts  has  responded 
to  this  nomination;  old  Faneuil  Hall,  where  the  revolution  was 
born,  and  where  the  power  of  British  supremacy  was  made  to 
rock  and  reel  in  1779,  has  responded;  New  York,  the  Empire  State; 
the  noble  commonwealth  of  Kentucky;  the  grand  prairie  State  of 
Illinois;  and  Virginia,  the  mother  of  states,  have  responded.  We 
shake  hands  and  pledge  ourselves  to  labor  until  a  complete 
triumph  shall  await  our  efforts  in  November. 

My  fellow  citizens,  some  doubts  have  been  expressed  in  refer- 
ence to  Indiana.  I  pledge  Indiana  by  ten  thousand  majority. 
[Great  and  enthusiastic  applause.]  I  pledge  my  personal  honor 
for  the  redemption  of  that  state.  [Renewed  applause.] 

THE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  I  move  that  the  roll  be  called,  and  that 
each  delegation  appoint  a  member  of  the  National  Committee. 

The  roll  was  then  called  and  the  following  gentlemen  selected. 

Maine,  Charles  J.  Gilmati;  New  Hampshire,  George  D.  Frogg; 
Vermont,  Lawrence  Brainerd;  Massachusetts,  John  '/*.  Goodrich; 
Rhode  Island,  Thomas  G.  Turner;  Connecticut,  Gideon  Welles; 
New  York,  Edwin  D.  Morgan;  New  Jersey,  Denning  Duer;  Penn- 
sylvania, Edward  McPhersou;  Maryland,  James  F.  Wagner; 
Delaware,  N.  B.  Smithers;  Virginia,  Alfred  Caldwell;  Kentucky, 
Cassius  M.  Clay;  Ohio,  Thomas  Spooner;  Indiana,  Solomon 
Meredith;  Missouri,  Asa  S.  Jones;  Michigan,  Austin  Blair;  Illi- 
nois, Norman  B.  Judd;  Texas,  D.  Henderson;  Wisconsin,  Carl 
Schurz;  Iowa,  Andrew  J.  Stevens;  California,  D.  W.  Cheesman; 
Minnesota,  John  McKusick;  Oregon,  W.  E.  Johnson;  Kansas,  Win. 
A.  Phillips;  Nebraska,  O.  H.  Irish;  District  of  Columbia,  John 
Gerhard. 

Mr.  Goodrich,  of  Minnesota,  I  am  requested  to  state  to  this  Con- 
vention, and  to  the  citizens  and  strangers,  ladies  and  gentlemen 
in  attendance,  that  a  triumphal  procession  will  form  at  the  head 
of  Washington  street,  on  Michigan  avenue,  at  eight  o'clock  this 
evening;  and  will  march  thence  to  Lake  street,  thence  down  to 
Dearborn  street,  down  Dearborn  street  to  Randolph,  up  Randolph 
to  Franklin,  thence  to  Lake  street,  and  thence  to  this  Wigwam,  or 
Tabernacle,  where  delegations,  citizens  and  strangers  are  invited 
to  join  in  one  grand  ratification  of  the  nominations  made  here  to- 
day. [Applause.] 

A  Delegate — Mr.  President— 

•  Mr.  Goodrich,  I  am  yet  charged  with  other  matters.  Be  yet 
patient.  I  desire  now  to  offer  a  resolution  that  I  doubt  not  will 
meet  the  cordial  amen — [great  confusion  and  manifestations  of 
impatience  by  the  audience] — I  don't  like  to  speak  against  the 
noise — that  will  meet  the  cordial  approbation  of  every  gentleman 
in  this  Convention. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  107 

Resolved,  That  the  hospitality,  taste,  zeal  and  munificence  dis- 
played by  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  city  of  Chicago,  in  aid 
of  the  great  Republican  cause,  challenges  the  admiration,  and 
deserves  the  hearty  thanks  of  this  Convention,  and  of  the  party 
throughout  the  United  States.  [Great  applause.) 
The  resolution  was  adopted  unanimously. 

Mr.  Goodrich  (proceeding  without  having  resumed  his  seat),  one 
word  more,  Mr.  President- 
Several  delegates — Mr.  President  (the  audience  here  becaim-  im- 
patient and  the  speaker's  voice  was  lost  in  the  tumult.  Cries  of  "NO 
speech,"  "Read  your  resolution  and  sit  down,"  &c.) 

Mr.  Goodrich,  a  little  more  silence.  [Uproarious  and  derisive 
laughter.]  I  have  been  desired  to  say  that,  inasmuch  as  Minne- 
sota has  not  yet  responded  to  the  nominations  that  have  been 
made  to-day,  and  inasmuch  as  she  stood  up  to  the  last  moment 
for  New  York's  favorite  son  as  her  first  choice,  and  in  doing  that 
she  believed  she  was  doing  that  which  was  right;  yet,  she  bows 
to  the  will  of  the  majority;  and  I  am  prepared  to  say  that,  how- 
ever much  she  regrets  the  defeat  of  her  favorite  candidate,  the 
vote  of  Minnesota  at  the  polls  will  be  cast  for  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois  [applause,  "good,  good,"  and  cheers,"],  and  that,  though 
the  delegates  here  labored  for  their  first  choice,  yet  they  will  be 
found  laboring  with  equal  zeal  and  energy  for  the  nominee  of 
this  Convention.  One  word  more.  ["No,  no,"  "Dry  up."]  I  am 
not  in  the  habit  of  being  halloed  down,  even  by  opponents,  and 
certainly  not  by  friends,  and  the  friends  of  the  cause  that  I  claim 
to  be  an  humble  advocate  of. 

A  voice     1 1  you  are  our  friend  let  us  adjourn.    [Laughter.] 
Mr.  Goodrich,  the  representatives  from  Minnesota  feel  that  a 
seat  in  the  Presidential  chair  would  not  add  one  jot  to  the  stature 
of  William  H.  Seward.  Of  all  earthly  fame  has  he  seen  the  vanity. 
Lasting,  exalted  is  his  fame.     Whenever  lofty  deeds — 

The  audience  here  became  impatient  and  vociferous  in  their 
calls  to  proceed  to  business  and  the  speaker  could  proceed  no 
further. 

THE  C  H  A  IK-  At  an  early  hour  in  the  session  of  the  Convention, 
two  communications  were  received — respectful  communications 
from  two  railroad  corporations  offering  to  the  Convention  an 
opportunity  for  a  visit  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  Chicago  and 
Rock  Island  and  Chicago  and  Galena  Railroads,  and  laid  on  the 
table. 

EXCURSIONS  ACCEPTED. 

Mr.  Murphy,  of  Michigan,  I  have  a  resolution  of  acceptance: 
Resolveil.  That   the   invitation  of  the  officers  of   the  Chicago 

and  Rock  Island  and  Chicago  and  Galena  Union  railroads,  for 

an  excursion  over  the  same  by  the  members  of  the  Convention. 

l>e  accepted,  and  that  a  committee  of  three  be  appointed  to  notify 

Mr.  Talcott  and  Mr.  Farnum  of  the  same. 
Resolution  adopted  and  the  following  committee  appointed: 

Murphy,  of  Michigan.  Judd,  of  Illinois,  and  Smith,  of  Indiana. 


108  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

RATIO    OF  VOTINd. 

Mr.  Ashley,  of  Ohio,  I  propose  for  adoption  the  following-  re.sol- 
iition,  in  order  to  avoid  in  future  either  two  sets  of  delegates  or 
the  inequality  of  representation  in  the  Convention. 

Resolved,  That  the  Republican  National  Committee,  appointed 
by  this  Convention,  be  and  they  are  hereby  instructed  to  prescribe 
a  uniform  rule  that  shall  operate  equall}r  in  all  the  states  and 
territories,  whereby  in  future  the  wishes  and  preferences  of  the 
electors  in  the  Republican  organization  in  the  choice  of  delegates 
for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency  may  be  fully  and  fairly 
ascertained;  and  that  the  basis  of  the  nominating  vote  be  fixed  as 
near  as  may  be  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  Republican  elect- 
ors found  to  reside,  at  the  last  general  state  election  preceding 
the  nomination,  in  each  congressional  district  throughout  the 
Union. 

Mr.  Benton,  of  New  Hampshire,  I  move  that  the  resolution  be 
laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Cogswell,  of  Massachusetts,  I  move  that  the  resolution  be 
referred  to  the  National  Committee. 

Mr.  Benton,  my  resolution  has  precedence.  I  move  to  lay  it  on 
the  table. 

Mr.  Cogswell,  I  withdraw  my  motion. 

Resolution  laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Briggs,  of  Vermont,  moved  that  the  thanks  of  this  Conven- 
tion be  tendered  to  the  Hon.  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts, 
for  the  admirable  manner  in  which  he  had  presided  over  the  de- 
liberations of  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  carried  unanimously. 

A  Delegate  moved  that  the  thanks  of  the  Convention  be  tend- 
ered to  the  Vice-Presidents  and  Secretaries  for  the  able  manner 
in  which  they  had  discharged  their  duties. 

Col.  Pinckney,  of  New  York,  I  move  to  amend  by  inserting  the 
words  "especially  the  Reading  Secretary"  (Mr.  Pratt,  of  Indiana). 

Mr.  Sargent,  of  California,  moved  that  the  Convention  do  now 
adjourn  sine  die,  with  nine  cheers  for  the  platform  and  the  ticket. 
[Given.]  • 

THE  VALEDICTORY. 

THE  PRESIDENT — Gentlemenof  the  Convention:  It  becomes  now 
1113'  duty  to  put  to  you  the  last  motion  which,  in  the  order  of 
parliamentar3r  law,  the  President  has  the  power  to  propose.  It 
will  probably  be  the  last  proposition  which  he  can  ever  make  to 
most  of  you  in  any  convention.  But  before  doing  it,  and  before 
making  a  single  other  remark,  I  beg  to  tender  you  each  and  all 
my  cordial  thanks  for  the  kind  manner  in  which  3rou  have  sus- 
tained me  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  this  station.  I  con- 
fess to  you,  when  I  assumed  it,  I  did  it  with  some  apprehension 
that  I  might  not  be  able  to  come  up  to  the  expectations  which  had 
been  formed.  It  was  a  bold  undertaking,  in  every  respect,  and  I 
know  that  I  could  not  have  accomplished  it  half  so  well  as  I  have 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1S<30,  18<>4.  169 

done,  but  for  the  extreme  generosity  manifested  on  all  sides  of 
the  house.  There  was  a  solemn  purpose  here  in  the  minds  and 
in  the  hearts  of  not  merely  the  Convention,  but  of  the  vast  assem- 
blage which  has  surrounded  us,  that  before  we  separated  we 
would  accomplish  the  high  duty.  That  duty.  gentlemen,  we  have 
accomplished.  Your  sober  judgments,  your  calm  deliberation-, 
after  a  comparison  and  discussion,  free,  frank,  brotherly  and 
patriotic,  have  arrived  at  a  conclusion  at  which  the  American 
people  will  arrive.  Every  symptom,  every  si- n.  every  indication 
accompanying-  the  Convention  in  all  its  stages  are  a  high  assur- 
ance of  success,  and  I  will  not  doubt,  and  none  of  us  do  doubt, 
that  it  will  be  a  glorious  success. 

Allow  me  to  say  of  the  nominees  that,  although  it  may  be  of  no 
consequence  to  the  American  people  or  to  you,  they  are  both 
personally  known  to  me.  It  was  1113-  good  fortune  to  have  served 
with  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  I  re- 
joice in  the  opportunity  to  say  that  there  was  never  elected  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  a  purer,  nor  a  more  intelligent  and 
loyal  representative  than  Abraham  Lincoln.  [Great  applause.] 
The  contest  through  which  he  passed  during  the  last  two  years 
has  tried  him  as  by  lire,  and  in  that  contest  in  which  we  are  about 
to  go  for  him  now  I  am  sure  that  there  is  not  one  man  in  this 
country  that  will  be  compelled  to  hang  his  head  for  anything  in 
the  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  You  have  a  candidate  worthy  of 
the  cause;  you  are  pledged  to  his  success;  humanity  is  pledged 
to  his  success;  the  cause  of  free  government  is  pledged  to  his 
success.  The  decree  has  gone  forth  that  he  shall  succeed. 
[Tremendous  applause.] 

I  have  served  also  in  public  life  with  Hannibal  Hamlin.  In  the 
House  of  Representatives  we  were  ranged  on  different  sides.  He 
wa>  a  firm  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  while  I  was  as  firmly,  and 
perhaps  too  much  so,  a  copy  of  the  Webster  school.  [Applause.] 
But  as  is  known  to  many  of  the  gentlemen  who  sit  here  before  me 
to-day,  there  was  always  a  sjrmpathetic  chord  between  him  and 
me  upon  the  question  that  has  brought  us  here  to-day.  [Great 
applause.]  And  while  the  old  divisions  of  party  have  crumbled 
away,  and  the  force  of  circumstances  has  given  rise  to  new  is- 
sues, it  is  not  strange  that  we  are  found  battling  together  in  Un- 
common cause.  I  say  then,  gentlemen,  that  you  have  got  a  ticket 
worth}-  of  the  cause,  and  worthy  of  the  country. 

Now,  gentlemen,  that  we  have  completed  so  well,  so  thoroughly 
the  great  work  which  the  people  sent  us  here  to  do,  let  us  adjourn 
to  our  several  constituencies;  and,  thanks  be  to  God  who  giveth 
the  victory,  we  will  triumph.  [Applause.] 

A  Delegate— Mr.  President,  may  I  suggest  that  when  we  adjourn, 
we  adjourn  to  meet  at  the  White  House  on  the  4th  of  March  next? 

Mr.Ashmun.  no  other  motion  is  now  in  order.but  that  solemn  one 
which  must  come  to  us  all.  Is  it  your  pleasure  that  we  now 
separate:  As  many  as  are  in  favor  of  the  motion  that  this  Con- 
vention do  now  adjourn  sine  die  say  aye. 

The  motion  prevailed,  and  the  Convention  was  declared  by  the 
President  adjourned  s/'m-  <Iir. 


170 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


OFFICIAL    ROLL    OF   THE    CONVENTION. 


The  following  is  the  Official  Roll  of  the  delegates  admitted  to 
seats  in  the  Convention.  We  do  not  vouch  for  its  entire  accurac}-, 
but  we  believe  it  very  nearly,  if  not  quite  correct: 

President— Hon.  GEO.  ASHMUN,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. 

Vice  Presidents -California,  A.  A.  Sar- 
gent; Connecticut.  C.  F.  Cleveland:  Dela- 
ware, John  C.  Clark;  Iowa.  H  P.  Scholte: 
Illinois,  David  Davis;  Indiana.  John 
Heard;  Kentucky.  W.  D.  Gallagher; 
Maine,  Samuel  P.  Hersey;  Maryland, 
Wm.  L,  Marshall;  Massachusetts,  Ensign 
H.  Kellogg;  Michigan,  Thomas  White 
Ferry;  Minnesota.  Aaron  Goodrich;  Mis- 
souri. Henry  T.  Blow;  New  York,  Win. 
Curtis  Noyes:  New  Jersey.  E.Y.Rogers: 
New  Hampshire.  Wm.  Haile:  Ohio,  Geo. 
D.  Burgess;  Oregon,  Joel  Burlinsrame; 
Pennsylvania,  Thad.  Stevens;  Rhode 
Island.  Rowland  G.  Hazard;  Texas.  Wm 
T.  Chandler;  Vermont,  Wm.  Hebord;  Vir- 
ginia, It.  Crawford;  Wisconsin.  Hans 
Crocker;  Nebraska,  A.  S.  Paddock;  Kan- 
sas, W.  W.  Ross;  District  Columbia,  Geo. 
Harrington. 

Secretaries— California,  D.  J.  Staples; 
Connecticut,  H.  H.  Starkweather;  Dela- 
ware, B.  J.  Hopkins;  Iowa,  William  B. 
Allison;  Illinois,  O.  L.  Davis;  Indiana, 
Daniel  D.  Pratt;  Kentucky.  Stephen  J. 
Howes;  Maine,  C.  A.  Wing;  Maryland, 
William  E.  Ooale;  Massachusetts,  Charles 
O.  Rogers;  Michigan,  W.  S.  Stoughton; 
Minnesota,  D.  A.  Secombe;  Missouri.  J.  K. 
Kidd:  New  York,  Geo.  W.  Curtis;  New- 
Jersey,  Edwaid  Brettle;  New  Hampshire. 
Nathan  Hubbard:  Ohio,  N.  J.  Beebe;  Ore- 
gon, Eli  Thayer;  Pennsylvania.  .1  B. 
Serrill;  Rhode  Island,  R.  R.  Hazard.  Jr  ; 
Texas,  Dunbar  Henderson;  Vermont, 
John  W.  Stewart;  Wisconsin.  L.  F.  Frisby ; 
Kansas,  John  A.  Martin;  Nebraska,  H.  P. 
Hitchcock. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE-FIVE  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

/Hon.  Edward  H.  Rollins. 
Hon.  Aaron  H.  Cragin. 
Hon.  William  Haile. 
Hon.  Amos  Tuck. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Nathaniel  Hubbard. 

Geoijre  Matthewson. 
•1  B.  F.  Martin. 

F.  H.  Morgan. 
3  Jacob  Ben  ton. 

Jacob  C.  Bean. 


VERMONT— FIVE  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

E.  N.  Brisirs,  Brandon. 

Peter  T.  Washburn.  Woodstock, 

E.  D.  Mason.  Richmond. 

D.  C.  Redington,  St.  Johnslmry. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  John  W.  Stewart,  Middlebury. 

E.  B.  Burton.  Manchester. 

2  Hugh  H.  Henry,  Chester. 
Wm.  Hebord,  Chelsea. 

3  Wm  Clapp,  St.  AlbaiK. 

E.  B.  Sawyer,  Hyde  Park. 


DELEGATES. 

MAINE— EIGHT  VOTF.3. 

AT  LARGE. 

George  F  Talbot.  of  Machias. 
Wm.  H.  McCrillis,  of  Bangor. 
John  L.  Stevens,  of  Augusta. 
Rensellaer  Cram,  of  Portland. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Mark  F.  Wentworth.  of  Kittery. 
Leonard  Andrews,  of  Biddeford. 

2  Charles  J.  Oilman,  of  Brunswick. 
Seward  Dill,  of  Phillips. 

3  Nathan  G.  Hichborn,  of  Stockton. 
George  W.  Lawrence,  of  Warren. 

4  C.  A.  Wing,  of  Winthrop. 
J.  S.  Baker,  of  Bath. 

5  Sairuel  F.  Hersey.  of  Bangor. 
Going  Hathorn.  of  IMttsfleld. 

6  John  West,  of  Franklin. 
Washington  Long,  of  Fort  Fairfleld. 


MASSACHUSETTS-13  VOTES. 

AT    LARGE. 

John  A.  Andrew,  Boston. 
Ensign  H.  Kellogg,  Pittsfield. 
George  S.  Boutwell,  Groton. 
Linus  B.  Comins,  Boston. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Joseph  M.  Day.  Barnstable. 
Jonathan  Bourne.  Jr..  New  Bedford. 

2  Robert  T.  Davis.  Fall  River. 
Seth  Webb,  Jr.,  Scituate. 

3  Edward  L.  Pierce.  Milton. 
William  Claflin.  Newton. 

4  Charles  O.  Rogers,  Boston. 
Josiah  Dunham,  Boston. 

5  Samuel  Hooper.  Boston. 

George  Wm.  McLellan,  Cambridge. 

6  Timothy  Davis.  Gloucester. 
Eben  F.  Stone,  Newbur.yport. 

7  George  Cogswell.  Bradford. 
Timothy  Winn.  Woburn. 

8  Theodore  H.  Sweetser,  Lowell. 
John  S.  Keyes.  Concord. 

9  John  D.  Baldwin.  Worcester. 
Edward  B.  Bigelow,  Grafton. 

10  John  Wells,  Chicopee. 
Erastus  Hopkins,  Northampton. 

11  John  H.  Cottin,  Great  Barrlnglun. 
Matthew  D.  Field.  Southwick. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  186c 


171 


RHODE  ISLAND— FOUR  VOTES. 

AT     LARGE. 

/James  F.  Simmons,  U.  S.  Senate. 
Nathaniel  B.  Durfee,  Tlverton 
Benedict  Lapham.  Centreville. 
W.  H.  S.  Bay  ley.  Bristol. 

DISTKICTS. 

1  Benjamin  T.  Eames.  Providence. 
Rowland  R.  Ha/.ard.  Jr..  Newport. 

2  Rowland  (i.  Ha/.a'-d.  Peacedale. 
Simon  Henry  Greene,  Phenix. 

CONNECTICUT-SIX  VOTES. 

AT    LARGE. 

Gideon  Welles.  Hartford. 
Elea/.er  K.  Foster.  New  Haven. 
Chauncey  F.  Cleveland.  Hampton. 
Alexander  H.  Holley.  Salisbury. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Samuel  Q.  Porter.  Unionville  P.  O. 

Lt-Vftvit  E.  Pease.  Somer-. 
•„'.  Stephen  \V.  Kello-i:.  Waterburv. 
Arthur  B.  Calef.  Middletown. 

3  David  Gallup.  Plainfleld. 
Henry  H.  Starkweather.  Norwich. 

4  Eiiirar  S.  Tweedy.  Uanbury. 
George  H.  Noble,  New  Milford 

NEW  YORK-THIRTY-FIVE  VOTES 

AT    LAW1E. 

William  M.  Evarts.  New  York. 
Preston  Kinir.  Ogdenaburgh. 
John  L.  Schooleraft,  Albany. 
Henry  R.  Selden,  Rochester. 

I'ISTIUCTS. 

1  George  W.  Curtis.  New  York. 

Robert  L.  Meeks.  Jamaica.  L.  I. 
•'.  James  S.  T.  St  ranalian.   Brooklyn. 

Henry  A   Kent.  Brooklyn. 

3  John  A.  Kennedy.  New  York. 
John  A.  Kins:.  Jamaica. 

4  Owen  W.  Rrennan.  New  York. 
Robert  T.  Haws.  New  York. 

5  Thomas  Murphy. 50  Dey  st..  New  York. 
Charles  M.  Briirfrs.  Williainsburtr. 

6  Joseph  C.  Pinckney.  New  York. 
Marshall  B.  Blake,  Nt-w  York. 

7  Daniel  D.  Conover.  New  York. 
John  Keyser.  New  York. 

s  Wm.  Curtis  Noyes.  New  York. 

James  W.  Nve.  New  York. 
'.i  Edmund  J.  Porter,  New  Rochel.'e. 

John  G.  Miller.  Carniel,  Putnam  Co. 

10  Amb'e  S.  Murray.  Gosheu.  Oranire  Co 
C.  V.  R.  Luddington.  Monticello,  Sul- 
livan county. 

11  Peter  Crispelf.  Jr. 
Henry  Green. 

12  Albert     Van  Kleeck,    Pooghki 

Dutchess  county. 
John  T.  Hogeboom,  Ghent. 

13  Jonathan  W.  Freeman. 
Gideon  Reynolds.  Troy. 

14  H.  H.  Van  Dyck.  Albany. 
Heury  A.  Brigham.  West  Troy. 

is  Edward  Dodo.  Anryle.  Washington  Oo. 
Jas.W.  SchencU.Glensfall-.Warren  Co. 

16  Orlando  Kellogg. 
Wm.  Hedditiir. 

17  John  H.  \VooMer.  Newport.  Herk.  Co. 
A.  B  James.  Ogdensburjrh. 


1-  Henry  Churchill. GloversvilK  Fult  Co. 

Thoma>  R.  Horton.  Fultonvllle,  Mont 

gomerv  <  to. 
1"  Horato  N.  Buckley.  Delhi,  Del.  Co. 

Samuel  J.  Cooke. 

20  I'almer  V.  Kell.,-_'.  Otica. 
H.-iirv  II.  H>n.  I 

21  Giie-  W    Hotchkix.  Binjrhamton. 
Benj.  S.  Rexford.  Norwich. 

22  Samuel  F    Ca>e.  Fulton.  OsVegO  Co. 

Robt.  Stewart.  Ohlttenaogo.  .Mad.  Co. 

•-1 ::  I-aao  H.  Fiske.  Watertown.  .Ie .' 

Hiram  Porter.  I. mi  i~\  ille.  Lewis  Co. 
24  Vivus  W.  Smith  Svncu-e. 

U.  C.  GreenHeld,  Baldw  in>ville. 
2.J  Alex.  B.  William-.  LV..H-. 

Theodore  M.  Potneroy.  Auburn. 
26  Obadiah  B.  Latham.  Seneca  Falls. 

Chas.  C.  Sliepard.  1'enn  Van.  Y.I 
2T  Win.  W.  Sheuard,  Waverly.  Ti.  - 

Geo.W.Schuyler.  tthaoa.Tompli 
2>  Wm.  Scott.  CenesoOf  Livinirston  Co. 

Stephen  T.  Hayt.  I'oruinir.  >iu' 
20  D.  D.  S.  Browne.  Rochester. 

Alexander  Babcoek.  Koclie-ter. 

30  Joshua  II    Darling.  Warsaw.  Wyo.  Co. 
John  H.  Kimberly.  Batavia. 

31  Win.  Keep.  Loekport. 
Noah  Davi-.    Ir..  Albion. 

32  Alexander  W.  Harvey.  Buffalo. 
Joseph  Candee.  Buffalo. 

:t(  Alonzo  Kent.  Ellicottville. 
DelosE.  Sill.  Ellieottville. 

NEW  JERSEY-  SEVEN  VOTK- 

AT  LARGE. 

James  T.  Sherman,  Trenton. 
Thomas  B    Oudley.  Camdeu 
Edward  Y.  Rogers.  Rahway. 
Ephriam  Marsh.  Jersey  Uity. 
F.  T.  Frelinghuy-en.  Newark 
Jonathan  Cook.  Trenton. 
Dudley  S.  Gregory.  Jersey  City. 
John  I.  Blair,  Blairtown. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Providence  Ludlam.  Bridgeton. 
Robert  K.  Mattock,  Woodbury. 
Edward  Brattle.  Camden. 
Jonathan  B.  Ingham.  Salem. 

2  Archibald  R.  Pharo.  Tuckerton. 
Stephen  B.  Smith.  Pennington. 
Am/i  C.  McLean.  Freehold. 
Bernard  Connolly,  Freehold. 

3  A.  P.  Bethonde,  Washington,  War.  Co. 
A.  N.  Voorhoes.  Clinton. 

Wm.  D.  Waterman,  .lancsville. 
Moses  F.  Webb,  New  Brunswick. 

4  Henry  M.  Low,  Pat«r>i>n. 
Wm.  G.  Lathrop,  Boonton. 
Thomas  Cumming.  Hackensa«-k. 
Henry  B.  Crosby,  Paterson 

5  Huirh  H.  Bowne.  Kahway. 
H.  N.  Cougar.  Newark. 
Marcus  L.  Ward.  Newark. 
Denning  Duer,  Weehawken. 

PENNSYLVANIA-TWENTY-SEVEN 
VOTES. 

AT    LARGE. 

»Davld  Wllmot.  Towanda. 
Samuel  A.  Purviance.  IMtt-buri-'h. 
Tbaddeafl  Stevens.  Lancaster. 
John  H.  Ewim:.  Washington. 


112 


THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 


Henry  D   Moore.  Philadelphia. 
Andrew  H.  Reeder.  Easton. 
Titian  .1.  Coffee.  Pittsburg. 
Morrow  B.  Lowry.  Erie. 
DISTRICTS. 

1  John  M.  Butler.  Philadelpiha. 
Kills  Ward.  Philadelphia. 

.1    Money.  Philadelphia. 
Wiu.  EMiott.  Philadelphia. 

2  Geo.  A.  Coffee,  Philadelphia. 
Richard  Ellis.  Philadelphia. 
Francis  Blackburn.  Philadelphia. 
John  M.  Poniroy.  Philadelphia. 

3  Win.  B.  Mann.  Philadelphia. 
James  McManus.  Philadelphia. 
Benj.  H.  Brown,  Philadelphia. 
George  Read,  Philadelphia. 

4  A.  C.  Roberts,  Philadelphia. 
Wm.  H.  Kern.  Philadelphia. 
Wm.  L>.  Kelly,  Philadelphia. 
M.  S.  Buckley.  Richmond 

5  James  Hooven.  Norristown. 

Dr.  C.  M.  Jackson.  Philadelphia. 
William  B.  Thomas,  Philadelphia. 
George  W.  Pumroy,  Philadelphia. 

6  John  M.  Broomal.  Chester. 
Washington  Townsend.  West  Chester. 
Joseph  J.  Lewis,  West  Chester. 
Jacob  S.  Serrill.  Darby. 

7  Caleb  N.  Taylor.  Bristol. 
Joseph  Young,  Allen  Town. 
George  Beisel,  Allen  Town. 
Henry  J.  Saeger,  Allen  Town. 

8  Isaac  Eckert,  Reading. 
David  E.  Stout.  Reading. 
J.  Knabb.  Reading. 

J.  Bowman  Bell,  Reading. 

9  O.  J.  Dickey,  Lancaster. 

C.  S.  Kauffman,  Columbia 
Samuel  Schoch.  Columbia. 
Jos.  D.  Pownall,  Christiana. 

10  G.  Dawson  Coleman,  Lebanon. 
Levl  Kline,  Lebanon. 

Jos.  Casey,  Harrisburg. 
Wm.  Catneron,  Louisburg. 

11  Robert  M.  Palmer,  Pottsville. 
Jacob  G.  Frick.  Pottsville. 

S.  A.  Bergstresser,  Elyshurg. 
Wm.  C.  Lawson,  Milton. 

12  W.  W.  Ketchum,  Wilkesbarre. 
P.  M.  Osterhout.  Junkhannock. 
Frank  Stewart  Berwick. 
Davis  Alton,  Carbondale. 

13  Chas.  Albright,  Mauoh  Chunk. 
W.  H.  Armstrong,  Easton. 
Sam.  E.  Dirnniick,  Honesdale. 

U  H.  W.Tracy,  standing  Stone.  Brad.  Co: 
Hon.  Wm.  Jessup.  Montrose,  Susqe.  Co. 

F.  E.  Smith.  Tloga  Point. 

Dr.  Abel  Humphreys,  Tioga  Point. 

15  Wm.  Butler,  Lewiston- 

B.  Rush  Peterkln,  Lockhaven. 
Lindsay  Mehaffey,  Newberry. 

G.  B.  Overton.  Coudersport. 

16  Kirk  Halnes,  Mlllerstown. 
W.  B.  Irvln,  Mechanicsburg. 
Alex.  J.  Frey. 

Jacob  S.Halderrnan, New  Cumberland. 

17  Wm.  McClellan,  Chambersburg. 

D.  McCaunaghy,  Gettysburg. 
John  J.  Patterson.  Academin. 
Francis  Jordan.  Bedford. 

18  A.  A.  Barker.  Ebensburg. 

S.  M.  Green,  Bailey's  Forgo.  Hunting- 
ton  Co. 


L.  W.  Hall.  Altooua. 
Win.  H.  Ivoons.  Sumerset. 

19  W.  M.  Stewart.  Indiana. 
Darwin  E.  Phelps.  Kittaninir. 
Addison  Leech.  Le  c-hburj. 
D.  W.  Shryok,  Greersbur-ir. 

20  Andrew  Stewart,  rnioiuown. 
Smith  Fuller.  Uniontown. 
Alex.  Murdoch,  Washington. 
Wm.  E.  Gapen.  Waynesburg. 

21  Wm.  H.  Marsh.  Pittsburi:. 
Col.  James  A.  Ekin.  Eli/.abeth. 
John  F.  Dravo.  McKtv-port. 
J.  J.  Slebeneck,  Pittsburgh. 

2-2  D.  N.  White,  Se  wick  ley. 

Stephen  H.  Guyer.  Alleghany  ' 
John  N.  Purviance.  Butler  Co. 
W.  L.  Graham,  Butler  Co. 

23  L.  L.  McGuffln.  New  Castle 
David  Craig,  New  Cast  U-. 
Wm.  G.  Brown.  Mercer. 
John  Allison.  New  Brighton. 

24  Henry  Souther,  Ridgway. 
S.  P.  Johnston.  Warren. 
James  S.  Meyers.  Franklin. 
D.  C.  Gillispie.  Brooklyn. 

25  B.  B.  Vincent,  Erie. 
Thomas  J.  Devore.  Erie. 
J.  C.  Hays.  Meadville. 

S.  Newton  Pettis,  Meadville. 


DELAWARE-THREE  VOTES. 

Nathaniel  B.  Smith ers.  Dover;  John  C. 
Clark.  Delaware  City:  Benjamin  C.Hop- 
kins, Vernon;  Lewis  Thompson.  Pleasant 
Hill;  Joshua  T.Heald,  Wilmington;  Alfred 
Short,  Milford. 


MARYLAND-EIGHT  VOTES. 

AT  LAKCE. 

Francis  P.  Blair.  Washington,  D.  C. 
Wm.  L.  Marshall,  Baltimore. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  James  Bryan.  Cambridge. 

2  James  Jeffery.  Churchville. 
Win.  I'.  Ewing.  Elkton. 

3  Francis  S.  Corkran.  Baltimore. 
James  F.  Wagner,  Baltimore. 

4  Wm.  E.  Coale,  Baltimore. 

5  Chas.  Lee  Armour.  Frederick. 

6  Montgomery  Blair.  Washington.  D.  C 
D.  S.  Orman.  Church  Creek. 


VIRGINIA-FIFTEEN  VOTES. 

AT    LARGE. 

Alfred  Caldwell.  Wheeling. 

E.  M.Norton,  Wheel; 

W.  W.  Gitt,  MontL''ry  Co.  Court  House. 

J.  C.Underwood. Clark  Co. Court  House. 

DISTRICTS. 

Jacob  Hornbrook.  Wheeling. 

1  J.  G.  Jacob,  Wellsbnr;.'. 
Joseph  Applegate.  Wellsburg. 

2  A.  G.  Kobinson.  Wheeling. 
R.  Crawford.  Wheeling. 

3  Thos.  Hernbrook.  Wheeling. 
J.  M.  Pumpnrey.  Wheeling 

4  R.  H.  Gray.  Lynohburg. 
1.  I).  Norton.  Wheeling. 


NATIONAL  C'<>\\  KNTIOXS 


5    John    Untlerwoocl,     Prince      William 

Court    House. 
J.  B.  Brown,  Alexandria. 

0  W.  J.  Blackwood.  Chirk  Co.  Ct.  Hou-r. 
J.  T.  Freeman.  Hancock  Court  Hou-e. 

7  A.  W.  Campbell.  Wheeling. 

D.  W.  Roberts,  Morgantown. 
••  W.  E.  Stevens.  ParKersborg. 

s  M.  Peterson.  Parketabarg. 
S.  H.  Woodward.  Wheeling. 
ii  James  Wilson.  Wheeling. 

OHIO-TWENTY-THREE  VOTES. 

AT    LARGE. 

Hon.  D.  K.  Cartter,  Cleveland. 
Hon.  V.  15.  Horton.  I'orneroy,  Mei::-. 
Hon.  Tlios.  Spooner.  Redding.  Ilamilt. 
Hon.  Conrad  Broadbeck,  Dayton. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Beni.  Eggleston,  Cincinnati. 
Fred  Baasaureok,  Cincinnati. 

L>  It.  M.  Corwine.  Cincinnati. 

Joseph  H.  Barrett.  Cincinnati. 
:;  Win.  Beckett.  Hamilton. 

P.  P.  Lowe.  Dayton. 

4  G.  D.  Burgess,  Troy. 

John  E.  Crammings,  Sidney. 

5  David  Taylor.  Defiance. 

E.  Graham,  Perryburg. 

6  John  M.  Barrere.  New  Market. 
Keeder  W.  Clarke,  Batavia. 

7  Hon.  Thos.  Corwin,  Lebanon. 
A.  Hivlim:.  Xriiia. 

-    W.  II.  West  Bellefontaine. 

Lev!  Geiger,  Urbana. 
'J    Earl  Hill.  Tilli ii. 

1).  W.  Swittart.  Bueyrus. 

I  i    .1.  V.  Kobinson.  jr.,  Portsmouth. 

Milton  L.  Clark.  Chilliest  In-. 

II  N.  H.  Van  Yorhees,  Athens. 
A.  ('.  Sands,  /.elaski. 

Vi    Willard  Warner.  Newark. 

Jonathan  Kenick.  Circleviile. 
U    John  J.  Gurley,  Mt,  Gilead. 

I'.  N.  Schuyler.  Norwalk. 
1 1    James  Monroe,  Oberlin. 

G.  I'.  Hani.  Wooster. 
15    Hon.  Oolumbua  Delano.  Mt.  Vern.m. 

R.  K.  Enos.  Millersburg. 
hi    Daniel  Applegate,  Zanesvllle. 

Caleb  A.  Williams,  Chesterfield. 
17    0.  J.  Allbrigbt,  Cambridge. 

Win.  Wallace.  Martins'  Ferry. 
19     II.  V.  Beebe,  Ravenna. 

Isaac  Stee-e.  Massilon. 
1'J    Robt.  F.  Paine,  Cleveland. 

R.  Hitchcock.  Painesvillc 

Joshua  H.  Oiddinirs.  Jetlerson. 

Milton  Sutlitl'e.  Warren. 

Samuel  Stokely,  Steubenville. 
.    D.  Arter,  Carrollton. 

KENTUCKY— TWELVE   VOT 

AT  LARGE. 

Geo.  D.  Blakely.  Russellville. 

A.  A.  Burton,  Lancaster.  Qirard  Co. 

Wm.  D.  Oallagber,  Pewee  Valley. 

Charles  Hendley,  Newport. 

DISTRICTS. 
1    Abner  Williams,  Covington. 

H.  G.  Otis,  Louisville. 
'2    Fred  Frische,  Louisville. 


K.  H.  Ilarriscn.  McKee.  Jackson  Co. 

3  Joseph  Gla/.ebruuk.  (ilasgow. 
Jos.  W.  Calvert.  Bowlinsr  <  u'ecii. 

4  John  ,T.  Hawes.  LoulSTllle. 
Ti     H.  D.  Hawes.   Louisville. 

Lewis  N    Dcmbitz,  Louisville. 
0    Curtis  Kniirht.  Kinir-ton. 

Joseph  Kawliims.  White  Hall,  Madi- 
son Co. 

7  A.  11.  Merriwether.  Louisville. 
Henry  D.  llaw*-s.  Louisville. 

8  H.  B.  Broaddus.  Asliland.  Biiyd  Co. 
L.  Marston.  Millersburg,  Madison  Co. 

0    Rdgar  Needharn,  Louisville. 

J.S.  Davis. 

10   Jas.  K  Whittemore.  Newport. 
Hamilton  Cuinmiiii:-. 


TNDIANA-THIRTEEN  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

William  T.  Ott.  New  Albany. 
Daniel  D.  Pratt,  Logansport. 
Caleb  B.  Smith.  Indianapolis. 

P.  A.  Hackclman.  Rush  vilfe, 

DISTRICTS. 

1  James  C.  Veatch.-Rockport. 

C.  M.  Allen.  Vincennes. 

2  Thos.  C.  Slaughter,  Coryd'in. 
J.  H.  Butler.  Salem. 

3  John  H.  Craven-.  Madison. 

A.  C.  Vorhies,  Bedford. 

4  Geo.  Holland.  Brookvllle. 
.1.  L.  Yater,  Versailes. 

.")    Miles  Murphy,  Newcastle. 
Walter  March.  M  uncle. 

B,  P.Oyler.  Franklin. 
John  S.  Bobbs,  Indianapolis. 

7    Geo.  K.  Steele,  Roekville. 

D.  C.  Donohue.  Green  Ca«tle. 
s    John  Beard,  Crawfordsville. 

J.  N.  Simms.  Frankfort. 
9    Cl\'A^.  11.  Te-t.  Mudges  Station. 
D.  H.  Hopkins,  Crown  Point. 

10  Geo.  Moon.  Warsaw. 
Geo.  Etnmerson,  Angola. 

11  Wm.  W.  Connor,  Nobles-. 
John  M.  Wallace,  Marion 


MICHIGAN-SIX  YOTF.S. 

AT  LARGE. 

Austin  Blair,  Jackson. 
Walton  W.  Murphy,  Jones\  ille. 
Thos.  White  Ferrv.  Graixl  Haven. 
J.  J,  St.  Clair,  Marquette. 

DISTRICTS. 

J.  G.  Peterson,  Detroit. 
Alex  D.  Crane,  Dexter. 
Jesse  G.  Benson,  Dowaglac. 
William  L.  Stoughton,  Sturyis. 
Francis  Quinn,  Niles. 
Erastus  Hussey,  Battle  Cre(  k. 
1).  c.  Buckland,  Pontlac. 
Michael  T.  C.  Ples»ner,  Suginaw  City. 

ILLINOIS-ELEVEN  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

N.  B.  Judd,  Chicago. 
Gustavus  Koerner.  Belleville 
David  Davis.  Bloomington. 
•  O.  H.  Browning,  Quincy. 


174 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


DISTRICTS 

Jasou  Marsh.  Rookford. 

Solon  Onmminn,  Grand  do  Tour. 

George  Schneider.  Chicago. 

(*eo.  T.  Smith.  Fulton,  Whiteside  Co. 

B.  O.  Cook.  Ottawa. 
O.  L.  Davis,  Danville. 
Henry  Grove.  Peoria. 

E.  W.  Hazard.  Galesburg. 
Wm.  Ross.  Pittsfield. 
James  S.  Erwin.  Mt.  Sterling. 
S.  T.  Loiran.  Springfield. 

N.  M.  Knapp,  Winchester. 
Thos.  A.  Marshall,  Charleston. 
Wm.  P.  Dole.  Paris. 

F.  S.  Rutherford.  Alton. 
D.  K.  Green.  Salem. 

James  C.  Sloo,  Shawneetown. 
D.  L.  Phillips.  Anna. 

WISCONSIN-FIVE  VOTES. 

AT   LARGE. 

CarlSchurz.  Milwaukee. 
Hans  Crocker.  Milwaukee. 
T.  H.  Stoddard.  La  Crosse. 
John  P.  McGregor.  Milwaukee. 

DISTRICTS. 
H.  L  Rann,  Whitewater. 

C.  C.  Sholes.  Kenosha. 
M.  S.  Gibson,  Hudson. 

.1.  R.  Bennett.  Janesyille. 

Elisha  Morrow.  Gieen  Bay. 

L.  F.  Frisbey,  West  Bend,  Wash.  Co. 

MINNESOTA— FOUR  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  W.  North,  Northfield. 

D.  A.  Secombe.  St,  Anthony. 
Stephen  Miller.  St.  Cloud. 

S.  P.  Jones,  Rochester. 
DISTRICTS. 

A.  H.  Wagerner,  New  Ulm. 
Aaron  Goodrich.  St.  Paul. 
John  McCusick,  Stillwater. 
Simeon  Smith,  Chatfield. 


IOWA— EIGHT  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

Wm.  Penn  Clark.  Iowa  City. 
L.  C.  Nobie.  West  Union. 
John  A.  Kasson.  Des  Moines. 
Henry  O'Connor,  Muscatine. 
J.  F.  Wilson.  Fairfield. 
.1.  W.  Rankin,  Keokuk. 
M.  L.  McPherson.  Wintersett 
C.  F.  Clarkson,  Metropolis. 
N.  J.  Rusch.  Davenport. 
H.P.  Scholte.  Pella. 
John  Johns,  Fort  Dodge. 

DISTRICTS. 

Alvln  Saunders.  Mount  Pleavmt 
J.  C.  Walker.  Fort  Madison. 
Jos.  Caldwell.  Ottumwa. 
M.  Baker,  Congdon. 
Benj.  Rector.  Sidney. 
Geo.  A.  Hawley.  Leon. 
H.  M.  Hoxte,  Des  Moines. 
Jacob  Rutler,  Muscatine. 
Thos.  Seeley,  Guthrie  Centre. 
(."-.  C.  Nourse,  Des  Moines. 
Wm.  M.  Stone.  Knoxville. 
J.  B.  Grinnell,  Grinnell. 
Wm.  A   Warren.  Bellevue. 
John  W.  Thompson,  Davenport. 
John  Shane.  Vinton. 
Wm.  Smyth.  Marion. 
Wm.  B.  Allison,  Dubuque. 


A.  F.  Brown.  Cedar  Falls 

10  Reuben  Nob'e.  McGregor 

E.  G.  Bowdoin.  Rockford. 

11  W.P.Hepburn.  Marshalltowi; 
.).  J.  Brown.  Eldora. 

MISSOURI-NINE  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr..  St.  Louis. 
1?.  Gratx.  Brown.  St.  Louis. 

F.  Muench,  Marthasville. 
J.  O.  Sitton.  Hermann. 

DISTKICIS. 

1  P.  L.  Koy,  St.  Louis. 

('.  L.  Bcrnavs.  St.  Louis. 

2  A.  Krekle.  St.  Chailes. 
A.  Hamper.  St.  Louis. 

3  N  T.  Doane,  Trenton. 
Asa  S  Jones.  St.  Louis. 

4  H    B   Branch.  St.  Joseph. 

('..  W.  H.  Landon.  St.  Joseph. 
.">    .las.  B.  Gardenhire.  Jefferson  City. 
H.  Bruns.  Jefferson  City. 

6  .1.  K.  Kidd.  Linn. 

.1.  M.  Richardson.  Springfield. 

7  .las.  Lindsay.  Ironton. 
Thos.  Fletcher.  DeSoto. 


CALIFORNIA-FOUR  VOTES. 

AT  LARGE. 

F.  P.  Tracy.  San  Francisco. 
A.  A.  Sargent.  Nevada. 

D.  W,  Cheeseman.  Orville. 

J.  C.  Hinckley,  Shasta. 

<!has.  Watrous.  San  Francisco. 

Sam.  Bell.  Mariposa. 

D.  J.  Staples.  Staples  Branch. 

J.  R.  McDonald,  Hay  wards. 

OREGON— FIVE  VOTES. 
Joel  Burlingame.  Scio.  Linn  Co..  Ore. 
Horace  Greeley,  New  York  City. 
Henry  Buckingham.  Salem.  Oregon 
Eli  Thayer,  House  Rep's.  Wash..  IX  r. 
Frank  Johnson.  Oregon  City. 

TEXAS-SIX  VOTES. 

AT  LAHGE. 

D.  C.  Henderson,  Austin. 

G.  A.  Fitch,  Austin. 
James  P.  Scott,  San  Antonio. 

II.  A.  Shaw,  Little  Elm.  Denton  Co. 

DISTRICTS. 

1  Gilliert  Moyers.  Galveston. 

2  M.  S.  C.  Chandler,  Galvetson. 


KANSAS. 

A.  C.  Wilder,  Leavenworth. 
John  A.  Martin,  Atchison. 
Wm.  A.  Phillips.  Lawrence. 
W.  W.  Ross,  Topeka. 
A.  G.  Proctor,  Emporia. 
John  P.  Hatterschiedt.  Leavenwoi  tli. 

NEBRASKA-SIX  VOTES. 
O.  W.  Irish.  Nebraska  City. 
S.  W.  Elbert,  Pla-ttsmouth. 
E.  D.  Webster.  Omaha. 
John  R.  Meredith.  Omaha. 
A.  S.  Paddock.  Fort  Calhoun. 
P.  W.  Witchcock,  Omaha. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 
Geo.  Harrington,  Washington. 
Joseph  Gerhardt.  Washington, 

G.  A.  Hall.  Washington. 
J.  A.  \Vyse.  Washington. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS     is.-*},  i860,  1864.  17"> 

PROCEEDINGS  (IK  TIIK 

NATIONAL  UNION  CONVENTION 

HEI.n    IX 

BALTIMORE,  MD.,  June  7th  and  8th,  1864. 


TUESDAY,  June  Ttli.  1864. 

The  National  Union  Convention  to  nominate  candidates  for  the 
offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  met 
this  morning  in  the  Front  Street  Theatre,  Baltimore.  Md..  in  re- 
sponse to  the  following-  call : 

UNION    NATIONAL   CONVENTION. 

The  undersigned,  who  by  original  appointment,  or  subsequent 
designation  to  fill  vacancies,  constitute  the  Executive  Committee 
created  by  the  National  Convention  held  at  Chicago,  011  the  Mtl) 
day  of  May.  1860,  do  herebj-  call  upon  all  qualified  voters  who  de- 
sire the  unconditional  maintenance  of  the  Union,  the  supremacy 
of  the  Constitution,  and  the  complete  suppression  of  the  existing 
rebellion,  with  the  cause  thereof,  by  vigorous  war,  and  all  apt  and 
efficient  means,  to  send  delegates  to  a  Convention  to  assemble  at 
Baltimore,  on  Tuesday,  the  Ttli  day  of  June,  1864,  at  12  o'clock  noon, 
for  the  purpose  of  presenting  candidates  for  the  offices  of  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  Each  State  having 
a  representation  in  Congress  will  be  entitled  to  as  many  delegates 
as  shall  be  equal  to  twice  the  number  of  electors  to  which  such 
State  is  entitled  in  the  Electoral  College  of  the  United  States. 

EDWIN  D    MORGAN,  New  York,  Chairman. 

CHARLES  J.  OILMAN.  Maine. 

E.  H.  ROLLINS.  New  Hampshire. 

L.  BRAINERD,  Vermont. 

I.  /.  GOODRICH,  Massachusetts. 

THOMAS  G.  TURNER,  Rhode  Island. 

GIDEON  WELLES,  Connecticut. 

DENNING  DUER.  New  Jersey. 

Kl>\\ARD  MCPHERSON"   Pennsylvania. 

N.  B.  SMITHERS.  Delaware. 

J.  F.  WAGNER,  Maryland. 

THOMAS  SPOONEK.  Ohio. 

H.  S.  LANE,  Indiana. 

SAMUEL  L.  CASEY,  Kentucky. 

E.  PECK,  Illinois. 

HERBERT  M.  HOXIE,  Iowa. 

AUSTIN  BLAIR.  Michigan. 

CARL  SCHUKX.  Wisconsin. 

W.  D.  WASHBURN.  Minnesota. 

CORNELIUS  COLE,  California. 

WM.  A.  PHILLIPS,  Kansas. 

O.  H.  IRISH,  Nebraska. 

Jos.  GERHARDT.  District  of  Columbia. 
Washington.  February  '2'2.  1S64. 


Hi;  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

A  splended  band,  from  Fort  McHenry,  animated  the  crowded" 
theatre  with  national  airs,  and  the  assemblage  was  graced  by  the 
presence  of  many  ladies,  who  were  accommodated  in  one  of  the 
tiers  of  boxes.  Major-Gen.  Lew.  Wallace,  who  is  in  command  of 
the  Department,  and  Staff,  the  Hon.  John  Lee  Chapman,  Maj-or  of 
the  cit3',  the  first  and  second  branches  of  the  City  Council,  officers 
of  the  Army  and  Navy,  and  many  other  distinguished  invited 
guests  were  spectators  of  the  proceedings.  The  delegates  and 
alternates  were  afforded  facility  of  entrance  by  a  side  door,  and 
the  arrangements  for  their  accommodation  and  for  the  officers  ot 
the  Convention  reflect  credit  on  those  gentlemen  to  whom  that 
duty  had  been  entrusted.  The  local  press  give  especial  credit  to 
Messrs.  Wilmot,  Meyer  and  Foreman,  of  the  City  Council  Commit- 
tee, and  Mr.  Samuel  M.  Evans,  the  Sergearit-at-Arms  of  the  Con- 
vention. The  newspaper  press  was  numerously  represented  and 
suitably  accommodated. 

The  President's  desk  was  placed  on  an  elevated  platform  on  the 
stage,  which  had  been  enlarged  to  the  extent  of  the  parquette. 
which  was  boarded  over,  thus  giving  ample  room  for  all  the  mem- 
bers in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

I      The  Hon.  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New  York,  Chairman  of  the  Na- 
tional Union  Executive  Committee,  called  the  Convention  to  order 
|  at  the  prescribed  hour,  and  spoke  as  follows: 

MEMBERS  OF  THE  CONVENTION  — It  is  a  little  more  than  eight 
years  since  it  •was  resolved  to  form  a  national  party  to  be  con- 
ducted upon  the  principles  and  policy  which  had  been  established 
and  maintained  by  those  illustrious  statesmen,  George  Washing- 
ton and  Thomas  Jefferson.  A  Convention  was  held  in  Phila- 
delphia, under  the  shade  of  the  trees  that  surrounded  the  Hall  of 
Independence,  and  candidates  —  Fremont  and  Dayton  —  were 
chosen  to  uphold  our  cause.  But  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  gave 
its  electoral  vote  to  James  Buchanan,  and  the  election  of  ls.~>< > 
was  lost. 

Nothing  daunted  by  defeat,  it  was  immediately  determined  "to 
fight  on  this  line,"  not  only  "all  summer,"  [applause,]  but  four 
summers  and  four  winters;  and  in  1860  the  party  banner  was 
again  unfurled,  with  the  names  of  Abraham  Lincoln  [applau 
and  Hannibal  Hamliii  inscribed  thereon.  This  time  it  was  suc- 
cessful, but  with  success  came  rebellion;  and  with  rebellion  of 
course  came  war;  and  war,  terrible  civil  war,  has  continued  with 
varying  success  up  to  nearly  the  period  when  it  is  necessary,  un- 
der our  Constitution,  to  prepare  for  another  Presidential  election. 
It  is  for  this  highly  responsible  purpose  that  you  are  to-day  as- 
sembled. It  is  not  my  duty  nor  my  purpose  to  indicate  any  gen- 
eral course  of  action  for  this  Convention;  but  I  trust  I  may  be 
permitted  to  say  that,  in  view  of  the  dread  realities  of  the  past. 
and  of  what  is  passing  at  this  moment— and  of  the  fact  that  the 
bones  of  our  soldiers  lie  bleaching  in  every  State  of  this  I'mon, 
and  with  the  knowledge  of  the  further  fact  that  this  has  all  been 
caused  by  slavery,  the  party  of  which  you,  gentlemen,  are  the 
delegated  and  honored  representatives,  will  fall  short  of  accom- 


NATIONAL  Cox VE.NTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  177 

plishing  its  great  mission,  unless,  among  its  other  resolves,  it 
shall  declare  for  such  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  as  will 
positively  prohibit  African  slavery  in  the  United  States.  [Pro- 
longed applause,  followed  by  three  cheers.] 

In  behalf  of  the  National  Committee. I  now  propose  for  tempo- 
rary President  of  this  Convention,  Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  of 
Kentucky  [applause],  and  appoint  Governor  Randall,  of  Wiscon- 
sin, and  Governor  King,  of  New  York,  as  a  committee  to  conduct 
the  President  pro  tern,  to  the  chair. 

The  nomination  was  enthusiastically  concurred  in. 

Dr.  Breckinridge  having  taken  the  chair,  amidst  enthusiastic 
greetings,  three  cheers  were  given  for  the  "Old  War  Horse  of 
Kentucky,"  and  he  spoke  as  follows  : 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION— You  cannot  be  more  sensible 
than  I  am,  that  the  part  which  I  have  to  perform  here  to-day  is 
merely  a  matter  of  form;  and  acting  upon  the  principle  of  my 
whole  life,  I  was  inclined,  when  the  suggestion  was  made  to  me 
from  various  quarters,  that  it  was  in  the  mind  of  many  members 
of  the  Convention  to  confer  this  distinction  upon  me, to  earnestly 
decline  to  accept:  because  I  have  never  sought  honors — I  have 
never  sought  distinction.  1  have  been  a  working  man;  and 
nothing  else.  But  certain  considerations  led  me  to  change  my 
mind.  [Applause.] 

There  is  a  class  of  men  in  the  country,  far  too  small  for  the  good 
of  the  country — those  men  who  merely  by  their  example,  by  their 
pen,  by  their  voice,  tr3*  to  do  good — and  all  the  more  in  perilous 
times — without  regard  to  the  reward  that  may  come.  It  was 
given  to  many  such  men  to  understand,  by  the  distinction  con- 
ferred upon  one  of  the  humblest  of  their  class,  that  they  were 
men  whom  the  country  would  cherish,  and  who  would  not  be 
forgotten. 

There  is  another  motive  relative  to  yourselves  and  to  the  coun- 
try at  large.  It  is  good  for  3*011,  it  is  good  for  every  nation  and 
every  people,  every  State  and  every  party,  to  cherish  all  generous 
impulses,  to  follow  all  noble  instincts;  and  there  are  none  more 
noble,  none  more  generous  than  to  purge  3'ourselves  of  all  self- 
seekers  and  betra3^ers,  and  to  confer  official  distinctions,  if  it  be 
01113*  in  mere  forms,  upon  those  who  are  worthy  to  be  trusted,  and 
ask  nothing  more.  [Applause.] 

Now,  according  to  my  convictions  of  propriety,  having  said 
this.  I  should  say  nothing  more.  [Cries  of  "go  on."]  But  it  has 
been  intimated  to  me  from  many  quarters,  and  in  a  way  which  I 
cannot  disregard,  that  I  should  disappoint  the  wishes  of  1113* 
friends,  and  perhaps  the  just  expectations  of  the  Convention,  if  I 
did  not  as  briefly,  and  ye't  as  precise^'  as  I  could,  say  somewhat 
upon  the  great  matters  which  have  brought  us  here.  Therefore, 
in  a  ver3*  few  words,  and  as  plainty  as  I  can,  I  will  endeavor  to 
draw  3*our  attention  to  one  and  another  of  these  great  matters  in 
which  we  are  all  engaged. 

In  the  first  place,  nothing  can  be  more  plain  than  the  fact  that 
you  are  here  as  the  representatives  of  a  great  nation— voluntary 
representatives  chosen  without  forms  of  law,  but  as  really  repre- 
senting the  feelings,  the  principles,  and  if  you  choose,  the  preju- 
dices of  the  American  people,  as  if  it  were  written  in  laws  and 
alread3*  passed  by  votes — for  the  man  that  you  will  nominate  here 
12 


178  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and  ruler  of  a  great  peo- 
ple in  a  great  crisis,  is  just  as  certain,  I  suppose,  to  become  that 
ruler  as  anything  under  heaven  is  certain  before  it  is  done.  [Pro- 
longed cheering.]  And.moreover,  you  will  allow  me  to  say,though 
perhaps  it  is  hardly  strictly  proper  that  I  should — but  as  far  as 
I  know  your  opinions,  I  suppose  it  is  just  as  certain  as  now,  be- 
fore you  utter  it,  whose  name  you  will  utter,  and  which  will  be 
responded  to  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  this  nation,  as  it  will  be 
after  it  has  been  uttered  and  recorded  by  your  Secretary.  Does 
any  man  doubt  that  this  Convention  intends  to  say  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  shall  be  the  nominee?  [Great  applause.]  What  I  wish, 
however,  to  call  your  attention  to,  is  the  grandeur  of  the  mission 
upon  which  you  are  met,  and  therefore  the  dignity  and  solemnity, 
earnestness  and  conscientiousness  with  which,  representing  one 
of  the  greatest,  and  certainly  one  of  the  first  peoples  of  the  world, 
you  ought  to  discharge  these  duties.  [Applause.] 

Now,  besides  the  nomination  of  President  and  Vice-President, 
in  regard  to  which  second  office  I  will  say  nothing,  because  I 
know  there  is  more  or  less  difference  of  opinion  among  you;  but, 
besides  these  nominations,  you  have  other  most  solemn  duties  to 
perform.  You  have  to  organize  this  party  thoroughly  through- 
out the  United  states.  You  have  to  put  it  in  whatever  form  your 
wisdom  will  suggest  that  will  unite  all  your  wisdom,  energy  and 
determination  to  gain  the  victory  which  I  have  alread}-  said  was 
in  our  power.  More  than  that,  you  have  to  lay  down  with  clear- 
ness and  precision  the  principles  on  which  you  intend  to  carry 
on  this  great  political  contest,and  prosecute  the  war  which  is  un- 
derneath them,  and  the  glory  of  the  countrjr  which  lies  before  us 
if  we  succeed, — plainly,  not  in  a  double  sense — briefly,  not  in  a 
treatise,  with  the  dignity  and  precision  of  a  great  people  to  utter, 
by  its  representatives,  the  political  principles  by  which  the}-  in- 
tend to  live,  and  for  the  sake  of  which  they  are  willing  to  die.  So 
that  all  men,  everywhere,  may  understand  precisely  what  we 
mean,  and  lay  that  furrow  so  deeply  and  clearly,  that  while  every 
man  who  is  worthy  to  associate  with  freemen  may  see  it  and  pass 
over  it,  every  man  who  is  unworthy,  may  be  unable  either  to 
pass  it,  or  may  be  driven  far  from  us.  We  want  none  but  those 
who  are  like  us  to  be  with  us.  [Applause.] 

Now,  among  these  principles,  if  you  will  allow  me  to  say  it,  the 
first  and  most  distinct  is,  that  we  do  not  intend  to  permit  this  na- 
tion to  be  destroyed.  [Applause.]  We  are  a  nation — no  doubt  a 
peculiar  one — a  nation  formed  of  States,  and  no  nation  except  as 
these  States  form  it.  And  these  States  are  no  States  except  as  they 
are  States  in  that  nation.  They  had  no  more  right  to  repudiate 
the  nation  than  the  nation  had  to  repudiate  them.  None  of  them 
had  even  the  shadow  of  a  right  to  do  this,  and,  God  helping  us, 
we  will  vindicate  that  truth  so  that  it  shall  never  be  disputed  any 
more  in  this  world.  [Applause.]  It  is  a  fearful  alternative  that 
is  set  before  us,  but  there  are  great  compensations  for  it.  Those 
of  you  who  have  attended  to  this  subject  know,  or  ought  to  know, 
that  from  the  foundation  of  the  present  Government,  before  and 
since  our  present  Constitution  was  formed, there  have  always  been 
parties  that  had  no  faith  in  our  Government.  The  men  that 
formed  it  were  doubtful  of  its  success,  and  the  men  that  opposed 
its  formation  did  not  desire  its  success.  And  I  am  bold  to  say, 
without  detaining  you  on  this  subject,  that,  with  all  the  outcry 
about  our  violations  of  the  Constitution,  this  present  living  gen- 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1861.  ITU 

eratioti  and  this  present  Union  party  are  more  thoroughly  <!<•- 
voted  to  that  Constitution  than  any  generation  that  has  ever  lived 
under  it.  [Applause.)  While  I  say  that,  and  solemnly  believe  it, 
and  believe  it  is  capable  of  the  strongest  proof,  I  may  also  add 
that  it  is  a  great  error  which  is  being  propagated  in  our  land,  to 
say  that  our  national  life  depends  merely  upon  the  sustain  in-  of 
that  Constitution.  Our  fathers  made  it,  and  we  love  it.  But  if  it 
suits  us  to  change  it,  we  can  do  so.  [Applause.]  And  when  it 
suits  us  to  change  it,  we  will  change  it.  [Applause.]  If  it  were 
torn  into  ten  thousand  pieces,  the  nation  would  be  as  much  a  na- 
tion as  it  was  before  the  Constitution  was  made — a  nation  always, 
that  declared  its  independence  as  a  united  people,  and  lived  as  a 
united  people  until  now — -a  nation  independent  of  all  particular 
institutions  under  which  they  lived,  and  capable  of  modeling 
them  precisely  as  their  interests  require.  We  ought  to  have  it 
distinctly  understood  by  friends  and  enemies,  that  while  we  love 
that  instrument  we  will  maintain  it,  and  will,  with  undoubted 
certainty,  put  to  death  friend  or  foe  who  undertakes  to  trample  it 
under  foot;  yet,  beyond  a  doubt,  we  will  reserve  the  right  to  alter 
it  to  suit  ourselves  from  time  to  time  and  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration. |  Applause.]  One  more  idea  on  that  subject.  We  have 
incorporated  in  that  instrument  the  right  of  revolution,  which 
gives  us,  without  a  doubt,  the  right  to  change  it.  It  never  existed 
before  the  American  States,  and,  by  the  right  to  change,  there 
is  no  need  of  rebellion,  insurrection  or  civil  war,  except  upon 
a  denial  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  all  free  governments — 
that  the  major  part  must  rule;  and  there  ia  no  other  method  of 
carrying  on  society,  except  that  the  will  of  the  majority  shall  be 
the  will  of  the  whole — or  that  the  will  of  the  minority  shall  be  the 
will  of  the  whole.  So  that,  in  one  word,  to  deny  the  principles  I 
have  tried  to  state,  is  to  make  a  dogmatic  assertion  that  the  only 
form  of  government  that  is  possible  with  perfect  liberty  and  ac- 
knowledged by  God  is  a  pure  and  absolute  despotism.  The 
principles,  therefore,  which  I  am  trying  to  state  before  you  are 
principles  which,  if  they  be  not  true,  freedom  is  impossible,  and 
no  government  but  one  of  pure  force  can  exist  or  ought  to  endure 
among  men.  But  the  idea  which  I  wished  to  carry  out,  as  the 
remedy  for  these  troubles  and  sorrows,  is  this:  Dreadful  as  they 
are,  this  fearful  truth  runs  through  the  whole  history  of  man- 
kind, that,  whatever  else  may  be  done  to  give  stability  to  author- 
ity, whatever  else  may  be  done  to  give  perpetuity  to  institutions 
— however  wise,  however  glorious,  practicable  and  just  may  be 
the  philosophy  of  it — it  has  been  found  that  the  only  enduring, 
the  only  imperishable  cement  of  all  free  institutions,  has  been 
the  blood  of  traitors.  No  government  has  ever  been  built  upon 
imperishable  foundations  which  foundations  were  not  laid  in  the 
blood  of  traitors.  It  is  a  fearful  truth,  but  we  may  as  well  avow 
it  at  once;  andevery  blow  you  strike,  and  every  rebel  you  kill, 
every  battle  you  win,  dreadful  as  it  is  to  do  it,  you  are  adding,  it 
may"  be.  a  year— it  may  be  ten  years— it  may  be  a  century — it  may 
be  ten  centuries  to  the  life  of  the  Government  and  the  freedom  of 
3'our  children.  [Great  applause.] 

Now,  passing  over  that  idea— passing  over  many  other  things 
which  it  would  be  right  for  me  to  say,  did  the  time  serve,  and 
were  this  the  occasion, — let  me  add,  you  are  a  Union  party.  [Ap- 
plause.] Your  origin  has  been  referred  to  as  having  occurred 
eight  years  ago.  In  one  sense  it  is  true.  But  you  are  far  older 


180  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

than  that.  I  see  before  me  not  only  primitive  Republicans  and 
primitive  Abolitionists,  but  I  see  also  primitive  Democrats  and 
primitive  Whig's — primitive  Americans,  and,  if  you  will  allow  me 
to  say  so,  I  myself  am  here,  who  all  my  life  have  been  in  a  party 
to  myself.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  As  a  Union  part}-  I  will 
follow  you  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  to  the  gates  of  death.  [Ap- 
plause.] But  as  an  Abolition  party — as  a  Republican  party — as  a 
Whig  part}* — as  a  Democratic  party — as  an  American  part}-.  I  will 
not  follow  you  one  foot.  [Applause.]  But  it  is  true  of  the  mass 
of  the  American  people,  however  you  may  divide  and  scatter, 
while  this  war  lasts,  while  the  country  is  in  peril,  while  you  call 
yourselves  as  you  do  in  the  call  of  the  Convention,  the  Union 
party — you  are  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  this  rebellion,  root  and  branch.  And,  in  my  judgment,  one 
of  the  greatest  errors  that  has  been  committed  by  our  administra- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government — the  Chief  of  which  we  are  about 
to  nominate  for  another  term  of  office — one  of  its  errors  has  been 
to  believe  that  we  have  succeeded  where  we  have  not  succeeded, 
and  to  act  in  a  manner  which  is  precisely  as  if  we  had  suc- 
ceeded. You  will  not,  you  cannot,  succeed  until  you  have  utterly 
broken  up  the  military  power  of  these  people.  [Applause.] 

I  will  not  detain  you  upon  these  incidental  points,  one  of  which 
has  been  made  prominent  in  the  remarks  of  the  excellent  Chair- 
man of  the  National  Committee.  I  do  not  know  that  I  would  be 
willing'  to  go  so  far  as  probably  he  would.  But  I  cordially  agree 
with  him  in  this — I  think,  considering  what  has  been  done  about 
slavery,  taking  the  thing  as  it  now  stands,  overlooking  altogether 
either  in  the  way  of  condemnation  or  in  the  way  of  approval,  any 
act  that  has  brought  us  to  the  point  where  we  are,  but  believing 
in  my  conscience  and  with  all  my  heart,  that  what  has  brought 
us  where  we  are  in  the  matter  of  slavery  is  the  original  sin  and 
folly  of  treason  and  secession,  because  you  remember  that  the 
Chicago  Convention  itself  was  understood  to  say,  and  I  believe  it 
virtually  did  explicitly  say, that  they  would  not  touch  slavery  in 
the  states, — leaving  it,  therefore,  altogether  out  of  the  question 
how  we  came  where  we  are,  on  that  particular  point,  we  are  pre- 
pared to  go  further  than  the  original  Republicans  themselves 
were  prepared  to  go.  We  are  prepared  to  demand  not  only  that 
the  whole  territory  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  made  slave, 
but  that  the  general  government  of  the  American  people  shall 
do  one  of  two  things — and  it  appears  to  me  that  there  is  nothing 
else  that  can  be  done — either  to  use  the  whole  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, both  the  war  power  and  the  peace  power,  to  put  slav- 
er}' as  nearly  as  possible  back  where  it  was — for,  although  that 
would  be  a  fearful  state  of  society,  it  is  better  than  anarchy;  or 
else  to  use  the  whole  power  of  the  Government,  both  of  war  and 
peace,  and  all  the  practical  power  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  will  give  them,  to  exterminate  and  extinguish  slavery. 
[Prolonged  applause.] 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  for  myself,  that  if  I  were  a  pro- 
slavery  man,  if  I  believed  this  institution  was  an  ordinance  of  God, 
and  was  given  to  man,  I  would  unhesitatingly  join  those  who  de- 
mand that  the  Government  should  be  put  back  where  it  was.  But 
I  am  not  a  pro-slaver}-  man — I  never  was.  I  unite  myself  with 
those  who  believe  it  is  contrary  to  the  highest  interests  of  all 
men  and  of  all  Government,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Christ- 
ian religion,  and  incompatible  with  the  natural  rights  of  man. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS  -1856,  18<>  >. 

I  join  myself  with  those  who  say.  away  with  it  forever,  [ap- 
plause]; and  I  fervently  pray  God  that  the  day  may  come  when 
throughout  the  whole  land  every  man  may  be  as  free  as  yon  are, 
and  as  capable  of  enjoying  regulated  liberty.  [Prolonged  ap- 
plause.] 

I  will  not  detain  you  any  longer.  One  single  word  you  will 
allow  me  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  state  from  which  I  mine,  one  of 
the  smallest  of  the  thousands  of  Israel.  We  know  very  well 
that  our  eleven  votes  are  of  no  consequence  in  the  Presidential 
election.  We  know  very  well  that  in  our  present  unhappy  condi- 
tion, it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  we  are  here  to-day  represent- 
ing the  part}-  that  will  east  the  majority  of  the  votes  in  that  un- 
happy state.  I  know  ver}-  well  that  the  sentiments  which  I  am 
uttering  will  cause  me  great  odium  in  the  state  in  which  I  was 
born,  which  I  love,  where  the  bones  of  two  generations  of  my  an- 
cestors and  some  of  my  children  are,  and  where,  very  soon,  I  shall 
lay  my  own.  1  know  very  well  that  my  colleagues  will  incur 
odium  if  they  indorse  what  I  say,  and  the}',  too,  know  it.  But  we 
have  put  our  faces  toward  the  way  in  which  we  intend  t<>  go,  and 
we  will  go  in  it  to  the  end.  If  we  are  to  perish,  we  will  perish  in 
that  way.  All  I  have  to  say  to  you  is.  help  us  if  you  can;  if  you 
cannot,  believe  in  your  hearts  that  we  have  died  like  men. 

TEMPORARY  SECRETARIES. 

Mr.  X.  B.  Smithers,  of  Delaware.  Mr.  President:  In  order  to 
perfect  the  temporary  organization,  I  move  that  the  following 
gentlemen  be  appointed  temporary  secretaries,  viz.:  George  A. 
Shaw,  of  Massachusetts;  K..H.  Duell,  of  New  York;  Rev.  M.  C. 
Briggs,  of  California. 

The  question  being  put,  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 

PRAYER. 

THE  CHAIRMAN.— It  has  been  usual  on  such  occasions,  gentle- 
men, and  it  is  most  proper  in  itself,  to  have  the  blessing  of  God, 
in  whom  is  all  our  hope,  invoked,  at  this  stage  of  the  proceed- 
ings, upon  our  conduct,  and  the  result  of  it.  The  Chairman  of  the 
National  Committee  will  now  introduce  to  you,  therefore,  the  Rev. 
McKendree  Reiley.  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  who  will 
lead  us  at  the  Throne  of  Grace. 

Mr.  Reiley  made  a  prayer  in  the  following  language: 
Our  Father  which  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed  be  thy  name.  As 
taught  by  Thy  Son  Jesus  Christ,  we  recognize  the  filial  relation 
in  which  we  stand  to-day;  and  approach  Thee  as  children  ap- 
proaching their  parent;  and  yet.  at  the  same  time,  we  recognize 
the  fact  that  Thou  art  the  Infinite  God,  the  Governor  of  Worlds. 
the  King  of  Kings,  and  the  Lord  of  Lords.  We  appear  before 
Thee  to  let  Thy  blessing  rest  upon  these  Thy  servants,  who  have 
here  met  together  as  directed  by  the  people,  to  ascertain  and  to 
give  to  them  for  their  suffrages  proper  persons  to  take  the  posi- 
tions and  perform  the  duties  of  President  and  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States.  We  thank  Thy  holy  name  for  this  Convention, 
for  the  healthy  indication  it  give's  of  the  fact  that  we  still  have  a 
government.  Notwithstanding  our  nationality  has  been  assailed, 


182  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

even  in  the  home  of  its  professed  friends;  notwithstanding-  plans 
of  treason  have  been  concocted  with  great  ingenuity,  and  long 
matured;  notwithstanding  the  noble  fabric  built  by  our  fathers, 
under  Thy  guidance,  has  been  assailed  by  armed  bands,  exceed- 
ingly numerous,  well  equipped,  and  well  marshaled,  we  praise 
Thy  name  that,  after  three  years  of  turmoil,  of  war,  of  bloodshed, 
and  of  commotion,  there  is  still  the  fact  before  us,  unanswerable, 
that  we  have  a  government.  We  praise  Thy  name  that,  notwith- 
standing the  sympathies  of  the  world,  of  the  other  nations  of  the 
earth,  have  been  for  the  most  part  against  us — the  sympathies  at 
least  of  those  high  in  power — we  still  demonstrate  to  them  the 
fact  that  we  have  a  government.  We  thank  Thee  that  it  holds  its 
sessions  in  the  State  of  Maryland,  upon  whose  original  soil  stands 
the  capital  of  the  United  States,  but  which,  a  short  period  ago, 
seemed  so  near  the  vortex  of  secession.  We  praise  Thy  name  that 
this  Convention  holds  its  sessions  in  the  city  of  Baltimore,  from 
whose  breezes,  but  a  short  time  ago,  early  in  the  present  struggle, 
the  banner  of  our  common  country  was  exiled.  We  thank  Thee  that 
that  banner  floats  in  triumph  over  our  State  and  over  our  city;  and 
we  thank  Thee  that  the  Convention  which,  composed  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people,  is  to  indicate  the  next  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  holds  its  session  here.  We 
pray  Thee  to  grant  to  these  Thy  servants  wisdom,  that  they  may 
conduct  their  plans  all  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  for  the  promotion 
of  the  best  purposes.  Ma}-  they  select  the  right  men  to  take  the 
responsible  positions  that  are  now  so  interesting  to  us;  and  grant 
when  they  have  selected  the  men  as  candidates  for  those  posi- 
tions, that  the  people  may  come  up  and  roll  in  an  overwhelming 
majority  that  shall  forever  settle  the  question  that  the  authority 
of  the  United  States  Government  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 
We  pray  Thee  to  let  thy  blessing  rest  upon  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  upon  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  and  upon  our 
Congressmen,  and  upon  all  who  are  in  authority.  Wilt  thou  give 
to  them  the  wisdom  that  they  now  eminently  need;  and  we  pray 
Thee  to  let  Thy  blessing  rest  upon  our  country,  once  so  highly- 
favored,  but  now  so  war-stirred,  whose  soil  is  now  so  blood- 
stained. Oh,  do  Thou  lift  this  curtain  of  darkness  on  which  we 
behold  the  angry  traces  of  Thy  wrath,  and  may  the  sun  of  peace 
earl}-  shine  forth  upon  a  united  and  happy  nation.  We  pray  Thee 
to  bless  our  soldiers  in  the  field  and  sailors  on  the  ocean,  and 
give  them  great  success  in  their  enterprises.  Ma}-  victory  perch 
upon  their  banner,  and  may  we,  as  a  nation,  come  forth  from  this 
war  purified,  and  testify  in  a  sense  such  as  we  have  never  testified 
before  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  in  favor  of  human  freedom. 
Grant,  we  beseech  Thee,  that  when  we  shall  pass  through  this 
ordeal,  it  shall  be,  while  the  fires  of  the  furnace  have  not  left  their 
smell  upon  our  garments,  they  have  melted  off  the  chain  of  the 
last  slave.  All  of  which  we  ask  in  Christ's  name.  Amen. 

ORGANIZATION. 

The  CHAIRMAN — What  is  the  further  pleasure  of  the  Conven- 
tion with  regard  to  the  earliest  possible  permanent  organization? 
Divers  committees,  I  find,  were  appointed  at  the  last  Convention, 
the  proceedings  of  which  I  have  before  me.  I  think  the  next  bus- 
iness which  was  transacted  four  years  ago,  was  the  calling  of  the 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  183 

States  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  a  Committee  to  report  officers 
for  the  Convention.  Is  it  the  will  of  the  meeting- that  the  States 
should  be  now  called  for  that  purpose? 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  ot  Pennsylvania,  I  move  that  Hie  list  of  the 
States  be  called,  and  that  some  member  of  the  delegation  from 
each  State  furnish  the  Secretary  with  a  list  of  its  delegates. 

The  inotion,  being  seconded,  was  put  and  carried. 

The  CHAIRMAN— In  what  order  shall  the  list  be  called? 

Mr.  Cameron,  the  Secretary  has  a  printed  list  of  the  States,  and 
he  had  better  call  them  according  to  his  roll.  When  the  States 
are  called,  sonu-  delegate  from  each  State  can  furnish  the  Secre- 
tary with  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  delegates  from  his  State. 

The  CHAIRMAN — The  Secretary  will  please  proceed  to  call  the 
list  in  the  order  mentioned. 

The  SECRETARY-  The  first  State  on  the  list  is  Maine. 

Mr.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine,  I  beg  to  suggest  that  there  is  a 
misapprehension  in  regard  to  the  motion  just  adopted.  I  think. 
perhaps,  it  will  be  impracticable  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

The  CHAIRMAN — It  is  not  in  order  to  discuss  it  now.  It  has  al- 
ready been  adopted. 

Mr.  Lot  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine,  I  rise  to  obviate  the  difficulty  l>y 
a  motion  which  I  shall  submit,  if  the  Chair  will  entertain  it.  I 
move  to  reconsider  the  vote  by  which  the  list  of  delegates  was 
directed  to  be  called  for,  with  a  view  of  submitting  a  motion  to 
raise  a  Committee  to  receive  the  credentials  and  report  a  list  of 
delegates.  • 

The  CHAIRMAN— That  motion  is  in  order. 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  with  great  deference  to 
the  gentleman  from  Maine,  I  think  he  could  not  have  understood 
my  motion  correctly,  or  he  would  not  object  to  it.  My  motion 
was  that  the  roll  of  States  should  be  called  over,  and  that,  as  each 
State  was  called,  some  gentleman  of  the  delegation  should  pre- 
sent such  a  list  of  delegates  as  has  been  made  out  by  the  delega- 
tion. After  that,  of  course,  a  Committee  will  be  formed  from  all 
the  States  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  those  rolls,  seeing  if 
there  are  anj"  contested  seats,  and  deciding  between  the  contest- 
ants; or,  if  there  be  none  contested,  the  list  will  come  back  in  full. 
That  will  save  a  great  deal  of  time,  and  there  can  be  no  difficulty 
in  carrying  it  out.  I  trust  there  will  be  no  reconsideration. 

Mr.  I..  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine,  I  perceive  that  between  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  and  myself  there  is  no  difference  as  to 
the  object  to  be  attained.  But,  in  a  body  where  the  delegates  are 
unknown,  where,  possibly,  some  of  the  seats  are  contested,  it 
seems  to  me  utterly  impracticable,  at  this  time,  to  present  a  list 
of  the  delegates  from  the  several  states;  and  my  purpose  is,  if 
this  vote  shall  be  reconsidered,  to  propose  that  the  roll  of  the 


134  THE  FIRST  THKEE  REPUBLICAN 

states  be  called,  and  that  each  delegation  be  requested  to  propose 
one  name  from  its  delegation,  to  constitute  a  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials, to  whom  the  credentials  of  the  delegates  from  the 
several  states  shall  be  referred. 

Mr.  Thompson  Campbell,  of  California,  I  think  the  course  sug- 
gested by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  is  the  course  ordin- 
arily pursued  in  such  conventions,  and  I  see  no  difficulty  in  it. 
When  the  State  of  Maine  is  called,  I  apprehend  the  delegation 
from  that  -state  will  be  prepared  to  present  their  credentials. 
There  are  no  self-constituted  delegates  in  this  Convention.  They 
all  come  by  authority,  as  representatives  of  the  constituencies 
which  have  elected  them.  I  apprehend,  therefore,  there  will  be 
no  difficulty  in  carrying  out  the  motion  already  adopted,  and  it  is 
the  best  and  speediest  course  of  ascertaining  who  are  the  members 
of  this  Convention. 

The  Chairman  put  the  question  on  the  motion  to  reconsider,  and 
decided  that  it  was  agreed  to,  and  that  the  question  recurred  on 
the  original  motion  of  Mr.  Cameron. 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Now,  Mr.  President,  I  sub- 
mit another  motion.  I  move  that  a  committee,  composed  of  one 
delegate  from  each  state,  be  appointed,  for  the  purpose  of  receiv- 
ing a  list  of  the  delegates,  and  deciding  who  are  entitled  to  be 
present. 

THE  CHAIRMAN— Does  the  gentleman  offer  that  as  a  substitute 
for  the  other  motion? 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  yes,  sir. 

Mr.  James  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  is  that  to  appl\-  only  to  states 
where  there  is  no  contest? 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  no;  I  mean  that  it  shall 
embrace  all. 

Mr.  George  W.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  I  think  it  is  the  most 
simple  thing  in  the  world,  when  a  state  is  called,  for  the  chairman 
of  the  delegation  from  that  state  to  rise  in  his  place  and  send  to 
the  Chair  a  list  of  the  delegates  from  that  state.  I  cannot  but 
think  that  some  delegate  from  the  State  of  Maine  has  a  list  of  all 
the  delegates  from  that  state,  and  if  he  has,  he  can  send  it  to  the 
Chair.  [Order.] 

The  CHAIRMAN — Allow  me  to  remind  the  gentleman  that  the 
house  have  not  only  reconsidered  the  question  to  which  he  is 
speaking,  but  are  considering  another  motion  which  has  been 
substituted  for  it  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  G.  W.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  I  move  to  amend  that  motion 
by  inserting  in  place  of  it  the  original  motion  that  was  made,  that 
the  delegation  from  each  state,  as  the  states  are  called,  furnish  to 
the  Chair  a  list  of  the  members  from  that  state.  The  State  of  New 
York,  I  believe,  has  about  as  many  delegates  as  the  State  of 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 189$  I860,  1864.  iv> 

Maine,  and  the  chairman  of  our  delegation  will  be  able,  when  the 
State  of  New  York  is  called,  to  present  a  full  list  of  the  delegates 
from  that  state.  Now,  sir,  I  move  you  that,  as  the  states  are  called, 
one  delegate  from  each  state  furnish  to  the  Chair  a  list  of  the 
members  from  that  state. 

M.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  save  time.  I  accept  the 
proposition  to  amend. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut.  I  have  an  objection,  for  two 
reasons,  to  the  proposed  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  New 
York.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  not  an  amendment  at  all;  in  the 
next  place  it  is  not  germane  to  the  resolution  offered  by  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania;  it  is  a  substitute  for  it,  and  there- 
fore not  in  order.  I  insist  upon  the  original  motion  being  put. 

Mr.  G.  \V.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania has  withdrawn  his  motion,  and  the  question  now  is  on 
mine. 

The  CHAIRMAN — The  chair  will  state  the  position  of  the  case  as 
he  understands  it.  The  House  passed  the  resolution  offered  by 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  and  then  reconsidered  it.  The 
effect  of  the  reconsideration  was,  to  leave  the  motion  that  was 
originally  passed  standing  upon  its  passage.  Thereupon  the 
mover  of  the  resolution,  nobody  objecting,  offered  a  substiute  for 
it.  Whether  or  not  the  substitute  and  the  original  motion  were 
so  different  that  the  substitute  could  not  properly  be  received,  as 
has  been  suggested,  I  shall  not  now  undertake  to  say;  but,  tinder 
the  circumstances,  I  decide  that  it  was  properly  presented.  I 
have  doubts,  however,  whether,  after  that  has  been  done,  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  or  anybody  in  his  place,  can  offer 
again  the  original  resolution  for  which  he  accepted  the  substitute 
as  an  amendment  to  it;  seeing,  in  fact,  that  it  is  not  an  amendment 
but  a  totally  different  thing.  There  is  the  embarrasment  that  I 
am  in. 

Mr.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  New  York,  I  desire,  Mr.  Chairman, 
simply  to  make  a  suggestion  for  the  consideration  of  the  Conven- 
tion which*  may  possibly  facilitate  business.  We  are  here  now 
simply  as  a  mass  meeting.  We  have  appointed  a  temporary 
Chairman  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  that  mass  meeting,  and 
converting  it  into  a  convention  of  delegates.  The  first  thing, 
therefore,  to  be  done  is  to  decide  what  states  have  sent  delegates 
here;  the  next  thing  to  be  decided  is  what  delegates  they  have  sent; 
and  the  third  thing  to  be  decided  is  by  what  authority  do  tho--.' 
delegates  come  from  those  states,  and  appear  here  as  their  repre- 
sentatives. It  seems  to  me  that  is  the  natural  order  in  which  we 
are  to  make  ourselves  a  convention  instead  of  a  mass  incrting. 
Now,  as  I  understand  it,  the  motion  submitted  by  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  is.  that  we  appoint  a  Committee  on  Creden- 


186  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

tials.  Well,  sir,  in  the  first  place,  we  have  110  credentials  before 
this  body,  and  in  the  next  place,  we  have  no  delegates  officially 
known  to  this  body,  from  whom  to  make  up  that  committee.  The 
first  thing  to  be  done,  it  strikes  me,  is  to  call  the  list  of  states  be- 
longing to  this  Union,  and,  as  each  state  is  called,  if  there  is  any- 
one here  present  who  can  say  for  that  state  that  she  has  a  delega- 
tion here,  it  is  his  business  to  rise  and  say  so,  and  to  present  to 
the  Chair  the  credentials  on  which  that  delegation  claims  seats. 
If  there  are  contesting  delegations  from  any  state,  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  it  is  the  duty  of  so'me  one  from  that  state  to  present 
the  list  of  both  claimants.  Then  when  that  has  been  done,  a 
committee  can  be  appointed  to  examine  the  credentials  thus 
handed  in. 

Mr.  S.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  allow  me  to  say  to  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York,  that  my  original  resolution  was  precisel3T 
what  he  is  now  advocating,  but  there  were  objections  to  it,  and  I 
withdrew  it  for  the  purpose  of  saving  time.  I  offered  my  first 
resolution  because  I  thought  it  was  the  quickest  way  of  bringing 
the  mass  meeting,  as  the  gentleman  has  called  it,  into  a  conven- 
tion; and  I  intended  to  follow  it  up  by  offering  another  resolution, 
that  a  Committee  on  Credentials  be  appointed,  of  one  from  each 
state  represented  here,  and  let  that  committee  examine  the  papers 
presented  under  the  first  resolution,  and  determine  who  are  en- 
titled to  seats.  It  could  have  been  settled  in  a  few  minutes  if  my 
honorable  friend  from  Maine  had  let  it  go;  the  effect  of  his  motion 
to  reconsider  has  been  to  waste  more  time  already  than  would 
have  been  occupied  in  organizing  the  Convention. 

Mr.  H.  J.  Raymond,  of  New  York,  I  suppose  the  only  difficulty 
has  arisen  from  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  somewhat  feeble  voice 
of  the  gentleman  who  made  these  motions,  their  exact  tenor  was 
not  fully  understood  by  the  whole  body  of  the  Convention.  If, 
now,  the  gentlemen  from  Pennsylvania  will  renew  his  motion,  I 
have  no  doubt,  with  the  explanation  he  has  made,  it  will  be 
promptly  acceded  to;  if  not,  I  will  make  it  myself. 

Mr.  S.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  that  motion  is  now  before  the 
House. 

Mr..H.  J.  Raymond,  of  New  York,  that  motion,  as  I  understand 
it,  is  that  the  Secretary  of  this  meeting  call  the  list  of  states,  and 
that,  as  the  name  of  each  state  is  called,  some  one  on  behalf  of 
that  state  shall  respond  to  it,  and  present  the  list  of  delegates 
claiming  seats  from  that  state,  together  with  their  credentials. 

Mr.  S.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  have  those  of  Pennsylvania 
in  my  hand  now,  ready  to  present. 

The  CHAIRMAN  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  as  it  has  been  just  stated. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 


NATIONAL  Co.\\  KM  i<  >.\s  — 1856,  1860,  I-  1»7 

Mr.  Shaw,  the  Secretary,  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  states,  and 
lists  of  delegates  were  handed  in  from  Maine,  New  Hampshire, 
Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut.  New  York. 
New  Jersey.  Pennsylvania,  Delaware.  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio. 
Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Wisconsin.  Iowa,  Minnesota.  Cali- 
fornia. Oregon,  West  Virginia,  and  Kansas. 

From  Missouri  two  lists  of  delegates  were  presented, one  elect. •<! 
by  the  Radical  Union  Convention,  and  the  other  by  the  Uncondi- 
tional Union  Party  of  Missouri. 

CON TKSI  KI>   SKATS. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move  that  all  con- 
tested cases  be  laid  over,  and  that  the  delegates  from  such  states 
shall  not  be  entered  on  the  roll  until  the  credentials  shall  have 
been  sent  to  a  Committee  on  Credentials  and  reported  back. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  District  of  Columbia  was  also  called,  and  it  was  announced 
that  there  were  two  sets  of  delegates  from  the  district. 

The  CHAIRMAN  All  the  states  embraced  in  the  call  of  this  Con- 
vention have  been  called  by  the  Secretary.  Is  it  the  mind  of  the 
Convention  that  he  shall  stop  there,  or  shall  he  call  the  other 
states? 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move.  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  if  there  are  any  representatives  here  from  states  which  have 
not  been  called — and  I  understand  that  some  of  the  states  in 
secession  claim  to  be  represented  here — they  present  their  creden- 
tials to  the  Committee  on  Credentials  when  appointed,  but  that 
they  be  not  called  in  this  order. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  move  to  amend  the  motion  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  by  directing  the  Secretary  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  call  of  the  states  and  territories,  with  the  under- 
standing that  the  credentials  which  may  be  presented  shall  be 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credential s. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Penn.,  I  am  afraid  that  that  will  be 
some  recognition  of  the  right  of  States  which  now  belong  to  the 
Southern  Confederacy  to  be  represented  here,  and,  of  course,  to 
be  represented  in  the  Electoral  College.  I  think  we  ought  to 
march  with  great  caution  in  this  matter;  for,  although  I  have  no 
doubt  there  are  many  very  excellent  men  here  from  such  States, 
yet  it  is  a  question  which  ought  to  be  settled  before  we  commit 
ourselves  at  all,  whether  they  are  entitled  to  be  represented  here 
or  not.  I  may  as  well  say  at  this  point — though,  perhaps,  it  has 
nothing  to  do  with  this  question — that,  in  a  meeting  of  the  Union 
Republican  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  they  have 
unanimously  declared  that  no  such  States  can  be  represented  in 
Congress,  or  ought  to  be  represented  in  the  Electoral  College,  or. 
in  their  judgment,  ought  to  be  represented  here,  as  that  would 
give  them  a  right  to  be  represented  in  the  Electoral  College.  I 
do  not  »vant  to  have  that  question  now  discussed,  or  now  decided. 
I  have,  therefore,  made  a  motion,  which  I  thought  would  leave  it 
open  for  consideration,  to  refer  it  all  to  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials, who  will  carefully  examine  the  whole  question,  and  report 


188  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

to  this  Convention,  so  that  the  business  may  not  now  be  inter- 
rupted by  what  may  be  a  protracted  discussion.  I  hope  the  gen- 
tleman from  Kansas  will  see  the  propriety  of  this  proceeding-  be- 
ing taken,  as  it  will  decide  nothing,  but  simply  place  the  question 
in  a  position  for  adjudication  hereafter. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  it  will  be  time  enough  to  decide 
against  the  claims  of  Nevada,  and  Colorado,  and  Nebraska,  who 
expect  to  cast  electoral  votes  for  our  candidate  [applause],  after 
an  examination  by  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  It  will  be  time 
enough  to  decide  against  the  free  State  of  Arkansas,  whose  sena- 
tors and  representatives  are  knocking  at  the  doors  of  Congress 
for  admission,  after  consideration  by  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials. It  will  be  time  enough  to  decide  against  the  gallant  Free- 
State  men  of  Louisiana  [applause],  who  propose  to  elect  senators 
and  representatives  so  soon  as  they  can,  under  their  amended 
Constitution,  after  an  examination  by  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials. These  States  are  here  with  their  delegates.  All  they  ask  is 
the  poor  boon  of  being  ranked  in  the  call  with  their  sister  States 
[applause.]  They  are  willing  to  abide  the  decision  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials,  and  the  decision  of  this  Convention.  The 
State  of  Missouri  has  two  sets  of  delegates  here;  there  is  a  ques- 
tion to  adjudicate,  and  we  have  received  the  credentials  of  both 
sets  of  delegates,  and  referred  them  to  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials for  adjudication.  The  delegates  from  Arkansas,  the  dele- 
gates from  Louisiana,  the  delegates  from  Tennessee,  the  dele- 
Nevada,  Nebraska,  and  Colorado,  have  a  question  to  be  adjudi- 
cated. Send  their  credentials  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials, 
as  you  have  done  in  the  case  of  the  contestants  from  the  State  of 
Missouri.  Let  me  add,  the  delegates  from  Nevada,  Nebraska  and 
Colorado  especially,  ask  recognition  here  for  the  purpose  of 
strengthening  the  State  movement  within  those  territories;  and  I 
hope,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  if  not  as  a  matter  of  justice,  that 
you  will  permit  their  credentials  to  be  received  and  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Mr.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  I  rise  to  say  that  I  appear  as 
the  chairman  of  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  sent 
frere  by  the  loyal  Union  portion  of  the  population  of  that  old 
State,  extending  as  they  do  from  the  mountains  to  the  banks  of 
the  Mississippi  river.  I  presume  that,  as  to  the  mere  matter  of 
their  credentials,  there  can  be  very  little  dispute.  The  question 
for  the  Convention  to  decide  is,  as  I  understand  it,  whether  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  by  her  loyal,  Union,  liberty-loving  population 
[applause],  shall  have  a  position  and  a  voice  in  the  deliberations 
of  this  body.  As  a  right,  we  are  free  to  concede  in  one  sense  that 
we  have  not;  but  this,  as  it  has  been  very  appropriately  styled  by 
the  chairman,  is  a  voluntary  representative  body,  not  provided 
for  either  by  the  Constitution  or  the  laws  of  our  country,  but 
growing  up  by  established  party  usages  for  a  period  of  almost 
one  generation.  Any  body  of  men  who  chose  to  assemble  them- 
selves within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  to  designate  candi- 
dates for  the  high  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President,  un- 
doubtedly have  the  right  to  do  so,  and  have  equally  the  right  to 
say  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  assemble  with  them.  We  con- 
cede that  fully.  We  come,  making  no  such  claims.  In  another 
sense,  and  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  in  a  much  larger  and 
higher  sense,  they  who  have  sent  us  here  do  claim  that  they  have 
a  right  to  be  represented  in  this  body  of  American  citizens  [ap- 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  189 

plause.]  What  is  the  assemblage:  What  does  it  purport  to  be? 
An  assemblage  of  delegates  representing  that  portion  of  Un- 
American  people  who  are  now,  by  their  efforts  in  the  field,  and 
by  their  sustaining  and  co-operative  efforts  at  home,  attempting 
to  sustain  the  honor  and  the  existence  of  the  government  against 
the  men  who  are  in  rebellious  array,  endeavoring  to  break  it  tip 
and  overthrow  it.  Assembled  here  under  that  symbol  which 
typifies  our  common  nationality,  we,  the  loyal  people  of  Tennes- 
see, claim  the  right  to  be  represented  in  any  such  assemblage, 
wherever  upon  this  broad  continent  it  may  be  met  [applause.] 
You  have  decorated  and  adorned  your  hall  most  beautifully  and 
most  appropriately  by  that  flag  which  is  the  symbol  of  our  o>m- 
mou  nationality.  Count,  I  beseech  you,  before  you  pronounce 
upon  this  question,  the  stars  that  emblazon  it  [great  and  con- 
tinued applause].  That,  sir,  is  our  argument;  that,  sir.  is  our  ap- 
peal. The  sixteenth  star  in  that  constellation  symbol  i/.es  tin- 
existence  of  Tennessee.  And  we  intend,  God  helping  us,  and  by 
the  assistance  of  the  loyal  arms  of  the  loyal  men  of  our  country, 
that  that  star  shall  never  set. 

I  do  not  propose,  in  this  preliminary  period  of  the  deliberation- 
of  the  Convention,  to  enlarge  on  this  topic.  I  rose  simply  for  the 
purpose  of  entering,  in  behalf  of  those  much-enduring,  long-suf- 
fering- men  who  sent  us  here,  a  protest  that  you  should  not  pass  us 
by,  or  forget  or  ignore  our  existence.  Lei  me  say  that,  for  you  that 
drink  in  the  cool  breezes  of  the  Northern  air,  it  is  easy  to  rally  to 
the  flag  to  sustain  the  honor  of  your  country;  and,  if  we  had  not 
melancholy  evidence  to  the  contrary,  I  should  say  that  it  was  im 
possible  that  any  of  you  should  do  otherwise.  But  we  represent 
those  who  have  stood  in  the  very  furnace  of  the  rebellion,  those 
who  have  met  treason  eye  to  eye,  and  face  to  face,  and  fought 
from  the  beginning  for  the  support  of  the  flag  and  the  honor  of 
our  country.  [Great  applause.]  I  will  not  repeat  the  story  of  that 
people.  It  has  been  told  many  times.  All  1  have  to  say  is  that  if, 
after  the  accumulated  evidence  that  has  been  thrust  upon  the 
country,  any  man  is  still  incredulous  of  the  sublime,  romantic 
patriotism  of  that  noble  people,  I  beg  that  he  will  return  with  me, 
and  see  tor  himself;  let  him  put  his  hands  into  the  very  print  of 
the  nails,  and  he  will  have  such  demonstration  as  shall  satisfj- 
him.  Sir,  that  people  sent  us  here  because  they  are  interested  in 
the  great  question  to  be  decided  here.  They  are  interested  with 
yon'  in  sustaining  and  upholdingthe  common  government  of  this 
country,  and  they  have  sent  us  here  to  attest,  by  an  additional 
act,  their  devotion  to  our  common  country,  and  their  desire  to  be 
reckoned  among  those  who  are  read}-  to  maintain,  at  every  cost, 
our  common  honor  and  nationality.  Their  sons  are  dying  in  the 
field  under  the  national  flag.  Their  blood  has  scarcely  even  now 
dried  upon  the  sand.  It  was  spilled  the  other  day  in  the  defiles 
of  Georgia,  and  it  has  marked  all  the  mountain  passes  in  Tennes- 
see. From  an  humble  beginning,  at  Mill  Spring,  to  that  glorious 
encounter  above  the  very  clouds,  their  blood  has  been  shed  on 
every  field.  In  the  name  of  these  heroes  we  call  upon  you  to  re- 
ceive us  among  the  friends  of  the  Union  here  assembled.  [Great 
applause.] 

Mr.  Hanks,  of  Arkansas,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi 
River  is  the  State  of  Arkansas,  which,  although  almost  blotted 
out,  has  sent  here  a  full  delegation  of  true  Union  men.  We  have 
s uttered  for  three  long  years;  we  have  been  trampled  down  be- 


190  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

neath  the  heel  of  despotism;  many  of  our  people  have  been  car- 
ried off  to  captivity,  but  we  are  here  to-day  to  present  true  Union 
men,  friends  of  the  government.  Within  our  limits  was  fought 
the  battle  of  Pea  Ridge.  [Applause.]  Having  passed  through 
the  fiery  ordeal,  we  come  here  as  representing  twelve  thousand 
lo>*al  men  of  Arkansas,  who  have  put  down  that  disturbing  ele- 
ment which  was  the  source  of  all  our  woes.  [Applause.]  We  are 
here;  we  claim  to  be  a  parcel  of  you;  and  we  claim  that  we  have 
yet  a  star  in  the  glorious  galaxy  of  the  American  Union. 

>Ir.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  before  this  question  is  put.  I 
desire  to  say  a  word  in  behalf  of  the  delegation  from  Virginia.  I 
wish  to  know  the  name  of  the  last  State  or  Territory  that  was 
called  before  the  motion  was  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania. 

The  SECRETARY  (Mr.  Shaw)— The  last  name  called  was  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia. 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  now,  I  wish  to  know,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, why  the  District  of  Columbia  should  be  called,  and  the  State 
of  Virginia  left  out.  Why,  sir,  the  District  of  Columbia  never  can 
be  hatched  or  piped  into  a  State.  [Laughter.]  Act  as  you  please, 
vote  as  you  please,  decide  as  you  please  here,  with  all  respect  for 
the  District  of  Columbia — and  I  believe  I  am  standing  almost 
within  speaking  distance  of  her — how  can  she  ever  throw  an  elec- 
toral vote?  But  the  State  of  Virginia  has  contributed  25,000  men 
to  the  Union  army.  [Applause.]  She  is  this  day  represented  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and,  but  for  the  inscrutable  dis- 
pensation of  Divine  Providence  in  the  death  of  the  lamented  Bow- 
den,  would  be  fully  represented;  and  she  would,  to-day,  have  three 
Representatives  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives  but 
for  the  fact  that  the  Committee  of  Elections  decided,  not  that  she 
was  not  a  State,  but  that  the  vote  of  the  respective  districts  was 
not  sufficient  if  scattered  over  the  districts,  or,  in  other  words, 
that  a  sufficient  number  of  counties  in  each  district  had  not 
voted.  Is  that  State  to  be  shut  out?  The  member  from  Pennsyl- 
vania who  submitted  that  motion  has  himself  recognized  the  State 
of  Virginia  as  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  T.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  may  I  ask  the  gentleman  when 
I  ever  recognized  Virginia,  since  her  Ordinance  of  Secession,  as 
being  in  the  Union  ?  West  Virginia,  cut  off  from  Virginia,  I  voted 
for  admitting  into  the  Union  as  an  independent  State,  and  the 
gentleman  will  do  me  the  justice  to  say  that  I  then  declared  that 
Virginia  herself  had  no  business  to  be  considered  in  the  Union. 
I  was  very  sorry,  when  the  gentleman  was  himself  lately  an  ap- 
plicant for  a  seat  in  Congress,  that  I  was  obliged  to  vote  against 
him,  because  I  believed  that  Virginia  and  all  other  States  in  Se- 
cession—  although  I  knew  some  of  their  men  were  loyal,  and 
although  I  know  there  is  no  better  Republican  than  the  gentle- 
man to  whose  voice  we  have  been  listening  with  pleasure — all 
States  which,  by  a  regular  majority  of  their  votes,  have  declared 
themselves  out  of  the  Union,  have  no  right  to  be  recognized  or 
represented  in  the  Union.  I  am  sure  I  never  admitted  such  a 
doctrine  as  that.  The  applause  which  I  have  heard  of  the  princi- 
ple of  such  recognition  has  alarmed  me  more  for  the  safety  of 
this  nation  than  all  the  armies  of  the  rebels.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  I  will  answer  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  and  will  tell  him  how  and  why  and  when  he 
recognized  the  State  of  Virginia.  He  admits  the  fact  that  he 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856.  1860,  1864.  I'll 

voted  in  favor  of  making  West  Virginia  a  new  State.  Pray,  how 
did  he  do  that  unless  he  in  the  first  place  acknowledged  Virginia 
Stater  [Applause.]  Sir.  that  gentleman  is  too  w<-ll  posted  in 
regard  to  the  Constitution  not  to  know  that  no  new  State  can  be 
carved  out  of  an  old  State  save  by  the  consent  of  the  old  State. 
and  then  Congress  passes  on  the  question;  so  that, when  the  gen- 
tleman voted  in  favor  of  making  West  Virginia  a  new  State.  In- 
either  recognized  the  State  of  Virginia,  or  he  voted  for  a  mea.-un- 
which  he  himself  believed  to  be  unconstitutional. 

The  CHAIRMAN — I  havr  very  great  doubts  whether  any  part  of 
this  discussion  that  is  purely  personal  is  in  order.  I  doubt 
whether  it  is  in  order  or  for  edification  that  personal  questions  of 
this  sort  should  be  introduced,  not  germane  to  the  issue;  and, 
unless  the  House  order  otherwise,  1  shall  hold  that  no  part  of 
this  side-discussion  is  in  order. 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  Sir,  there  was  nothing  personal 
intended.  The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  knows  very  well 
indeed  that  the  personal  relations  between  us  have  always  been 
of  the  most  pleasant  character.  I  was  simply  putting  the  ques- 
tion in  a  strong  way  to  the  Convention. 

Mr.  T.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  Will  the  gentleman  allow  me 
one  word?  and  it  is  all  I  have  to  sa}-.  I  did  not  consider  the  gen- 
tleman as  making  any  reflection  on  me  personally.  I  wish  to  ex- 
plain, however,  one  difficulty  which  the  gentleman  is  under.  I 
presume  he  did  not  read  the  poor  remarks  which  I  made  when 
West  Virginia  was  admitted  as  a  State  of  the  Union.  It  was  pro- 
posed to  admit  her  011  the  ground  that  Old  Virginia  had  given 
her  consent,  and  that  new  West  Virginia  should  come  in  with 
that  consent.  I  expressly  said  that  I  hoped  nobody  would  con- 
sider me  so  ignorant  as  to  suppose  that  Virginia  was  divided  ac- 
cording to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution;  but  that  West  Vir- 
ginia, being  conquered  by  our  armies,  according  to  the  laws  of 
war  we  had  a  right  to  do  with  the  conquered  territory  just  as  we 
pleased  [applause]  ;  and  I  voted  for  her  admission,  disclaiming 
the  idea  that  the  division  was  according  to  the  forms  of  the  Con- 
stitution, but  under  the  laws  of  war  and  the  laws  of  conquest. 
The  gentleman  did  not  read  that,  or  he  would  not  have  charged 
me  with  having  admitted  the  existence  of  Old  Virginia  in  my 
vote  in  regard  to  West  Virginia. 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  I  will  remove  all  difficulty  with 
regard  to  the  question  of  order.  I  say  nothing  with  regard  to  the 
political  action  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Pennsylva- 
vania.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  know  that  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives and  Senate,  at  Washington,  decided  in  favor  of  admitting 
West  Virginia,  and  could  doit  upon  no  other  ground  than  that 
she  was  part  and  parcel  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  It  is  enough  for 
me  to  know  that  every  department  of  the  Government,  legislative, 
executive,  and  judicial,  the  President,  with  every  head  ofeach  de- 
partment under  him.  has  recognized  and  to  this  day  recognizes 
Virginia  as  a  State.  The  only  difference  between  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  and  myself  is,  that  whilst  he  wishes  a  re- 
markably large  slice  to  be  overrun  by  our  armies  before  he  can 
acknowledge  that  slice  as  a  territorj-,1  am  a  little  more  moderate, 
and  I  ask  that  a  slice  twice  as  large  as  Rhode  Island,  and  much 
larger  than  Delaware,  that  has  been  conquered  by  our  armies,  and 


192  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

that  my  associates  and  myself  here,  shall  have  the  simple  boon 
granted  of  having1  their  names  called  over  side  by  side  with  those 
of  the  District  of  Columbia  [laughter  and  applause].  It  is  a 
question  of  degree;  the  gentleman  and  I  recognize  the  same 
principle. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  allow  me  to  ask  a  question. 
Does  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  contend  that  the  delegates 
from  Virginia  being  entitled  to  seats  here,  the  people  whom  they 
represent  would  therefore  be  entitled  to  an  electoral  vote? 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  "Sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the 
evil  thereof." 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania.  Will  the  gentleman  allow 
me  to  finish  my  sentence?  Because  it  seems  to  me  a  logical  con- 
clusion that  if  you  allow  the  people  of  Virginia  to  participate  in 
the  selection  of  a  candidate  for  the  Presidenc\~,  you  must  also 
allow  them  to  participate  in  his  election  at  the  polls.  How,  then. 
you  can  escape  the  reception  of  the  votes  of  the  people  of  the 
city  of  Richmond,  I  cannot  understand. 

Mr.  L.  H.  Chandler,  of  Virginia,  calling  our  names  here  settles 
nothing.  Our  credentials  go  before  the  committee;  when  that 
committee  shall  have  reported  on  them  it  will  be  time  enough 
for  those  of  us  who  are  from  Virginia  to  give  our  views  to  this 
Convention  in  relation  to  that  question.  All  we  ask  now  is  that 
our  names  shall  be  called,  that  our  credentials  shall  be  sent  be- 
fore the  committee;  then  that  question  and  other  questions  will 
properly  come  up.  And  bear  in  mind,  sir,  that  we  have  been  very 
modest,  we  have  not  sent  here  any  delegates  representing  the 
Richmond  congressional  district  [laughter.]  We  have  01113-  sent 
two  delegates  here  as  delegates  at  large,  for  the  two  senators  that 
Virginia  had  when  the  present  Senate  assembled  in  December 
last,  and  three  delegates  from  three  congressional  districts  in 
which  elections  were  regularly  held.  We  offer  here  to  give  only 
five  votes.  Now,  I  ask,  when  the  State,  as  I  have  said,  has  been 
recognized  b3r  ever3r  department  of  this  Government,  why  we 
ought  not  at  least  to  be  called  in  the  roll  of  States.  I  do  not  wish 
to  saj-  a  single  word  that  may  be  considered  as  going'  towards 
making  a  speech  [laughter.]  Strike  out  all  these  States,  if  3^011 
please,  let  them  be  like  the  lost  Pleiads,  seen  no  more  below;  only 
give  us  a  fair  show;  that  is  all  we  ask  before  the  Convention. 

The  CHAIRMAN — The  question  is  on  the  amendment  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Kansas. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  1113'  amendment  is,  that  all  the  States 
having  delegates  on  this  floor  be  called,  and  that  the  credentials 
handed  in  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials;  and  that 
the  Territories  of  Nebraska,  Colorado  and  Nevada,  who  are  now 
engaged  in  organizing  State  governments  under  enabling  acts 
from  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  whose  electoral  votes  will 
be  cast  for  our  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi- 
dency, be  called,  and  that  the  credentials  of  their  representatives 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  CHAIRMAN— The  Chair  wishes  now  to  state  (what  he  forbore 
to  state  during-  the  discussion)  that  the  calling  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  was  an  oversight,  and  he  would  have  stopped  it  if  he 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  ii.c; 

had  been  aware  that  it  was  on  the  list;  and  he  will  now  give  in- 
structions to  the  Secretary  to  strike  it  out  unless  it  l>r  put  in  by 
an  order  of  the  House.  He  considers  that  it  should  go  with  tin- 
Territories,  and  it  will  not  be  called  unless  the  House  so  orders. 
The  Secretary  will  now  call  the  roll  of  those  who  have  been  or- 
dered to  be  called  by  the  motion  just  adopted. 

The  roll  of  the  remaining-  States  being  called,  delegates  re- 
sponded from  Virginia.  South  Carolina,  Florida.  Louisiana,  Ar- 
kansas and  Tennessee,  and  their  credentials  were  ordered  to  be 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  Delegates  responded 
from  Nevada,  Colorado  and  Nebraska,  and  their  credentials  re- 
ceived the  same  reference. 

The  CHAIRMAN — It  now  remains  for  the  House  to  give  what  or- 
der they  see  fit,  if  any,  in  regard  to  the  remaining  Territories, 
including  the  District  of  Columbia.  They  will  not  be  called  un- 
less by  order  of  the  House. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  move  that  they  be  called,  and  I 
desire  to  state  that  the  Chicago  Convention  in  1860  received  the 
delegation  from  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  and  permitted  them  to 
vote.  I  move  that  the  remaining  Territories  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  be  called,  and  that  the  credentials  of^the  delegates  be 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  roll  was  called,  and  delegates  appeared  from  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Washington,  Da- 
kota, Idaho,  Arizona  and  Montana. 

RULES  OF  ORDER. 

Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  busi- 
ness of  the  body,  I  move  that  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives of  the  United  States  be  adopted  for  the  government  of  the 
Convention  so  far  as  they  may  be  applicable. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  move  now  that  the  roll  of  the  States 
as  to  whose  delegates  here  there  is  no  question  be  called,  and  that 
as  each  State  is  called,  the  delegation  from  that  State  report  one 
member  to  compose  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  I  exclude 
from  this  motion  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  every  State  the  cred- 
entials of  whose  delegates  are  to  go  before  the  Committee. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  roll  of  States  was  called.  As  each  State  was  named,  the 
chairman  of  its  delegation  reported  the  name  selected  for  the 
Committee  on  Credentials.  The  Committee  was  thus  constituted  : 

Maine,  B.  W.  Norris;  New  Hampshire,  'Benjamin  J.  Cole;  Ver- 
mont, Edwin  Hammond;  Massachusetts,  Jas.  T.  Robinson;  Rhode 
13 


194  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Island,  Henry  H.  Fay;  Connecticut.  Augustus  Brandagee;  New 
York,  Preston  King;  New  Jersey.  Joseph  Coult;  Pennsylvania, 
Andrew  II.  Reeder;  Delaware,  Edward  G.  Bradford;  Maryland. 
Henry  H.  Goldsborough;  Kentucky,  Samuel  Lusk;  Ohio.  G.  Vol- 
ney  Dorsey;  Indiana.  Jesse  J.  Brown;  Illinois,  J.  Wilson  Shaeffer; 
Michigan,  Marsh  Giddiugs;  Wisconsin,  J.  B.  Cassidy;  Iowa,  Geo. 
I).  Wooden;  Minnesota,  M.  G.  Butler;  California,  John  Bidwell; 
Oregon,  Hiram  Smith;  West  Virginia.  William  E.  Stevenson; 
Kansas,  M.  H.  Iiisley. 

COMMITTEE  ON  ORGANIZATION. 

Mr.  J.A.  J.Creswell,  of  Maryland.  I  move  that  the  states  just  called 
be  again  called,  in  order  that  one  member  may  be  designated 
from  each  state  to  constitute  a  Committee  for  the  Permanent 
Organization  of  this  body. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Marj'land,  and  I  would  suggest  that 
that  permanent  organization  consist  of  one  President,  and  one 
V  ice-President,  and  one  Secretary  for  each  state. 

The  CHAIRMAN — Will  the  House  adopt  that  suggestion  or  leave 
it  to  the  Committee? 

Several  delegates — Leave  it  to  the  Committee. 

Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  very  well;  but  let  states  whose 
seats  are  contested  name  members  of  the  committee  when  those 
contests  shall  be  decided.  ["Agreed."] 

The  roll  of  states  was  called,  and  the  following  delegates  were 
named  as  the  Committee  on  Permanent  organization: 

Maine,  James  Drummond;  New  Hampshire.  Shepherd  L.  Bow- 
ers; Vermont,  Abraham  B.-  Gardner;  Massachusetts.  Gennerry 
Twitchell;  Rhode  Island,  John  J.  Reynolds;  Connecticut,  Oliver 
H.  Perry;  New  York,  Clark  B.  Cochrane;  New  Jersey,  Socrates 
Tuttle;  Pennsylvania,  Alexander  K.  McClure;  Delaware,  William 
Cummins;  Maryland,  John  A.  J.  Creswell;  West  Virginia,  John 
M.  Boyd;  Kentucky,  John  A.  Prall;  Ohio,  Robert  Sherrard,  Jr.; 
Indiana,  Jesse  L.  Williams;  Illinois,  J.  Y.  Scammon;  Michigan, 
Edwin  Lawrence;  Wisconsin.  J.  M.  Gillet;  Iowa,  Frank  Street; 
Minnesota,  Daniel  Cameron;  California,  William  S.  McMurtrie; 
Oregon,  Joseph  Phailling;  Kansas,  Mark  W.  Delahay; 

COMMITTEE  ON   RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr.  S.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  now  move  that  the  states  be 
called  over,  and  that  one  member  be  named  by  each  delegation, 
those  thus  named  to  constitute  a  Committee  on  Platform  and 
Resolutions. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  the  roll  being  called,  the  follow- 
delegates  were  named  as  the  committee. 

Maine,  |<>~iah  H.  Drummond;  New  Hampshire.  David  Cross; 
Vermont. E.P.Walton;  Massachusetts.  Tnppan  Wentworth;  Khode 
Island;  Edwin  Harris;  Connecticut.  William  T.  Miner;  New  York, 
Henry  J.  Raymond;  New  Jersey, Charles  R  Waugh;  Pennsylvania, 
Morrow  H.  Lowry ;  Delaware.  Jacob  Moore;  Maryland, Hugh  Lennox 


NATIONAL  Cox  YI-XTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  T.r> 

Bond;  Kentucky,  James  Speed;  Ohio,  Aaron  F.  Perry;  Indiana. Will- 
iam McKee  Dunn;  Illinois,  Elisha  I*.  Ferry;  Michigan,  O.D.Conjrerj 


Wilder. 

.  Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  in  tin-  hope  of  saving-  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions  some  trouble,  I  am  directed  by  tin-  delegation  from 
the  State  of  Kansas  to  offer  a  series  of  resolutions,  to  be  refern-d 
to  the  committee  without  reading-;  and  I  move  that  all  resolution-; 
relative  to  the  platform  be  referred  to  that  committee,  without 
reading  and  without  debate. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  G.  Bergner,  of  Pennsylvania,  at  three  p.  m.  the 
Convention  adjourned  to  meet  at  half-past  seven  o'clock  p.  in. 

EVENING    SESSION. 

The  Chairman  called  the  Convention  to  order  at  half-past  seven 
o'clock  p.  in. 

PERMANENT   ORGANI/ATK  >X.  » 

Mr.  A.  K.  McClure,  of  Pennsj-lvania,  I  am  directed  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Permanent  Organization  to  report  the  following-  list  of 
officers : 

President     William  Dennison,  of  Ohio. 

Vice-Presidents — Maine,  Nathan  A.  Farwell;  New  Hampshire, 
Onslow  Stearns;  Vermont,  Henry  Stowell;  Massachusetts,  Moses 
Kimball;  Rhode  Island.  James  I)e  Wolf  Perry;  Connecticut,  Henry 
A.  Grant;  New  York.  Lyman  Tremaine;  New  Jersey,  William  A. 
Newell;  Pennsylvania.  William  W.  Ketchum;  Delaware,  George 
7,.  Tybond;  Maryland,  A.  C.  Greene;  Kentucky,  J.  C.  Record;  Ohio, 
David  Tod;  Indiana,  John  Beard;  Illinois,  James  M.  Brown;  Mich 
igan,  Charles  T.  Gorham;  Wisconsin,  John  F.  Potter;  Iowa,  G.  W. 
McCreary;  Minnesota,  Charles  M.  Dail3-;  California,  Robert  Gard- 
ner; Oregon.  Frederick  Charman;  West  Virginia,  Chester  D.  Hub- 
bard;  Kansas.  F.  W.  Potter. 

Secretaries — Maine.  Nahum  Morrill;  New  Hampshire,  Edward 
Spalding;  Vermont,  Horace  Fairbanks;  Massachusetts,  George  A. 
Shaw;  Rhode  Island.  JoeJ  M.  Spencer;  Connecticut,  Samuel  S. 
Warren:  New  York.  William  R.Stewart;  New  Jersey.  Kd  ward  Bet- 
tie;  Pennsylvania.  John  Stewart;  Delaware,  Benjamin  Burton; 
Maryland,  Levi  E.  Straughn;  Kentucky,  A.  G.  Hodges;  Ohio,  J.  C. 
Devin;  Indiana,  John  W.  Ray;  Illinois,  Lorenz  Brentano;  Michi- 
gan. Win.  L.  Noyes;  Wisconsin.  C.  C.  Sholes;  Iowa,  G.  D.  Stubbs; 
Minnesota,  Charles  Taylor;  California.  James  Otis;  Oregon.  J.  W. 
Souther;  West  Virginia.  Granville  D.  Hall;  Kansas,  W.  II  H 
Lawrence. 

The  report  was  adopted  by  acclamation. 

The  CHAIRMAN— I  appoint  the  Hon.  Governor  Lane,  of  Indiana, 
and  tin-  Hon.  Mr.  ( Irovv,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  conduct  the  President 
to  the  chair. 


196  THE  FIKST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Dennison  was  conducted  to  the  chair  by  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane,, 
of  Indiana,  and  Hon.  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania;  and  on 
taking"  the  chair,  addressed  the  Convention  as  follows: 

I  thank  you  for  the  honor  3-011  have  conferred  upon  me,  and 
while  I  shall  bring  to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  Chair  lit- 
tle experience  in  parliamentary  rules,  it  will  be  my  pleasure,  as 
my  duty,  to  spare  no  effort  in  contributing,  to  the  extent  of  my 
abilit)',  to  the  facilitating  of  the  business  of  the  Convention,  and 
securing  svich  results  from  j'our  deliberations  as  will  meet  the 
loyal  expectations  of  the  country. 

We  meet  here  as  representatives  of  the  true  friends  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  of  impartial  liberty — of  that  large  portion  of  the  peo- 
ple who  gratefully  appreciate  the  unmatched  blessings  which 
flow  from  our  institutions  well  administered,  and  reject  any  form 
of  human  enslavement,  not  in  punishment  of  crime,  as  no  less 
incompatible  with  the  rights  of  humanitj"  than  with  the  genius 
and  the  peaceful  workings  of  Republican  Government.  [Pro- 
longed applause.] 

In  no  sense  do  we  meet  as  members  or  representatives  of  either 
of  the  old  political  parties  which  bound  the  people,  or  as  tin- 
champions  of  an)'  principle  or  doctrine  peculiar  to  either.  The 
extraordinary  condition  of  the  country  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
rebellion  has,  from  necessity,  taken  from  the  issues  of  these  par- 
ties their  practical  significance,  and  compelled  the  formation  of 
substantially  new  political  organizations;  hence  the  origin  of  the 
Union  party — if  party  it  can  be  called — of  which  this  Convention 
is  for  the  purpose  of  its  assembling,  the  accredited  representa- 
tive, and  the  only  test  of  membership  in  which  is  an  unreserved, 
unconditional  loyalty  to  the  Government  and  the  Union. 

Let  me  congratulate  you  upon  the  favorable  auspices  of  j-our 
meeting.  While  the  deepest  anxiety  is  felt  by  all  patriotic  men 
as  to  the  result  of  the  war  unjustifiably  forced  upon  the  Govern- 
ment by  the  bad,  ambitious  men  and  their  deceived  followers  in 
the  rebellious  States,  and  the  country  is  filled  with  distress  and 
mourning  over  the  loss  of  so  many  of  our  brave  men  who  have 
fallen  in  battle,  or  died  in  hospitals  from  wounds  received  in  de- 
fence of  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the  Government,  we  yet 
have,  in  what  has  been  accomplished  towards  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion  and  the  extinguishment  of  its  cause — in  the  heroic 
deeds  of  our  noble  armies  and  gallant  navy — in  the  renewel  of  the 
patriotism  of  the  country  that  almost  seemed  to  be  paralyzed  un- 
der the  influence  of  our  National  prosperity — in  the  unprece- 
dented generosity  of  the  people,  awakened  by  the  wants  of  the 
Government  and  the  necessities  of  its  defenders  —  much,  very 
much  of  the  higest  felicitation,  and  for  which  the  country  is 
grateful  to  Almighty  God.  [Applause.] 

And  may  I  not  add  to  these  causes  of  congratulation  the  forma- 
tion of  the  political  organization  of  which  this  Convention  is  a 
representative,  which  has  so  nobly  sustained  the  Government  in 
its  efforts  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  and  to  the  complete  accom- 
plishment of  which  its  energies  are  consecrated;  the  patriotic 
harmony  that  has  marked  our  assembling  and  will  characterize 
all  our  proceedings,  and  presenting  that  harmony  which  will  dis- 
play itself  in  the  unanimous  nomination,  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States,  of  the  wise  and  good  man  whose  unselfish  de- 
votion to  the  country,  in  the  administration  of  the  Government 


\        NATIONAL  COXVEXTIOXS— 1S56,  1860,  1864.  197 

has  secured  to  him  not  only  the  admiration,  but  the  warmest 
affection  of  every  friend  of  constitutional  liberty ':     [Applause.] 

I  need  not  remind  you  of  the  very  grave  responsibilities  that 
devolve  upon  you  as  members  of  this  Convention.  The  loyal 
people  of  the  country  have  authorized  and  expect  youto  renew  on 
their  part  the  pledge  of  their  faith  to  support  the  Government,  in 
the  most  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  to  the  complete  sup- 
pression of  the  Rebellion,  regardless  of  the  time  or  the  resources 
required  to  that  end,  and  the}-  equally  expect  and  call  upon  you 
to  declare  the  cause  and  the  support  of  the  Rebellion  to  be 
slaverj-,  which,  as  well  for  its  treasonable  offenses  against  tin- 
Government,  as  for  its  incompatibility  with  the  rights  of  human- 
it}-,  and  the  permanent  peace  of  the  country,  must,  with  the 
termination  of  the  war,  and  as  much  speedier  as  possible,  be  m;idr 
to  cease  forever  in  every  State  and  Territory  of  the  Union.  But  I 
must  not  refer  to  other  subjects  of  interest  that  will  challenge 
your  attention. 

Let  me  repeat  1113-  thanks  for  your  expressions  of  confidence  in 
me,  in  having  selected  me  to  preside  over  your  deliberations. 
[Applause.] 

The  Vice-Presidents  and  Secretaries  took  their  seats  on  the 
platform. 

ORDER  OF   BUSINESS. 

The  PRESIDENT— Gentlemen,  I  observed  to-day  that  no  commit- 
tee was  appointed  on  the  order  of  business.  Such  a  committee  is 
indispensable,  to  the  end  that  a  rule  may  be  established  as  to  the 
manner  of  voting  and  various  other  questions  that  will  have  to  be 
considered.  If  some  gentleman  of  the  Convention  will  be  so  kind 
as  to  submit  a  motion  for  the  appointment  of  such  a  committee, 
the  Chair  will  take  very  great  pleasure  in  submitting  that  motion 
to  the  Convention. 

Mr.  C.  Delano,  of  Ohio,  I  had  observed,  sir,  the  failure  of  the 
Convention  to  provide  a  committee  to  report  permanent  rules  and 
an  order  of  business,  and  was  about,  before  the  suggestion  of  the 
Chair,  to  move  its  appointment.  Now,  in  pursuance  of  that  sug- 
gestion, concurring  as  I  do  in  the  necessity  of  complying  with  it, 
I  move  the  appointment  of  a  committee  for  that  purpose,  consist- 
ing of  one  from  each  state,  to  be  selected  in  the  manner  that  the 
other  committees  have  been. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  the  committee  was  constituted 
as  follows: 

Maine.  George  K.  Jewett;  NewHampshire.E.L.  Colby;  Vermont, 


Delaware,  William  Cummins;  Maryland,  Archibald  Stirling,  Jr.; 
Kentucky.  H.  C.  Burge;  Ohio.E.  F.Drake;  Indiana, Cyrus  L.  Allen; 
Illinois,  I.  A.  Powell;  Michigan,  Charles  D.  Mitchell;  Wisconsin, 
Angus  Cameron;  Iowa.  D.  W.  Ellis;  Minnesota,  D.  G.  ShilWk: 
California.  O.  H.  Bradbury;  Oregon.  M.  Hirsch;  West  Virginia, 
D.  M.  Fitzgerald;  Kansas,  f .  M.  Bowrn. 


i98  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

SPEECH  OF   REV.   MR.   BROWNLOW. 

The  President  called  for  reports  from  the  Committee  onCreden- 
tials  and  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  but  110  response  was 
made. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  it  would  be  improper 
to  transact  business  of  3113-  importance  except  what  relates  to  the 
organization  until  the  Committee  on  Credentials  have  reported 
and  in  order  that  all  gentlemen  who  11133*  De  admitted  to  seats 
ma3*  have  an  opportunity  of  participating  in  our  proceedings  I 
move  that  this  Convention  adjourn  until  to-morrow  morning  at 
nine  o'clock. 

Mr.  G.  W.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  I  hope  the  gentleman  will 
withdraw  that  motion.  I  understand  that  a  gentleman  who  has 
experienced  eome  of  the  trials  of  Tennessee  is  in  the  House,  and 
we  shall  be  glad  to  hear  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brownlow.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Penns3*lvaiiia,  I  have  no  desire  to  de- 
prive the  Convention  of  the  pleasure  of  hearing  so  distinguished 
a  gentleman,  and  I  withdraw  im*  motion. 

Mr.  G.  W.  Patterson,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  Rev.  W.  G. 
Brownlow  be  requested  to  address  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  unanimously. 

The  members  of  the  Convention  rose  to  their  feet  and  gave  three 
cheers  for  "Parson  Brownlow"  as  he  advanced  to  the  stage. 

The  PRESIDENT— Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  have  the  honor 
of  presenting  to  you  one  who  has  done  the  county  much  service, 
«  who  has  been  gallant  and  true — Parson  Brownlow.  of  East  Ten- 
nessee.    [Great  applause. 

Mr.  Brownlow  spoke  as  follows: 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION— I  assure  you  3-011  have  to- 
night waked  up  the  wrong  passenger.  I  am  a  ver3*  sick  man,  and 
ought  to  be  in  1113*  bed  and  not  here.  I  have  journe3*ed  on,  how- 
ever, through  great  tribulation,  to  meet  3*011.  The  last  regular 
meal  I  took  was  on  Saturday,  upon  a  boat,  and  upon  the  Ohio 
river.  I  am  sick — sick — and  suffering — and  I  come  forward  be- 
cause so  enthusiastically  called  for,  to  make  ni3*  bow  to  you,  and 
my  apology  for  not  attempting  to  speak;  but,  before  I  take  my 
seat,  I  know  you  will  take  of  me  kindl3r  any  suggestion  I  may 
make,  or  any  rebuke  I  may  attempt  to  administer  to  you.  I  am 
one  of  the  elder  brethren — one  of  the  old  apostles.  [Laughter  ]  I 
have  heard  since  I  came  to  town  that  you  had  some  doubt  in  3*our 
minds  about  the  propriety  of  admitting  a  delegation  from  Ten- 
nessee— a  State  in  rebellion.  I  hope  you  will  pause,  gentlemen, 
before  you  commit  so  rash  an  act  as  that,  and  thereby  recognize 
Secession.  We  don't  recognize  it  in  Tennessee.  [Applause.]  We 
den3*  that  we  are  out.  [Applause.]  We  deny  that  we  have  been 
out.  [Applause.]  We  maintain  that  a  minority  first  voted  us  out, 
and  then  a  majorit3*  whipped  the  minority  out  of  the  State 
with  bayonets,  winning  over  a  portion  of  our  men  to  their  ranks. 
But  we  are  here  to  participate  in  3*our  deliberations  and  toils, and 


NATIONAL  CONVKM  io.\s     1856,  1860,  1864.  iw 

to  share  your  honors.  I  pray  yon  not  to  exclude  us.  We  have  a 
full  delegation  from  Tennessee,  a  patriotic  delegation,  a  talented 
delegation,  always  excepting-  the  present  speaker.  [Laughter.] 
Our  best  men  are  here.  We  have  in  Tennessee,  as  you  have  in 
most  of  the  Northern  States,  a  Copperhead  party,  just  beginning 
to  come  into  existence.  They  have  existed  here  a  good  while.  I 
have  fought  the  venomous  reptiles  for  the  last  two  years  among 
you;  but  they  are  beginning  to  organ i/.e  in  Tennessee,  and  I  con- 
fidently look  for  them  to  be  represented  at  the  forthcoming  Chi 
cago  Convention,  to  send  up  a  delegation  there  under  the  nose 
and  scent  of  that  pink  of  patriotism,  loveliness  and  virtue,  tin- 
editor  of  the  Chicago  Times.  [Laughter.]  The  delegation  that 
our  State  sends  up  to  you  would  scorn  to  go  to  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention; they  would  decline  having  anything  to  do  with  the  late 
Cleveland  Convention.  [Applause.]  \Ve  are  for  the  Haltimore- 
Lincoln  -  Arming- of  -  Negroes  Convention.  We  are  for_  tin- 
Convention  and  the  party  that  are  resolved  to  " JJIll  HOU'IT  tli is 
wicked,  this  infernal  Rebellion,  at  all  ha/.ards,  and  all  cost  of 
money  and  lives;  and  our  Convention  instructed  us,  before  we 
left  home,  to  advocate  and  vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln  tirst,  hi_st 
and  all  the  jtime.  |  Applause. |  He  has  got  Ins  liana  in;  ne  n'7ils 
learneu!  the'liang  ot  iiieTOpTs,  and  we  want  to  try  him  for  a  sec- 
ond term.  Let  us  get  along  in  harmony.  There  need  be  no  de- 
taining this  C'on  vent  ion  for  two  days  in  discussions  of  various 
kinds,  and  the  idea  I  suir're.s.t  to  you  as  an  inducement  not  to  ex- 
clude ( >  u  r  <  le  1  ega  t  io  il~i  s,  1 1 1  a t  we  may"  take  it  into  our  heads,  before 
the  thing  is  over,  to  present  ^candidate  from  that  State  in  rebel- 
lion for  the  second  (ft'iiee.  ji^T]  T^  he  peoule.  [Applause.] 
We  haVe  a  man  down  there  wlioriTit  has  oeen  my  good  luck  and 
uau"  fOHUlle  to  tight  untiringly  and  persevering! v  tor  |]]e  i:i.ST* 

Kor    the    (i  r  s  t 


titiie,  in  the  Providence  of  (iod,  three  years  ago  we  got  together  \ 
on  the  same  platform,  and  we  are  fighting  the  devil,  Tom  Walker  I 
and  Jeff  Davis  side  by  side.  [Applause.]  — . 

I  again  thank  you,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention— [Go  on,  go  on.] 
I  never  refuse  to  speak  when  I  am  able  to  speak,  and  1113'  old 
friend  Deacon  Hross  knows  it  well.  I  should  like  to  help  him 
canvass  Illinois,  and  gouge  for  him  among  the  Copperheads.  If 
I  were  able  to  speak  and  could  interest  you,  I  would;  but  I  am 
sick,  and  I  must  be  excused.  1  thank  you  for  the  honor  you  have 
done  me. 

On  motion,  the  Convention  adjourned  until  to-morrow  morning 

at  ten  o'clock. 

\V  K i  >. \KSDAY,  June  8,  1864. 

The  PRE.SIDKNT  called  the  Convention  to  order  at  ten  o'clock 
A.  M. 

I'KAYKK'. 

The  Rev.  M.  P.  Gaddis,  one  of  the  delegation  from  Ohio,  offered 
the  following  prayer: 

Our  Father  which  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed  be  Thy  name;  Thy 
kingdom  come;  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  done  in  Heaven; 
grant  us  this  day  OUr  daily  bread,  and  forgive  us  our  trespasses 
as  we  forgive  those  who  trespass  against  us;  lead  us  not  into 
temptation  ;  but  grant  Thou  Lord  of  Lords,  and  King  »f 
Kings,  Thou  who  art  the  Infinite  God,  of  all  right,  of  all  truth, 


200  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

and  of  all  liberty,  grant  to  imbue  our  hearts  so  with  Thine  own 
free  Spirit  as  to  lead  us  this  morning  in  that  way  and  manner 
that  may  confer  honor  upon  Thy  great  name,  and  work  out  the 
good  intended  by  the  sovereign  people  of  this  country  in  thus  as- 
sembling together  in  this  National  Convention.  Hear  us  this 
morning,  O  our  Father,  as  we  thank  Thee  for  the  harmon3r  of 
action  and  unit}'  of  purpose  that  has  thus  far  attended  our  sit- 
tings; grant  to  let  that  harmony  continue.  Grant  to  let  Thy 
Spirit  operate  upon  those  who  have  been  thus  honorably  selected 
to  represent  the  wishes  of  a  great  and  free  people,  so  that  the 
ends  and  aims  of  this  Convention  may  be  fully  subserved. 

Hear  us  this  morning,  Thou  God  of  liberty,  as  we  thank  Thee 
for  the  fact  that  Thou  hast  ever  made  this  land  the  dwelling 
place  of  the  genius  of  freedom  and  of  liberty.  Hear  us  as  we 
thank  Thee  for  the  triumph  that  Thou  didst  give  to  the  arms  of 
our  fathers  as  they  broke  the  shackles  of  oppression  and  of  tyran- 
ny, and  erected  upon  these  shores  the  light  of  freedom  and  of 
liberty.  Hear  us,  our  Father,  as  we  thank  Thee  for  the  prosperity 
that  not  only  attended  them  in  that  hour,  but  in  their  efforts  to 
found  here  a  Republic  whose  influence  and  whose  power  should 
go  down  to  the  remotest  period  of  coming  time.  Hear  us,  our 
Father,  as  we  thank  Thee  for  the  prosperity  that  hath  attended  us 
financially,  intellectually,  morallj'  and  socially,  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  United  States.  Hear  us,  O  our  Father, 
as  we  thank  Thee  this  morning  for  the  respect  that  the  United 
States  of  America  has  attained  throughout  the  known  world. 
Wherever  the  white  sails  of  her  commerce  have  been  seen, 
•where'er  the  starry  banner  hath  been  unfolded  at  the  mast-head 
of  our  vessels  as  they  have  gone  forth  upon  all  oceans  and  upon 
all  seas,  that  flag  hath  been  honored,  our  country  hath  been 
respected. 

Hear  us,  O  our  Father,  as  we  thank  Thee  for  the  many  men  that 
American  genius  and  the  genius  of  American  institutions  have 
developed,  who  have  gone  forth  to  fill  the  halls  of  science,  the 
chambers  of  literature,  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  gone  to 
other  lands  to  represent  not  only  the  dignity  but  the  power  and 
the  influence  of  republican  liberty.  Hear  us,  O  our  Father,  as  we 
thank  Thee  for  the  rapid  development  Thou  hast  given  to  this 
mere  child  of  freedom,  that  she  has  gone  on  from  the  rock-bound 
shores  of  New  England  to  the  Western  wilds,  and  made  them  to 
bloom  and  blossom  as  the  rose,  and  to  send  the  echoing  shouts 
of  liberty  across  from  the  Pacific  waters  to  those  who  had  ne'er 
known  it  before.  Hear  us,  O  our  Father,  this  morning,  as  we 
bless  Thee  for  the  success  that  hath  attended  us  even  in  the 
midst  of  distress.  We  repent  this  morning  of  our  sins;  we  bow 
before  Thy  Majesty  in  deep  contrition  of  heart;  we  admit  Thy 
judgments;  but  we  bless  Thee,  our  Father,  that  in  our  efforts  to 
demonstrate  that  we  were  upon  Thy  side,  Thou  hast  thus  far 
crowned  us  with  success.  Let  this  success  continue,  and,  to  that 
end,  bless  the  President  of  these  United  States  and  all  his  consti- 
tutional advisers;  may  they  be  men  of  clean  hands  and  of  pure 
hearts;  may  they  consult  with  the  Infinite  Good.  Let  Thy  bless- 
ing rest  upon  all  the  plans  and  operations  that  they  have  devised 
for  the  success  of  our  arms. 

Bless  our  army  and  our  navy,  from  the  Commanders  and  Com- 
modores down  to  the  noble  men  that  fill  our  ranks  and  tread  the 
decks  of  our  gallant  vessels;  and  God  grant  that  even  in  the  midst 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  _'ni 

of  their  present  battles,  while  thundering  at  the  gates  of  the  rebel 
capital,  to  give  them  abundant  success.  And  may  the  time  soon 
come,  our  Father,  when  America  shall  be  free,  when  the  Rebellion 
shall  be  crushed,  and  when  peace  with  its  ten  thousand  hallowing 
blessings  shall  again  reign  from  ocean  to  ocean  and  lake  to  gulf. 
Hasten  the  hour  when  the  East  shall  embrace  the  West,  when  the 
North  shall  again  kiss  the  South,  and  America  become  indeed 
that  nation  whose  God  is  the  Lord. 

Guide  us  and  direct  us  in  the  operations  of  this  day,  in  all  the 
deliberations  of  this  Convention;  and.  ()  God,  if  we  are  right. 

§rant  that  the  nominees  of  this  National  Union  Convention  may 
e  elected  by  such  a  majority  as  has  never  before  been  recorded 
in  the  history  of  pur  government.     And  Thy  great  name,  Father. 
Son  and  Holy  Spirit,  shall  have  ceaseless  and  everlasting  praises 
through  a  world  without  end.     Amen. 

CHAIRMEN   OF   DELEGATIONS. 

The  PRESIDENT— I  shall  be  obliged  to  the  chairmen  of  the  sev- 
eral delegations  if,  as  the  roll  of  states  is  now  called,  they  will 
rise  in  their  places  and  announce  their  names;  the  object  being- 
that  the  Chairman  may  be  able  to  distinguish,  from  the  location 
of  the  speakers  from  time  to  time,  the  delegation  to  which  they 
belong. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll,  and  the  chairmen  of  the  respective 
delegations  answered  their  names  as  follows: 

Maine,  Lot  M.  Morrill;  New  Hampshire,  William  Haile;  Ver- 
mont, Solomon  Foot;  Massachusetts,  Alexander  H.  Bullock;  Rhode 
Island,  Thomas  Durfee;  Connecticut,  William  T.  Miner;  New 
York,  John  A.  King;  New  Jersey,  William  A.  Newell;  Pennsyl- 
vania, Simon  Cameron;  Delaware,  Nathaniel  B.  Smithers;  Mary- 
land, Henry  W.  Hoffman;  Kentucky,  R.  K.  Williams;  Ohio,  C. 
Delano;  Indiana,  Daniel  Mace;  Illinois,  R.  C.  Cook;  Michigan, 
Austin  Blair;  Wisconsin,  Alexander  W.  Randall;  Iowa,  D.  D. 
Chase;  Minnesota,  John  M'Ktisick;  California,  M.  C.  Briggs; 
Oregon,  Thomas  H.  Pearne;  West  Virginia,  Leroy  C.  Kramer; 
Kansas,  James  H.  Lane. 

RULES  AND  ORDER  OF   BUSINESS. 

The  PRESIDENT— Is  the  Committee  on  thje  Order  of  Business 
ready  to  report  r 

Mr.  Calvin  Day,  of  Connecticut,  the  Committee  on  the  Order  of 
Business  are  prepared  to  report,  and  I  ask  Mr.  Drake,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  committee,  to  read  the  report. 

Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Ohio,  proceeded  to  read  the  report  as  follows: 

Rule  1.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention,  the  States 
shall  be  called  in  the  following  order:  Maine,  New  Hampshire, 
Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 


and  Territories  declared  by  the  Convention  entitled  to  representa- 
tion in  the  same,  shall  be  called  in  the  order  in  which  they  art- 
added  b3*  the  Convention. 


202  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  think  it  is  improper  to  put  West 
Virginia  before  Kansas.  We  were  born  first. 

Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Ohio,  allow  me  to  explain  to  the  gentleman 
that  blanks  were  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Clerk,  and  it  was  con- 
venient to  name  the  States  in  the  order  there  found. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  supposes  there  is  another  reason. 
Kansas  has  been  so  gallant,  and  her  history  so  full  of  heroic 
deeds,  that  she  cannot  be  damaged,  place  her  where  you  may. 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  in  that  regard  Kansas  claims  no  su- 
periority over  Western  Virginia.  [Applause.]  Her  children  have 
been  as  gallant  and  fought  as  bravely  as  the  children  of  any 
other  state.  It  is  a  mere  question  of  age. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  direct  the  Secretary  to  amend 
the  roll  agreeablj'  to  the  suggestion  of  the  gentleman  from 
Kansas. 

Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Ohio,  continued  to  read  the  report  as  follows: 

Rule  2.  Four  votes  shall  be  cast  by  the  delegates  at  large  of 
each  state,  and  each  congressional  district  shall  be  entitled  to  two 
votes.  The  votes  of  each  delegation  shall  be  reported  by  its 
chairman. 

Rule  3.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  shall  be 
disposed  of  before  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Platform  and 
Resolutions  is  acted  upon,  and  the  Report  of  the  Committee  on 
Platform  and  Resolutions  shall  be  disposed  of  before  the  Conven- 
tion proceeds  to  ballot  for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President. 

Rule  4.  That  when  it  shall  be  determined  by  this  Convention 
what  States  and  Territories  are  entitled  to  representation  in  this 
Convention,  together  with  the  number  of  votes  to  which  they  may 
be  entitled,  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  so  determined  shall  be  re- 
quisite to  nominate  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Rule  5.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegations  from  any  two  states 
shall  demand  that  a  vote  be  recorded,  the  same  shall  be  taken  by 
states,  the  Secretary  calling  the  roll  of  states  in  the  order  hereto- 
fore stated. 

Rule  6.  In  a  recorded  vote  by  States,  the  vote  of  each  State  shall 
be  announced  by  the  chairman  of  the  respective  delegations,  and 
in  case  the  vote  of  any  State  shall  be  divided,  the  chairman  shall 
announce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any  candidate,  or  for  or 
against  any  proposition. 

Rule  7.  That  when  the  previous  question  shall  be  demanded  by 
a  majority  of  the  delegation  from  any  State,  and  the  demand  sec- 
onded by  two  or  more  States,  and  the  call  sustained  by  a  majority 
of  the  Convention,  the  question  shall  then  be  proceeded  with  and 
disposed  of  according  to  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Represent;! 
tives  in  similar  cases. 

Rule  8.  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once  to  the  same 
question,  nor  longer  than  five  minutes,  with  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  Convention. 

Rule  9.  The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  con- 
tinue to  be  the  rules  of  this  Convention,  so  far  as  they  are  appli- 
cable and  not  inconsistent  with  the  foregoing  rules. 


NATIONAL  C<>.\\  KNTIO.NS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  203 

The  report  was  adopted. 

Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Ohio,  the  Committee  on  the  Order  of  Bus! 
ness  have  directed  me  to  make  this  further  report : 

A  National  Union  Committee  shall   In-  appointed,  to  consist  of 
one  member  from  each  State,  Territory  and  District   lepn-senu-d 
in  this  Convention.     The  roll  shall  he  called,  and  the  delegation 
from  each  such  State,  Territory  and  District  shall  name  a  ]>• 
to  act  as  a  member  of  said  committee. 

The  report  was  adopted. 

RKI'ORT   ON    CRKDKNTIAI.S. 

Mr.  Preston  King-,  of  New  York,  Mr.  President,  the  Committee  on 
Credentials,  after  a  very  patient  hearing  of  the  representations 
made  by  the  gentlemen  who  have  appeared  and  claimed  seats  in 
this  Convention,  wherever  there  has  been  a  question  of  their  right 
to  sit,  from  whatever  cause  that  question  may  have  arisen,  have 
come  to  conclusions  whi<-h  they  report  as  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee to  the  Convention,  without,  however,  entire  unanimity  in 
the  committee  on  some  points.  I'pon  the  main  questions  a  large 
majority  of  the  committee  have  agreed.  There  will,  on  some 
points,  be  a  minority  report  with  the  assent  of  the  committee  and 
of  the  Convention,  by  the  member  of  the  committee  from  \\Yst 
Virginia,  with  some  one  or  two  others  joining  him  in  it.  I  desired 
that  our  report  should  be  regarded  as  the  report  6f  the  commit- 
tee without  any  minority  report;  but  as  I  differed  from  the  com- 
mittee on  two  or  two  or  three  points,  I  gave  them  notice  (and  I 
have  their  assent),  that  I  should  move  to  amend  the  report  upon 
my  individual  responsibility  as  a  member  of  the  Convention.  I 
will  now  proceed  to  report  to  the  Convention  the  points  upon 
which  the  great  mass  of  the  committee  agreed: 

"First,  the  committee  find  that  the  credentials  of  the  delegates 
from  the  States  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire.  Vermont,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island.  Connecticut.  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Del- 
aware, Maryland.  Kentucky.  Ohio,  Indiana.  Illinois.  Michigan. 
Wisconsin,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  California,  Oregon,  West  Virginia 
and  Kansas,  as  presented  by  the  delegates,  are  sufficient  and 
satisfactory." 

That  of  course  admits  their  delegations. 

••  In  the  next  place,  the  committee  find  that  the  certificates  from 
Pennsylvania  are  all  regular,  with  the  exception  of  the  certificate 
for  the  first  district  of  that  State.  In  that  district,  the  certificate 
states  that  four  delegates  were  elected.  The  district  is  entitled  to 
but  two.  The  facts  were  reported  to  the  committee,  and  the  com- 
mittee recommend  that  the  two  having  the  highest  number  of 
votes,  be  admitted  as  delegates,  and  that  the  other  two  be  admit- 
ted as  alternates. 

11  In  the  case  of  Missouri,  the  committee  report  and  recommend 
that  the  delegation  known  as  the  "Radical  Union  Delegation."  be 
admitted  to  this  Convention.  [Applause.] 

"The  committee  further  report,  that  the  delegations  from  Yir 
ginia,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Florida  and  Arkansas,  be  admitted 
to  this  Convention  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  delegates, 
except  the  right  to  vote. 

"The  committee  report  respecting  South  Carolina,  that  there  is 
not  in  their  judgment,  sufficient  reason  for  the  admission  of  tin- 
delegation  which  appears  from  there,  and  therefore  recommend 
that  the  delegation  appearing  from  that  State,  be  not  admitted. 


204  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

"The  committee  also  report,  that  the  delegations  from  the  or- 
ganized Territories,  and  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  be  admit- 
ted to  the  Convention  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  dele- 
gates, except  the  right  to  vote." 

This,  Mr.  President,  is  the  report  of  the  committee;  and  I  now 
ask  that,  before  taking  any  action  upon  it,  the  Convention  receive 
the  minority  report  which,  by  the  assent  of  the  committee,  the 
delegate  from  West  Virginia  was  authorized  to  make  as  such,  and 
then  I  shall  move  my  own  proposition  of  amendment. 

The  PRESIDENT — It  is  moved  that  the  minority  report  shall  now 
be  read,  reserving  to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Cre- 
dentials the  privilege  of  moving  amendments  to  the  majority 
report. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  W.  E.  Stevenson,  of  West  Virginia,  I  desire  to  state,  Mr.  Pres- 
ident, that  the  minority  report  which  I  now  present  was  prepared 
very  hastil}*  this  morning,  the  committee  having  labored  until 
long  after  midnight,  and  I  have  not  been  able  to  see  a  number  of 
gentlemen  of  the  committee  who  desired  to  be  consulted  in  refer- 
ence to  it,  and  therefore  I  have  been  unable  to  obtain  as  many 
signatures  as  I  designed.  I  will,  however,  read  the  report  and 
send  it  to  the  Chair: 

"To  the  President  of  the  National  Union  Convention: 

"  The  undersigned  concur  in  the  report  of  the  majority  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials,  except  that  portion  which  proposes  to 
exclude  from  the  privilege  of  voting  In- the  Convention  the  dele- 
gates from  the  States  of  Virginia,  Louisiana,  Arkansas.  Tennessee 
and  Florida,  and  from  the  Territories  of  Colorado,  Nevada,  New 
Mexico  Dakota  and  Montana. 

"  Therefore,  the  undersigned  recommend  that  the  delegates 
from  the  States  and  Territories  aforesaid  shall  be  entitled  to  vote 
upon  all  questions  brought  before  the  Convention. 

-W.  K.  STEVENSON.  W.  Va.. 
"HIRAM  SMITH,  Oregon." 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  I  learn  that  since  the  report 
-was  agreed  upon,  leave  was  also  granted  to  another  gentleman 
of  the  committee  to  make  a  minority  report.  I  am  informed 
since  I  was  last  up  that  the  delegate  from  Kansas  desires  also  to 
submit  briefly  a  minority  report.  It  was  fairly  covered  in  the 
consent  of  the  committee  to  these  gentlemen,  and  I  therefore 
hope  the  Convention  will  also  receive  the  report  of  the  delegate 
from  Kansas  as  a  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  PRESIDENT— Is  it  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention  that  a  sec- 
ond minority  report  shall  be  received? 

[Yes.] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  Mr.  President,  at  the  request  of  Mr. 
Insley,  the  member  from  Kansas  on  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials,  I  present  a  minority  report  prepared  by  him,  and  I  will  read 
it  to  the  Convention: 


NATIONAL  Cox  YEN  TIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864. 

"The  undersigned  respectfully  desires  to  pre-ent  a  minority  re- 
port from  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  of  which  be  is  a  member, 
in  relation  to  the  admission  of  the  delegates  from  the  Territorie- 
of  Nebraska,  Colorado  and  Nevada,  to  scats  and  votes  in  this  Con- 
vention. Differing  with  the  majority  of  the  Committee  only  on 
this  point,  it  is  fitting  that  I  present  my  reasons  for  the  course 
herein  urged. 

"First  and  foremost  is  the  fact  that  the  three  Territories  named 
are  about  to  pass  from  the  territorial  condition  of  dependence  on 
the  General  Government  to  that  of  State  sovereignties,  subordi- 
nate only  to  the  supreme  law  and  necessities  of  the  nation,  the 
present  Congress  having  passed  enabling  acts,  whereby  these 
Territories  receive  a  pledge  of  admission  into  the  Federal  t'nion, 
provided  only  they  come  clothed  in  the  robes  of  freedom;  and  tin- 
people  of  these  Territories  having  gladly  accepted  the  supreme 
condition,  are  even  now  engaged  in  the  work  of  State  organi/.a 
tion,  with  a  fair  prospect  of  completing  the  same  in  time  to  wheel 
into  line  with  the  other  loyal  States,  and.  by  voting  for  the  nomi- 
nees of  the  Union  party,  aid  politically,  as  they  have  already 
done  materially  and  by  arms,  in  the  establishment  of  the 
national  authority,  and  securing  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union. 

"Secondly,  the  recognition  of  the  delegates  from  those  Territo- 
ries, by  this  Convention,  will  very  materially  aid  the  party  of  na- 
tionality and  freedom  in  those  communities. 

"Our  interests  lie  with  the  movements  now  being  made,  under 
the  authority  of  Congress,  for  their  organization  and  admission. 
It  is  our  duty,  both  as  loyal  men  seeking  the  supreme  good  of  the 
nation,  and  as  members  of  a  great  party  having  that  end' for  its 
primary  purpose,  to  give  all  the  aid  and  strength  we  legitimately 
may  for  the  furtherance  of  that  object.  It  is  believed  that  the  re- 
cognition of  these  delegates  will  materially  benefit  our  cause  as 
well  as  the  State  movements  now  pending.  The  loyalty  of  these 
Territories  none  can  question.  Nebraska  has  sent  her  citizens  tt* 
the  field,  and  from  Donelson  to  Chattanooga  their  courage  and 
sacrifices  have  been  freely  offered.  Colorado  makes  the  proud 
boast  of  never  having  had  a  Copperhead  in  her  Territorial  Legis- 
lature. She  has  a  prouder  boast  than  this,  in  that  campaign 
where  her  volunteers  won  such  imperishable  honors,  saving 
thereby  the  immensely  important  mountain  Territories  of  tin- 
far  West  from  being  overrun  by  the  Texan  rebels,  and  securing 
uninterrupted  our  communications  with  the  Pacific. 

"For  Nevada,  let  the  treasury  of  the  Sanitary  Commission  speak 
in  praise.  Under  the  wise  rule  of  Governor  Nye,  that  distant  ter- 
ritory is  emerging  as  itot  only  one  of  the  richest  but  one  of  the 
most  loyal  States. 

"For  these  reasons,  I  urge  the  admission  of  these  gentlemen 
with  all  the  rights  of  delegates,  into  this  Convention.  Let  me  re- 
fer you,  as  a  precedent  for  such  action,  to  the  course  taken  in  rela- 
tion to  that  State— Kansas — which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to 
represent  here.  The  Republican  Convention  of  1856  admitted  it- 
delegates  to  seats  and  votes.  It  was  then  seeking  admission  into 
the  Union  under  what  was  known  as  the  Topeka  constitution. 
Again,  at  Chicago,  in  1860.  was  the  same  course  adopted.  Its  ad- 
mission was  pending  before  Congress,  nor  was  it  recognized  as  a 
State  until  the  party  of  freedom,  under  the  lead  of  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, obtained  power. 


206  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

"It  will  not  do  in  this  hour,  with  this  precedent,  with  the  facts 
before  us,  and  the  strong-  probability  presented  by  these  commu- 
nities of  being-  enabled  to  swell  the  vote  of  the  next  President  of 
the  United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  the  welcome  addition  of 
three  members  of  the  Electoral  College,  to  ig-nore  the  claims  of 
Nebraska,  Colorado,  and  Nevada.  M.  H.  INSLEY. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of 
the  Convention,  the  paper  which  I  read  to  you  was  the  report  to 
which  the  majority  of  the  committee,  the  large  majority  I  may 
say,  agreed,  and  the  papers  which  have  since  been  read  embody 
the  conclusions  to  which  the  gentlemen  who  have  made  these 
other  reports  came,  dissenting  from  that  majority.  There  was 
scarcely  any  proposition  upon  which  some  member  did  not 
dissent.  I  propose,  upon  three  propositions  on  which  I  dis- 
sented, to  make  a  motion  to  amend  the  original  report,  as  a 
substitute  for  both  propositions  that  have  come  in  ;  and  I  shall 
move  to  amend  because  I  determined  that  I  would  not  make  a 
minority  report.  I  move,  in  the  first  place,  as  a  substitute  for 
the  propositien  of  the  report  in  regard  to  the  Missouri  case, 
the  following: 

"That  the  delegation,  known  as  'The  Unconditional  Union 
Delegation'  from  Missouri,  be  admitted  as  delegates  with  'The 
Radical  Union  Delegation'  from  that  State,  and  that  where  the 
delegations  agree  they  shall  cast  the  vote  to  which  the  St^te  is 
entitled,  and  where  they  do  not  agree  the  vote  of  the  State  shall 
not  be  cast." 

The  majority  report,  it  will  be  remembered,  proposes  to  ad- 
mit the  delegates  from  certain  States,  and  the  Territories  and 
District  of  Columbia,  without  the  right  of  voting.  I  propose 
to  amend  it  by  providing  that  all  the  delegates  who  shall  be 
admitted  to  this  Convention  shall  be  entitled  to  vote,  and  to 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  delegates  without  any  excep- 
tion, but  that  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories  re- 
spectively shall  be  entitled  to  but  two  votes,  and  that  110  State, 
District  or  Territory  shall  be  allowed  to  cast  more  votes  than 
it  has  delegates  present  in  the  Convention,  and  in  no  case 
more  than  it  is  entitled  to  under  the  rules  of  the  Convention. 
These  are  the  amendments  which  I  offer  as  substitutes  for  the 
propositions  of  the  committee. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  understands  that  the  question  be- 
fore the  Convention  is  upon  the  majority  report  and  upon  such 
amendments  to  that  report  as  may  be  proposed  in  their  order.  A 
minority  report  as  such  cannot  be  received.  Any  amendment  in 
a  minority  report  may  be  offered  in  the  form  of  an  amendment  to 
the  propositions  of  the  majority  report.  The  question  is  now 
upon  the  amendments  offered  by  Mr.  King,  in  the  order  in  which 
he  has  presented  them.  Before  the  question  is  put  to  the  Conven- 
tion, however,  the  Chair  desires  to  say  that  he  has  been  informed 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1806,  1860,  1864.  L'nT 

by  one  of  the  gentlemen,  belonging  to  the  so-called  Unconditional 
Union  Delegation  of  Missouri,  that  he  desires  to  be  heard  by  the 
Convention  before  a  vote  shall  be  taken  upon  the  report  of  the 
committee.  If  it  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention  to  hear  him. 
they  will  so  signify. 

The  question  being  put.  the  Convention  refused  to  hear  the 
gentleman. 

Mr.  C.  C.  Sholes,  of  Wisconsin,  I  ask  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  to  withdraw  his  amendment  so  that  we  may  consider  one 
question  at  a  time.  I  prefer  first  to  take  the  vote  on  admitting 
the  delegates  from  the  seceded  states;  next  in  regard  to  the  State 
of  Missouri;  and  next  in  regard  to  the  territories  and  the  District 
of  Columbia.  I  think  it  will  be  impracticable  to  consider  all 
these  three  questions  together. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York.  I  prefer  that  the  vote  shall  be 
taken  together.  I  desire  to  say  a  very  few  words  upon  the  ques- 
tion. Any  member  of  the  Convention.  I  suppose,  has  a  right  to 
call  for  a  division  of  a  proposition  which  is  divisible.  It  is  his 
right,  and  he  had  better  make  the  call  himself  rather  than  request 
me  to  do  it. 

Mr.  C.  C'.  Sholes,  of  Wisconsin,  in  order  that  we  may  have  a 
properly  constituted  Convention,  I  desire  to  move  first  that  that 
portion  of  the  report  of  the  Committee  which  has  been  unani- 
mously presented,  be  adopted  by  this  Convention. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  thinks  that  the  amendments  pro- 
posed by  the  gentleman  from  New  York  are  susceptible  of  a 
division. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  when  a  call  is  made  for  a 
division. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  that  he  withdraw  his  proposition  until  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  be  adopted,  so  far  as  relates  to 
the  uncontested  seats,  because,  before  we  get  through  with  these 
questions,  we  may  have  to  call  the  yeas  and  nays,  or  take  a  vote 
by  states,  and  to  do  that  we  should  have  a  Convention  to  vote. 

Mr.  President,  does  the  gentleman  from  New  York  withdraw 
his  proposition  for  the  present: 

Mr.  I'reston  King,  of  New  York,  I  prefer  not  to  withdraw  the 
motion,  because  I  do  not  wish  to  lose  the  order  in  which  the 
questions  stand;  but.  to  obviate  all  difficulty  about  that,  as  I  have 
a  right  to  modify  my  own  motion,  I  move  first  that  that  portion 
of  the  report  be  adopted  which  relates  to  the  uncontested  seats 
of  delegates,  as  reported  by  the  majority  of  the  committee. 

The  I'RKSIDKN  T  —  The  Chair  will  put  the  question  on  that 
motion. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 


_'n>  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Preston  King-, of  New  York,  the  motion  which  lias  just  been 
adopted,  refers  to  delegations  from  States  which  are  uncontested, 
and  now  we  come  to  the  other  questions.  The  majority  of  the 
committee  propose  that  the  Radical  Union  Delegation  from  the 
State  of  Missouri,  and  they  only  shall  be  admitted  as  the  dele- 
gates of  that  State.  I  propose  to  amend  this  clause  of  the  report 
so  as  to  read: 

"That  the  delegation  known  as  'The  Unconditional  Union  Dele- 
gation' from  Missouri,  be  admitted  with  the  delegates  of  ;The 
Radical  Union  Delegation,'  and  that  where  the  delegations  agree 
that  they  shall  cast  the  vote  of  the  State,  and  where  they  do  not 
agree,  the  vote  of  the  State  shall  not  be  cast." 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  is  on  the  amendment  just  read 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen — 
I  think  the  suggestion  of  this  proposition  is  all  that  is  required 
by  this  Convention.  Unless  its  suggestion  is  such  as  meets  its 
approbation,  no  argument  can  carry  it  there.  I  make  the  sug- 
gestion, and  simply  say  that  in  the  spirit  of  brotherhood  and 
union  and  harmony  with  which  we  come  together  here,  and  in 
the  common  determination  that  animates  us  all  to  sustain  one 
another  and  to  strike  down  our  common  enemy  and  to  strike 
down  nobody  else,  I  have  supposed  it  was  wisest  and  best  to  ad- 
mit all  these  delegations  as  brethren  [applausel,  with  the  powers 
and  privileges  that  pertain  to  other  delegates.  I  would  not 
adopt  all  the  propositions  that  I  have  made  here,  in  ordinary 
times,  and  I  do  not  propose  that  they  shall  be  a  precedent.  I 
hope  we  shall  never  have  a  condition  of  affairs  in  this  country 
(and  I  do  not  believe  we  ever  shall)  when  things  done  now  may 
properly  be  quoted  as  a  precedent  for  things  to  be  done  then.  I 
have  stated  my  proposition  ;  I  will  not  debate  it. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  Mr.  President  I  was  very  much 
struck  by  the  observation  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
New  York  (Mr.  Raymond)  yesterday,  in  a  speech  in  which  lie 
evoked  order  out  of  chaos  on  this  floor,  in  which  he  remarked 
that  in  the  preliminary  stages  of  this  Convention  we  were  a  mob, 
a  mere  mass  meeting — a  respectable  mob  to  be  sure — but  so  far 
forth  as  parliamentary  law  was  concerned,  an  unorganized  body; 
but  that  the  time  would  arrive  when,  after  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials,  this  mob  would  settle  down  into  an  order- 
ly, parliamentary,  organized,  deliberative  assembly.  Now,  sir, 
the  proposition  of  the  distinguished  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  which  I  have  had  the  honor  to  be  an  humble  member,  proposes 
to  reverse  that  order,  and  at  the  very  moment  when  the  mob  is 
passing  into  a  convention  to  resolve  the  convention  back  again 
into  an  unorganized  mob,  because  it  proposes  to  admit  upon  this 


.NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  :>n<i 

floor  not  delegates  but  gentlemen  (for  they  are  all  gentlemen,  as 
I  suppose)  coming  from  States  where  the  Federal  Government  sits 
upon  its  ironclads  alone  for  protection,  and  can  barely  plant  its 
foot  upon  the  soil  and  territory  of  those  States— States  that  have 
been  in  rebellion  from  the  beginning,  and  are  now,  and  where  the 
arm  of  the  Federal  Government  scarcely  extends  over  a  rod  of  the 
surface.  It  proposes  to  admit  delegates  here  from  Territories 
that  have  no  vote,  and,  in  my  humble  judgment  as  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  will  have  none  between  now  and 
the  November  election. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  gentleman  is  not  in  order.  The  only  ques- 
tion now  is  as  to  the  Missouri  delegation. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  I  understand  that  very  well, 
and  I  am  coming  right  to  that  now.  With  reference  to  this  con- 
tested case  from  Missouri,  there  is  a  right  and  a  wrong  to  it. 
There  is  a  delegation  here  duly  accredited,  and  there  is  but  one. 
It  is  the  duty  of  this  Convention  to  ascertain  which  of  these  con- 
testants come  here  with  the  accredited  credentials  from  some  or- 
ganized party  association  in  that  State.  Now  I  aver,  and  there  is 
not  a  member  upon  the  Committee  who,  after  the  six  hours'  ex- 
amination we  have  given  to  this  question,  will  dispute  the  aver- 
ment, that  the  Radical  Delegation  of  Missouri  is  the  only  delega- 
tion that  represents  here  a  party  or  a  constituency  in  that  State, 
or  any  respectable  element  in  the  National  party  of  the  country. 
[Great  applause.]  The  Radical  Delegation  claiming  seats  here, 
proved  before  your  Committee  last  evening  that  they  represented 
the  only  Republican  organization  which  existed  at  the  time  the 
Convention  was  called  for  sending  delegates  to  this  National 
Convention.  There  was  no  other  party  organization,  except  a 
rebel  organization,  existing  in  the  State  of  Missouri  at  the  time 
when  their  Convention  was  called  to  nominate  State  officers  and 
send  delegates  here.  The  Convention  was  called,  and  it  was  held 
at  Jefferson  City,  the  seat  of  Government  of  Missouri.  That  Con- 
vention represented  eighty-five  counties  in  that  State.  Four  hun- 
dred delegates  appeared  there,  the  largest  delegate  convention 
ever  assembled,  either  in  war  or  peace  times,  on  the  soil  of  Mis- 
souri. After  that  Convention  had  been  called,  and  when  every 
loyal  man  in  the  State  of  Missouri  had  an  opportunity  of  sending 
his  representatives  there,  and  of  having  his  wishes  expressed,  the 
"Claybank"  faction  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  not  satisfied  with 
the  call,  not  satisfied  with  the  anticipated  temper  of  the  Conven- 
tion that  was  about  to  assemble,  called  a  convention  of  their  own. 
And  how  was  the  call  made?  Did  it  proceed  from  any  organiza- 
tion? Not  at  all.  Certain  gentlemen,  respectable  gentlemen,  oc- 
cupying high  positions  in  the  nation  and  in  the  State  to  be  sure, 
14 


210  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

g-ot  together  and  signed  a  subscription  paper,  if  it  may  be  so 
styled,  in  which  they  invited  their  fellow-citizens  to  meet  at  St. 
Louis;  and  what  sort  of  a  convention  did  they  hold  there?  They 
had  a  convention  in  which  it  was  stated  before  the  Committee  but 
five  counties  were  represented,  and  the  highest  claim  that  was 
made,  even  by  the  friends  of  that  delegation,  was  that  there  were 
one  hundred  and  forty  delegates  in  the  Convention,  other  persons 
stating  that  there  were  but  seventy-five  delegates.  The  question 
for  you  to-day  is  whether  you  will  perpetuate  this  feud  in  Mis- 
souri by  admitting  both  these  sets  of  delegates.  Do  that,  and  j-ou 
will  perpetuate  it  for  all  time  to  come,  just  as  the  Democratic  Con- 
vention perpetuated  the  feud  between  Mozart  and  Tammany.  Ex- 
clude those  who  have  no  right  to  be  represented  here  and  they 
must  come  in. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman's  time  is  out. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  I  move  to  amend  the  amend- 
ment offered  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  so  that,  instead 
of  silencing  both  parties  from  Missouri  when  they  cannot  agree, 
they  may  then  divide  the  vote.  The  gentleman  who  has  just  ad- 
dressed the  Convention,  I  understand,  is  from  one  of  the  extreme 
Northern  States,  Connecticut,  and  of  course,  therefore,  all  the 
statements  of  fact  made  by  him  in  regard  to  this  matter,  are  state- 
ments made  at  second  hand.  He  has  no  personal  knowledge  of 
them  except  as  they  were  detailed  to  the  Committee  of  which  he 
•was  a  member.  I  also  live  remotely  from  Missouri,  but  a  great 
deal  nigher  than  he  does.  I  suppose  he  will  admit  that  Missouri 
and  Kentucky,  for  good  or  for  bad,  are  more  alike,  as  well  as  that 
they  are  nigher  together  than  either  of  them  is  nigh  or  like  Con- 
necticut. I  therefore  suppose  that  my  knowledge  is  as  good  as 
his,  with  the  greatest  possible  respect  both  for  his  statement  of 
facts  and  his  statement  of  inference.  I  have  not  a  particle  of 
doubt,  and  say  to  3^ou  to-day,  if  I  were  in  my  old  profession  of  the 
law,  I  would  risk  my  head  upon  making  twelve  of  you  find  that 
•everything  he  has  stated  is  either  unfounded  or  utterly  exagger- 
ated. Any  twelve  of  you,  if  put  in  a  jury  box,  would  find  that  the 
facts  were  not  so.  If  you  pursue  the  course  undertaken  to  be 
recommended  by  that  gentleman,  you  will  get  Missouri  into  a 
condition,  if  possible,  worse  than  it  has  already  been  in.  But,  for 
compromise's  sake,  if  you  choose  to  admit  both  delegations  with- 
out entering  into  any  question  as  to  whether  this  or  that  is  the 
right  one,  it  appears  to  me  that,  as  it  is  perfectly  certain  that  one 
or  the  other  is  entitled  to  vote,  it  is  absurd  in  us  to  undertake  to 
«ilence  a  State  that  is  truly  represented  here  by  somebody,  and 
that  the  proper  course  would  be  for  them,  if  they  will  agree,  to 
take  half  of  the  vote  of  the  State  from  each  delegation.  I  think 
this  is  the  only  way  to  do  under  the  circumstances.  I  suppose  it 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  211 

would  not  be  strictly  in  order  for  me  to  discuss  the  difference  be- 
tween the  amendment  as  proposed  by  me,  and  the  proposition  of 
the  Committee.  I  will  say  one  single  tiling  more.  My  object  is, 
if  you  let  both  in,  not  to  silence  both,  but  to  let  them  divide  their 
vote — so  that  we  can  get  the  vote  of  the  State,  for  undoubtedly  the 
State  is  entitled  to  a  representation  here  by  somebody.  Now.  sir, 
this  Convention  is  in  one  sense  a  Republican  Convention,  but  in 
a  very  vague  sense.  I  took  occasion  to  say,  in  the  remarks  I  made 
yesterday,  that  you  had  every  sort  of  party  men,  and  that  you  had 
every  sort  of  no-party  men— that,  in  a  word,  we  were  all  united 
upon  the  naked  proposition  to  maintain  the  Union,  and  do  it  by 
whatever  is  absolutely  necessary  to  be  done  in  order  to  maintain 
that  Union,  and  are  willing  to  adjourn  over  all  other  questions 
that  must  come  up  in  their  course. 

Voices — Order,  order.     The  gentleman's  time  has  expired. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  gentlemen,  I  will  make  you 
a  present  of  what  else  I  should  have  said  if  1  had  had  a  chance 
[laughter]. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  gentleman's  time  has  expired. 

Mr.  G.  Volney  Dorsey,  of  Ohio,  I  wish  to  make  a  few  remarks  on 
this  subject,  and  I  will  not  occupy  over  five  minutes,  which,  by 
the  rule  of  the  Convention,  is  allowed  to  each  member.  I  want  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  Convention,  for  the  purpose  of 
deciding  questions  which  could  not  be  decided  in  mass  conven- 
tion, appointed  a  Committee  on  Credentials,  because  they  knew 
that  the  facts  could  be  better  judged  of  in  the  quiet  of  a  small 
room,  before  a  small  number  of  persons,  than  in  a  mass  conven- 
tion. Under  the  lead  of  the  excellent  Chairman  of  the  Committee, 
the  gentleman  from  New  York,  that  Committee  held  a  prolonged 
session  of  many  hours.  The  Committee  had  brought  before  them 
gentlemen  representing  both  of  the  contesting  parties  in  the  State 
of  Missouri,  and  with  care  and  deliberation  they  listened  to  the 
arguments  of  those  contesting  parties.  The  result  drawn  from 
the  deliberations  of  that  Committee,  and  based  upon  the  state- 
ments made  by  the  contesting  parties  from  Missouri,  this  Con- 
vention has  before  it  here  this  morning  in  the  report  of  the  ma- 
jority; and  1  beg  leave  to  say  to  the  Convention,  with  all  respect 
to  the  Hon.  Chairman,  and  without  violating  any  of  the  proprie- 
ties of  that  Committee  Room,  that  the  very  same  proposition 
presented  here  before  the  Convention  this  morning  by  him,  was 
presented  before  that  committee  and  voted  down  ;  and  why  so? 
Is  it  improper,  then,  to  present  the  same  question  to  this  Conven- 
tion as  a  whole?  Most  assuredly  not;  but  remember  that  this 
Convention  entrusted  to  that  committee  the  care  of  deciding-  all 
these  questions.  They  did  decide.  They  agreed  to  the  report  of 
the  majority.  They  voted  down  the  very  proposition  which  the 
Honorable  Chairman  now  proposes  to  the  Convention. 


212  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

The  PRESIDENT — Will  Mr.  Dorsey  stop  for  a  moment?  The 
Chair  did  not  call  the  gentleman  to  order  when  he  referred  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  committee,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  make  a 
bare  reference  to  them.  The  Chair  now  rules  that  it  is  not  in  or- 
der in  a  discussion  in  this  Convention  to  refer  to  the  proceedings 
of  a  committee. 

Mr.G.Volney  Dorsey,of  Ohio,then  I  will  not  do  so.  I  only  intended 
to  add  to  what  I  have  said,  that  the  committee  having  been  en- 
trusted by  this  Convention  to  decide  upon  this  important  question 
were  more  competent  to  do  so  than  a  mass  convention,  for  they 
have  listened  carefully  to  the  contestants,  and  the  opinions  pre- 
sented by  those  persons  who  were  set  forward  to  speak  as  advo- 
cates of  the  contesting  parties,  and  they  have  come  carefully  to 
the  conclusion  presented  by  the  majority,  and  as  such  they  feel 
willing  to  entrust  the  report  of  the  majority  to  the  sense  and  to 
the  vote  of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  S.  M.  Breckinridge,  of  Missouri,  Mr.  President 

Several  members — Not  on  the  roll. 

Mr.  S.  M.  Breckinridge,  of  Missouri,!  rise,  gentlemen,  not  of  my 
own  choice 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  under  what  order  of  the  Con- 
vention is  the  gentleman  allowed  to  speak? 

The  PRESIDENT — Under  the  order  of  the  Convention  adopted 
yesterday. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  allow  me  to  suggest  to  the 
Chair  that  the  credentials  of  the  Missouri  delegation  were  re- 
ferred to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Geo.  W.  Curtis,  of  New  York,  I  submit  that  this  Convention 
is  at  present  composed  only  of  those  delegates  whose  seats  are 
without  contest,  and  that  has  been  decided  by  a  vote  taken  this 
morning. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  was  of  the  impressio  n  that  a  differ- 
ent rule  had  been  adopted  yesterday  under  the  temporary  ar- 
rangement, but  the  gentleman  from  New  York  is  correct,  and  Mr. 
Curtis  has  the  floor. 

Mr.  Geo.  W.  Curtis,  of  New  York,  the  Missouri  question,  Mr. 
President,  is  no  new  question,  either  to  this  Convention  or  to  the 
country.  It  is  a  question  which  was  almost  coeval  with  that  of 
the  rebellion  itself.  It  is  a  question,  with  the  most  profound 
deference  to  our  eminent  friend  from  Kentucky,  which  is  well 
known  in  its  details  all  over  this  country.  The  Missouri  question 
is  a  question  which  must  be  met,  which  must  be  settled,  and  no 
where  can  it  be  met  so  well,  and  settled  so  conclusively,  as  in  this 
National  Convention  of  Union  men  of  the  country.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] Now  then,  sir,  we  yesterday  appointed  a  committee,  as 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio  has  so  well  said,  for  the  purpose  of 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  Jin 

making  all  those  inquiries  of  detail  which  it  was  impossible 
for  this  Convention  to  make,  and  we  have  the  report  of  that  com- 
mittee, so  far  as  appears  unanimous,  with  the  exception  of  my 
honored  friend  from  New  York,  that  the  Radical  delegation  from 
Missouri  shall  be  admitted  to  this  floor,  with  all  the  privileges  of 
voting  and  all  the  other  privileges  of  delegates.  [Applause.] 
The  question  of  fact  so  far  as  it  may  be  hidden  from  us  of  the 
Convention,  has  been  settled,  has  been  reported  upon  by  the 
committee.  Now,  then,  we  encounter  the  question  as  the  Union 
men  of  the  country,  and  I  take  my  argument  from  the  month  of 
my  most  honored  friend  who  has  introduced  this  amendment.  It 
is  because  we  wish  to  strengthen  the  Union  sentiment  of  this 
country ;  it  is  because  we  wish,  at  this  moment,  to  cheer  and 
encourage  the  brave  men  with  bared  and  bleeding  breasts 
who  are  standing  firm  as  the  radical  men  in  Missouri,  from  the 
beginning  have  stood  firm  for  the  great  cause  which  under- 
lies this  whole  question.  It  is  for  that  reason,  sir,  that  I  im- 
plore you,  and  I  implore  the  Convention,  to  give  no  uncertain 
sound,  but  to  let  it  ring  out  to  Missouri,  out  to  the  Territories, 
back  again  to  Maine  and  to  the  North,  that  we  recognize  the 
radicals  of  Missouri,  who  have  always  been  true.  I  freely  con- 
fess that  we,  of  the  North,  have  not  had  in  our  own  persons  all 
the  bitter  sufferings  that  all  our  friends  in  the  Border  States 
have  had;  yet  I  wish  this  report  adopted,  that  we  may  be 
strengthened  at  home,  that  at  the  West  and  in  the  Northwest 
the  union  sentiment  may  be  strengthened,  that  our  army  all 
along  the  line,  wrth  Sherman  and  Grant,  may,  hear  no  uncertain 
sound  from  us  at  the  rear ;  because,  as  a  practical  fact,  there  is 
not  a  man  in  this  Convention  who  does  not  know  that  the  admis- 
sion of  the  radical  delegation  from  Missouri  is  the  practical 
settlement  of  that  question,  and  the  practical  adhesion  of  the 
great  Union  party  of  this  country  to  the  policy  with  which  they 
have  been  identified,  and  it  is  for  that  reason  that  I  hope,  sin- 
cerely, in  the  name  of  the  Union,  in  the  name  of  liberty,  and  for 
the  sake  of  strengthening  the  loyal  men  of  the  land,  the  recom- 
mendation of  my  eminent  friend  from  Kentucky  will  not  prevail. 
[Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Daniel  Mace,  of  Indiana,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  organiza- 
tion, and  dispose  of  this  question,  I  move  to  lay  the  proposed 
amendment  on  the  table. 

The  PRESIDENT— Is  the  gentleman  aware  that  his  motion,  if 
adopted,  carries  the  whole  subject  to  the  table? 

Mr.  Daniel  Mace,  of  Indiana,  I  think  not,  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  House  of  Representatives.    Certainly,  when  I  was  a  mem 
ber  of  that  House,  a  motion  to  lay  an  amendment  on  the  table  did 
not  carry  the  original  proposition. 


214  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  understands  that  to  be  the  rule,  and 
must  so  hold. 

Mr.  N.  B.  Smithers,  of  Delaware,  I  suggest  to  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  to  withdraw  his  motion  and  demand  the  previous 
question. 

Mr.  Daniel  Mace,  of  Indiana,  I  adopt  that  suggestion,  and  de- 
mand the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  do  I  understand  that 
the  previous  question  is  called  on  the  whole  proposition,  or  onl3' 
on  this  amendment? 

Mr.  Daniel  Mace,  of  Indiana,  on  the  amendment. 

The  call  for  the  previous  question  was  sustained. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  is  on  the  amendment  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Breckinridge)  to  the  amendment  of 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  P.  King). 

The  amendment  to  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  question  before  the  Convention  now  is 
the  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  King,  of  New  York,  to  admit  both 
delegations  from  Missouri. 

The  question  was  put,  and  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  a  division  was  called  on  my 
proposition.  I  made  several  distinct  propositions. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Convention  will  understand  that  a  divis- 
ion was  called  for  on  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman 
from  New  York.  The  first  amendment  has  now  been  voted  upon 
and  decided  in  the  negative.  The  question  now  before  the  House 
is  upon  the  next  amendment  in  the  order  of  the'division. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckiuridge,  of  Kentucky,  will  the  President  state 
distinctly  to  us  in  what  condition  it  leaves  the  original  recom- 
mendation of  the  committee  in  regard  to  the  Missouri  delegation? 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  was  misled.  He  was  of  the  impres- 
sion that  there  was  another  amendment  relating  to  the  Missouri 
question,  but  it  seems  there  is  not,  and  therefore  the  question 
now  is  directly  upon  the  report  of  the  committee  directly  on  the 
Missouri  question. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  I  wish  to  say  one  word  on 
that  question. 

Several  delegates — Debate  is  not  in  order. 

The  PRESIDENT — Under  the  rule,  Dr.  Breckinridge,  you  cannot 
speak  to  this  question. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  I  have  not  spoken  to  this 
question. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  main  question  is  now  before  the  House. 
Debate  is  out  of  order.  The  question  is  whether  the  Convention 
will  agree  to  the  report  of  the  majority  of  the  committee  in  refer- 
ence to  the  delegation  from  Missouri. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  JIT. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  I  submit  that  tin-  pn-\  ion- 
question  was  not  in  force  when  I  claimed  the  floor,  and  therefore 
I  have  a  right  to  be  heard.  . 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  understands  the  previous  question 
to  have  applied  to  the  whole  report. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  only  lo  the  amendment.  I 
wish  to  say  a  single  sentence,  that  is  all.  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
gagged. 

The  PRESIDENT— There  is  obviously  a  misapprehension  as  to 
what  is  before  the  Convention,  growing  doubtless  out  of  the  con- 
fusion of  the  Chair  itself.  Allow  me,  therefore,  to  say  that  the 
question  now  before  the  Convention  is,  under  the  operation  of 
the  previous  question,  upon  that  part  of  the  report  of  the  majority 
of  the  committee  which  relates  to  the  Missouri  case. 

Mr.  Campbell  Tarr,  of  West  Virginia,  called  tor  a  vote  by  states. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Secretary  will  proceed  to  call  the  roll  of 
the  states  on  this  question. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,of  Kentucky,  I  rise  to  a  question  of  order. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  rise,  sir, to  a  personal 
explanation.  By  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the 
present  rules  differing  from  what  they  were  formerly,  when  the 
previous  question  is  called  on  an  amendment,  it  applies  only  to 
the  amendment,  and  does  not  extend  to  the  original  proposition. 
It  was  for  that  reason,  that  when  the  gentleman  from  Indiana 
called  for  the  previous  question,  I  inquired  of  him  if  it  was  to 
apply  only  to  the  amendment,  and  I  understood  him  to  reply  that 
it  was. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  informs 
the  Chair  that  there  has  been  a  change  in  the  rules  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  regard  to  the  effect  of  the  previous  question; 
that  the  previous  question  being  called  and  sustained,  applies 
oiilj'  to  the  amendment  then  under  consideration. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  if  so  called. 

The  PRESIDENT— That  being  the  rule,  the  previous  question 
does  not  apply  to  so  much  of  the  report  of  the  majority  of  the 
committee  as  relates  to  the  Missouri  case,  and  thegentleman  from 
Kentucky  is  entitled  to  the  floor  upon  that  question. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentuckj',  I  wish  to  make  but  a  single 
remark  upon  this  question.  If  I  understand  what  you  are  about 
to  do,  the  vote  which  you  will  now  give  (and  with  your  present 
temper  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  give  it),  a  delegation  from  a  party 
in  Missouri,  whose  main  business  for  the  past  two  years  has  been 
to  support  and  sustain  the  President  of  the  United  States,  whom 
we  are  about  to  nominate  by  acclamation,  will  be  refused  seats 
here.  The  delegates  whom  you  are  about  to  admit,  are  sent  here 
by  a  convention  that  put  before  the  people  a  platform,  which 


216  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

platform,  as  I  understand  the  English  language,  put  their  sup- 
port on  the  condition  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  will 
agree  to  be  brow-beaten  by  them.  I  will  not  vote  to  say  that  any 
such  delegation  from  any  such  party  is  the  sole  delegation  from 
the  State  of  Missouri.  Least  of  all  will  I  do  it  as  a  Union-Lincoln 
man,  favorable  to  the  Union-Lincoln  cause  in  the  State  of  Missouri, 
and  I  tell  you  here  to-day,  that  if  you  give  this  vote  and  do  this 
thing,  you  will,  if  you  will  allow  a  Presbj^teriaii  preacher  to  sa3r 
so,  come  as  nigh  to  playing  the  devil  as  any  set  of  gentleman  ever 
did  with  their  eyes  blindfolded. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  I  call  for  the  previous  ques- 
tion upon  that  part  of  the  majority  report  which  refers  to  the 
Missouri  case. 

The  call  was  sustained. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  proposition  is,  that  the  Radical  Delegates 
from  Missouri  be  admitted  as  full  delegates  on  this  floor.  Upon 
this  question  there  has  been  a  call  for  a  vote  b}r  states,  and  the 
Secretary  will  proceed  to  call  the  roll. 

The  roll  was  called  with  the  following  result: 

Ayes.  Nays.  Ayes.   Nays. 

Maine. 14  Indiana 28 

New  Hampshire 10 

Vermont    10 

Massachusetts 24 


Rhode  Island. 

Connecticut 12 

NewYork 66 

New  Jersey 14 

Pennsylvania 49 

Delaware...                      6 


Illinois 

Michigan 1(5 

Wisconsin 16 

Iowa 16 

Minnesota .  8 

California 10 

Oregon 6 

West  Virginia 10 

Kansas 6 


Maryland 14 

Kentucky 21  1  440  4 

Ohio 42 

The  PRESIDENT— The  result  is  to  admit  the  Radical  Delegation 
from  Missouri  as  the  full  delegation  from  that  State.  [Vociferous 
applause.]  The  next  question  is  on  the  amendment  offered  by  the 
gentleman  from  New  York,  in  regard  to  the  other  States  and  Ter- 
ritories, which  he  will  read. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  the  proposition  was  divided  on 
the  call  of  some  gentleman;  This  is  the  next  clause  which  I  pro- 
pose: 

"That  the  delegates  admitted  to  this  Convention  from  Virginia, 
Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Florida  and  Arkansas,  and  from  all  the  or- 
ganized Territories  and  the  District  of  Columbia,  shall  be  allowed 
all  the  privileges  of  delegates,  including  the  right  to  vote;  but 
that  the  Territories  and  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  be  allowed 
two  votes  only;  and  that  no  State  or  Territory  shall  be  allowed  to 
cast  more  votes  than  it  has  delegates  present,  or  more  than  it 
would  be  entitled  to  under  the  rules  of  the  Convention." 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  understand  that  prop- 
osition to  embrace  all  the  amendments  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  has  to  offer.  Am  I  right? 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  yes,  sir. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  18(30.  1864.  L'17 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  then  the  question  conies 
between  that  and  the  majority  report,  and  I  believe  we  are  pretty 
much  disposed  to  sustain  the  Committee  all  the  way  through.  I 
call,  therefore,  for  the  previous  question  on  the  whole  subject. 

Mr.  C.  Walborn,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  desire  to  say  a  word  at  this 
stage. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  it  is  out  of  order.  I  have 
called  for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  C.  Walborn,  of  Pennsylvania,  do  I  understand  that  I  cannot 
make  a  remark  at  this  time? 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Steveno,  of  Pennsylvania,  it  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  C.  Walborn,  of  Pennsylvania,  may  I  not  ask  to  have  the  rail 
withdrawn ': 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  state  the  question.  The  major- 
ity report  recommends  that  the  delegates  from  the  several  States 
and  Territories  named  shall,  be  admitted  with  the  rights  of  dele- 
gates, except  that  they  shall  not  be  allowed  to  vote.  The  amend- 
ment proposes  to  add  to  those  privileges  that  of  voting.  I'pon 
this  question  the  previous  question  has  been  called,  which,  if 
sustained,  will  bring  the  Convention  to  a  vote  directly  upon  the 
amendment  offered  by  the  gentlemen  from  New  York. 

TJie  call  for  the  previous  question  was  sustained. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  is  on  the  amendment  offered  by 
the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

The  question  was  put  and  the  amendment  was  rejected. 

Several  delegates  called  for  a  vote  by  States. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  call  is  too  late. 

The  PRESIDENT  — The  question  before  the  Convention  now  is 
upon  the  original  report  of  the  committee. 

Several  Delegates — We  want  to  know  if  Tennessee  and  Louisiana 
are  included  in  this  vote. 

The  PRESIDENT— I  must  ask  the  gentleman  from  New  York  to 
read  the  portion  of  the  report. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  all  the  clauses  of  the  majority 
report  have  been  agreed  to,  except  the  following: 

"  That  the  delegations  from  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
Florida  and  Arkansas  be  admitted  with  all  the  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  delegates  to  this  Convention,  except  the  right  to  vote. 
That  the  delegation  asking  admission  from  South  Carolican  be 
not  admitted  to  the  Convention.  That  the  delegations  from  the 
organized  Territories,  and  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  Convention  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
delegates,  except  the  right  to  vote." 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  ask  for  a  division  of  the  question. 

The  PRESIDENT— I  understand  the  call  of  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  for  the  previous  question  to  apply  to  all  the  mat- 
ters relating  to  this  subject. 


218  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  precisely. 
The  PRESIDENT-  The  debate  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  do  not  propose  to  debate,  but  I  rise 
to  a  question  of  privilege.  I  ask  for  the  division  of  the  question, 
so  that  there  may  be  a  separate  vote  taken  on  the  admission  of 
Tennessee,  Arkansas  and  Louisiana,  and  on  the  admission  of 
Nevada,  Nebraska  and  Colorado. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  rules  that  under  the  call  of  the 
previous  question  a  division  is  not  in  order,  but  the  Convention 
is  brought  to  a  direct  vote  on  the  entire  question. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the 
Chair.  I  appeal  to  every  parliamentarian  in  this  body  if  the  de- 
cision is  not  an  error.  The  previous  question  brings  the  House 
to  a  direct  vote  upon  the  question,  but  the  proposition  before  the 
house  is  divisible  at  any  period  before  the  vote  is  taken.  ["That's 
right."] 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  has  no  pride  of  opinion  to  consult 
on  this  question.  The  only  object  of  the  Chair  is  to  conform  to 
the  rules  adopted  by  the  Convention.  The  Chair  has  made  this 
decision  because  he  thinks  it  is  right.  The  Chair  has  no  objection 
to  the  appeal.  But  if  there  be  any  parliamentarian  in  the  Conven- 
tion who  can  speak  from  his  knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  as 
applicable  to  this  Convention,  acting  under  the  rules  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  the  Chair  will  be  very  glad  to  hear  his  expla- 
nation, and  to  correct  the  decision,  if  it  be  wrong. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  understand  that  Mr.  Grow,  who  was 
for  some  years  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  is  here, 
and  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  take  his  opinion  on  this  question. 

The  PRESIDENT — If  the  Chair  is  wrong,  he  will  be  happ)*  to  be 
corrected  by  Mr.  Grow. 

Mr.  G.  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  will  state  to  the  Chair  that, 
during  the  last  Congress,  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives were  amended  so  as  to  allow  the  division  of  a  question  at 
any  time  before  a  vote.  Previous  to  that  time,  the  decision  must 
have  been  demanded  before  the  call  of  the  previous  question  was 
sustained,  or  it  could  not  be  divided. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  very  cheerfully  accepts  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
therefore  entertains  the  call  of  the  gentleman  from  Kansas  for  a 
division  of  the  question;  but  as  the  House  is  acting  under  the 
previous  question,  there  can,  of  course,  be  no  debate. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  the  course  of  the  Senate  is  that  a 
Senator  rises  in  his  place  and  asks  for  a  separate  vote  on  any 
particular  portion  of  a  question  which  is  capable  of  division.  I 
now  ask  that  the  question  may  be  taken  on  the  general  report, 
reserving  a  separate  vote  upon  the  States  and  Territories  I  have 
named. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  219 

The  PRESIDENT— Does  the  gentleman  propbse  to  take  a  separ- 
ate vote  on  each  State  and  Territory? 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  all  I  want  is  a  separate  vote  as  to  T<  n 
nessee,  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  and  as  to  Nebraska,  Colorado 
and  Nevada. 

The  PRESIDENT— Does  the  gentleman  propose  that  there  shall 
be  a  vote  taken  on  each': 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  no;  but  let  the  question  be  taken 
separately.  These  three  states  stand  in  the  same  relation,  as  I 
understand.  At  the  suggestion  of  u\y  friends.  I  will  ask  for  a 
separate  vote  first  on  the  States  of  Tennessee,  Louisiana  and  Ar- 
kansas. I  will  then  ask  for  a  separate  vote  upon  the  Territories 
that  are  organizingState  governments,  namely,  Nevada,  Nebraska 
and  Colorado,  and  I  desire  to  have  the  vote  in  each  case  taken  by 
States. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  question  then  will  be  first  in  regard  to  the 
States  of  Arkansas,  Tennessee  and  Louisiana,  and  upon  that 
question  a  call  is  made  for  a  vote  by  States. 

Mr.  C.  M.  Allen,  of  Indiana,  I  ask  for  a  further  division  of  the 
question,  so  that  the  vote  shall  first  be  taken  upon  Tennessee 
separately. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  entertain  that  division.  The 
question  now  before  the  Convention  is  in  regard  to  Tennessee. 

Mr.  George  William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  do  I  understand  that 
the  question  now  to  be  submitted  is  whether  the  delegation  from 
Tennessee  shall  be  admitted  to  this  floor  with  all  the  privileges 
of  delegates,  including  the  right  to  voter 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  certainly. 

Several  delegates — No,  no. 

Mr.  George  William  Curtis,  of  New  York,  I  ask  the  Chair  if  that 
is  the  question. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  has  already  stated  that  the  report 
of  the  majority  of  the  committee,  as  he  is  instructed  by  the  chair- 
man of  that  committee,  is  that  the  Tennessee  delegates  be  admit- 
ted without  the  right  to  vote,  but  with  all  other  rights;  and  so  of 
these  other  states. 

Mr.  E.  F.  Drake,  of  Ohio,  the  question  before  us  was  on  agreeing 
to  the  report  of  the  majority  of  the  committee,  which  excluded  the 
delegations  from  these  several  states  from  voting.  To  that  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  moved  an  amendment  that  the  State 
and  Territorial  delegates  be  allowed  to  vote.  Upon  that  question 
a  vote  was  taken,  and  the  result  was  announced  by  the  Chair, 
pending  which  a  division  was  demanded.  The  Chair  ruled  the 
division  to  be  out  of  order,  and  afterwards  reversed  the  decision. 
The  question  as  it  now  stands  is  upon  voting  on  the  amendment 
of  the  gentleman  from  New  York  in  reference  to  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee separately. 


220  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

The  PRESIDENT — Do  I  understand  the  gentleman  from  Kansas 
aright,  that  he  did  not  propose  to  allow  the  delegates  to  vote?  [ 
understood  him  to  move  a  division  of  the  question  upon  these 
several  States  and  Territories,  leaving  them  in  the  condition  re- 
ported by  the  committee,  that  is  to  say,  that  their  delegates 
should  not  be  entitled  to  vote. 

Mr.  J.  H.  J,ane,  of  Kansas,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  moved 
an  amendment  to  give  the  delegates  from  several  States  and 
Territories  the  right  to  vote.  That  question  is  pending.  When 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  moved  the  previous  question, 
I  asked  for  a  division  of  the  proposition,  and,  as  I  understand,  if 
the  motion  that  I  have  made  prevails,  it  gives  to  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, the  State  of  Louisiana  and  the  State  of  Arkansas,  and  the 
Territories  of  Nebraska,  Colorado  and  Nevada,  a  delegation  here 
with  a  right  to  vote. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Kansas  is 
that  this  division  shall  be  upon  the  amendment  offered  by  the 
gentleman  from  New  York,  the  effect  of  which,  if  carried,  will  be 
to  give  a  vote  to  each  of  the  delegates  named  by  him.  Upon  this 
question  a  vote  by  States  has  been  called.  Those  in  favor  of  ad- 
mitting the  delegation  from  Tennessee  upon  this  floor  with  a 
right  to  vote,  will  say  •'  aye,"  and  those  who  are  opposed  to  it  will 
say  "  no."  The  Secretary  will  proceed  to  call  the  roll. 

The  roll  was  called,  with  the  following  result: 

Ayes.  Nays.                                                        Ayes.  Nays. 

Maine 3  11  Ohio 42 

New  Hampshire 10  Indiana 24            2 

Vermont 2  8  Illinois 32 

Massachusetts 24  Michigan 2          14 

Ithode  Island  2  6  vVisconsin 15 

Connecticut 10  2  Iowa 9 

New  York 66  ..  Minnesota I            7 

New  Jersey    14  ..  California 10 

Pennsylvania 31  21  Oregon 6 

Delaware 1  4  West  Virginia 10 

Maryland 1  13  Kansas 6 

Missouri    19  '4 

Kentucky  4  18  310         151 

[New  York  at  first  voted  48  ayes,  18  nays;  Missouri  4  ayes,  16 
nays;  Indiana  18  ayes,  8  nays;  Illinois  32  nays,  and  California  8 
ayes,  2  nays,  but  changed  their  votes  before  the  result  was  an- 
nounced, as  above  stated. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  Kan- 
sas has  been  agreed  to,  and  now  the  question  before  the  Conven- 
tion is  upon  the  proposition  as  amended  .to  admit  the  delegates 
from  Tennessee  with  the  right  to  vote. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to,  with  deafening,  applause. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  now  ask  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation  from  Tennessee  to  advise  the  Chair  of  the  number  and 
the  names  of  the  delegates  from  that  State  to  be  entered  on  the 
roll. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  •_'•_>! 

Mr.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  the  number  of  delegates 
present  from  the  State  at  large  and  the  several  districts,  some  of 
which  are  represented  by  a  single  delegate  only,  is  fifteen.  I 
might  give  the  reason  for  that  particular  number,  but  it  would 
not  inform  the  Convention  or  the  President.  The  fact  is.  that 
there  is  that  number  of  delegates  present.  Mr.  President,  1  am 
instructed  by  this  delegation  to  express  to  the  Convention  their 
profound  sense  of  gratitude  for  this  expression  of  confidence  in 
the  patriotism,  the  loyalty  and  the  devotion  to  country  of  our 
constituents  at  home  [applause],  to  whose  breasts  this  vote  will 
carry  a  joy  second  only  to  that  of  a  great  victory  upon  the  field 
of  arms.  [Great  applause.] 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  understands   the  chairman  of  the 
delegation  from  Tennessee  to  report  that  there  are  fifteen  dele- 
gates present  from  that  State.     The  chairman  will  please  send 
their  names  on  paper  to  the  Secretary,  that  they  may  be  enrolled. 
Mr.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  certainly. 
Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder.  of  Pennsylvania,  may  I  inquire  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Tennessee  whether  they  represent  fifteen  congressional 
districts? 

The  PRESIDENT— Each  district  has  two  delegates,  the  gentleman 
is  aware. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  am  aware  of  that,  but  I  de- 
sire to  know  how  many  congressional  districts  they  represent. 

Mr.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  a  portion  of  them  represent 
the  State  at  large,  and  the  remainder  represent  the  several  dis- 
tricts into  which  the  State  is  divided.  One  district  has  one  rep- 
resentative, and  the  others  have  two.  The  reason  for  this  pecu- 
liar number  is  well  known.  The  State  of  Tennessee  in  the  electoral 
college  would  be  entitled,  if  admitted  to  the  college,  to  ten  votes, 
two  for  her  senators  and  eight  for  her  representatives  in  Con- 
gress. That  would  entitle  her  to  twenty  votes  here  if  her  delega- 
tion was  full.  A  portion  of  the  present  delegation  were  elected 
to  represent  the  State  at  large,  another  portion  to  represent  the 
several  districts,  and  one  district  is  represented  by  but  a  single 
delegate.  The  district  in  which  I  myself  reside,  I  representing 
the  State  at  large,  is  represented  in  the  person  of  my  friend,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Brownlow.  [Applause.]  These  facts  will  be  presented 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Convention,  so  that  the  matter  may  be  per- 
fectly understood. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  question  now  is  upon  the  admission 
Mr.  C.  Delano,  of  Ohio,  I  rise  to  make  an  inquiry,  through  the 
Chair,  of  the  gentleman  from  Kansas,  and  it  is  whether  he  is  not 
willing  now, after  the  expression  of  opinion  that  he  has  had  from 
the  Convention,  to  withdraw  his  proposition  fora  further  di  vis- 
ion, and  permit  us  to  come  to  a  settlement  of  this  question  by  a 
single  vote. 


222  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  was  on  my  feet  to  make  that  very 
suggestion.  We  have  admitted  Tennessee  without  a  State  organ- 
ization, Louisiana  and  Arkansas  have  full  State  organizations, 
and  I  was  about  to  move,  and  I  will  move,  with  the  approbation 
of  the  Convention,  that  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  be  admitted  b3" 
acclamation. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  motion  is  not  in  order,  except  by  the  uni- 
versal consent  of  the  Convention. 

Several  Delegates  objected. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  will  call  for  a  vote  by 
States  on  this  question. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  state  the  question.  The  mo- 
tion is  that  the  delegates  from  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  be  admit- 
ted to  this  Convention  with  the  full  rights  of  delegates,  including 
the  right  to  vote,  upon  which  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
calls  for  a  vote  by  States.  Is  that  call  seconded?  [Yes.]  The  roll 
will  be  called,  and  those  in  favor  of  admitting  the  delegates  from 
Arkansas  and  Louisiana,  with  the  full  rights  of  delegates,  includ- 
ing the  right  to  vote,  will  say  "aye,"  and  those  who  are  against  it 
will  say  "no." 

The  vote  was  taken,  with  the  following  result: 

\yes.  Nays.                                                        Ayes.  Nays. 

Maine 3  Ohio 42 

New  Hampshire 10  Indiana 22            4 

Vermont 5  5  Illinois 32    • 

Massachusetts 24  Michigan 10            6 

Rhode  Island 1  Wisconsin 15  1 

Connecticut 10  2  Iowa 14           2 

New  York 6t  3  Minnesota 8 

New  Jersey 14  California 6  4 

Pennsylvania 5  47  Oregon 6 

Delaware West  Virginia 10 

Maryland  1  13  Kansas 6 

Missouri  17  5                                                              

Tennessee 15  .                  Total 307        167 

Kentucky 12  10 

The  announcement  of  the  result  was  received  with  great  ap- 
plause. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  now  request  the  chairmen  of 
the  delegations  from  the  States  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  to 
furnish  the  Secretary  with  a  list  and  number  of  the  delegation 
from  those  two  States. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  suggest,  also,  that  they  fur- 
nish a  list  of  the  congressional  districts  represented. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  should  first  put  the  question  on  the 
motion  as  amended,  the  amendment  only  having  been  adopted. 
The  motion  as  amended  is,  that  the  delegates  from  Arkansas  and 
Louisiana  be  admitted  with  the  right  to  vote. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 


NATIONAL  CON VEXTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  _'_»:< 

The  PRESIDENT — The  next  question  before  the  Convention  re- 
lates to  the  Territories  of  Nebraska,  Colorado  and  Nevada;  and  it 
is  moved  that  the  delegates  present  from  those  three  Territories 
be  admitted  to  all  the  rights  of  delegates  in  this  Convention,  in- 
cluding- the  right  to  vote. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  these  three  Territories  are  in  cotirs. 
of  organization  as  States,  and  will  cast  their  votes  for  the  nomi- 
nees of  this  Convention  at  the  November  election.     The  day  of 
election  for  the  State  organization  of  those  Territories  is  fixed  for 
UK-  second  Tuesday  of  September. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  call  the  gentleman  to 
order.     He  knows  that  we  are  acting  under  the  previous  question. 
The  PRESIDENT — The  motion  is  to  admit  the  delegates   from 
these  three  territories,  with  the  right  to  vote. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  now  before  the  Convention  is  on 
the  remaining  portion  of  the  majority  report. 

Mr.  J.  Y.  Scammon,  of  Illinois,  I  wish  to  know  what,  in  the  re- 
port, is  done  with  Virginia  and  South  Carolina. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chairman  of  the  committee  will  read  the 
report  in  regard  to  that  matter. 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  the  parts  of  the  majority  report 
which  have  not  been  acted  upon,  and  have  not  been  covered  by 
the  amendments  made,  propose  to  admit  the  delegates  from  Vir- 
ginia and  Florida  without  the  right  to  vote,  and  to  reject  the 
delegates  from  South  Carolina.  It  also  admits  the  delegates  from 
all  the  organized  territories,  without  the  right  to  vote. 

Mr.  Campbell  Tarr,  of  West  Virginia,  I  move  that  the  report  be 
amended  by  allowing  the  delegates  from  the  State  of  Virginia  to 
vote.    Virginia  has  been  put  upon  the  back  seat;  and  when  dele- 
gates have  been  admitted  from  the  other  States,  and  even  from 
Territories,  I  think  she  is  certainly  entitled  to  u  place  in  the  list. 
Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.     I 
make  the  point  that  the  call  for  the  previous  question  having  been 
sustained,  the  amendment  is  not  in  order. 
The  PRESIDENT— The  point  of  order  is  well  taken. 
Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move  to  reconsider  the 
vote  ordering  the  previous  question,  so  as  to  allow  amendments 
to  be  made.    I  think  all  ought  now  to  come  in  alike.    I  move, 
therefore,  to  reconsider  the  vote  ordering  the  previous  question. 
The  motion  to  reconsider  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  C.  M.  Allen,  of  Indiana,  what  disposition  does  the  report 
make  of  New  Mexico  and  the  District  of  Columbia? 

Mr.  Preston  King,  of  New  York,  it  admits  their  delegates  to  the 
Convention,  with  all  the  privileges  of  delegates,  except  that  of 
voting. 


224  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Mr.  E.  D.  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  I  ask,  as  chairman  of  the 
delegation  sent  here  from  South  Carolina,  whether  or  not  it  is  in 
order  for  that  delegation  to  be  heard  in  favor  of  the  claims  of  that 
State  here,  and  whether  it  is  not  in  order  to  make  a  motion  to 
amend  the  report  of  the  committee  which  rejects  those  delegates 
from  the  floor  altogether.  I  wish  to  know  whether  I  may  not  be 
allowed  to  advocate  the  right  of  that  delegation  to  appear  before 
this  Convention  to  sit  upon  the  floor  without  the  privilege  of 
voting,  the  same  as  the  District  of  Columbia? 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  will  inform  the  gentleman  that,under 
the  operation  of  the  previous  question,  such  a  motion  is  out  of 
order.  The  question  before  the  Convention  now  is,  as  stated  by 
the  Chair,  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  majority  of  the  com- 
mittee, as  amended. 

The  report  was  adopted. 

Mr.  M.  B.  Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania,  addressed  the  Chair,  and  was 
recognized. 

Mr.  Campbell  Tarr,  of  West  Virginia,  I  wish  to  know  where  the 
State  of  Virginia  stands  in  this  Convention? 

The  PRESIDENT — Precisely  where  the  committee  reported  that 
it  should  stand.  The  delegates  are  admitted  without  the  right  to 
vote. 

Mr.  Campbell  Tarr,  of  West  Virginia.  I  move  a  reconsideration. 
I  demand  that  the  State  of  Virginia  shall  have  a  right  to  vote  on 
this  floor. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  is  not  in  order.  Mr.  Lowry,  of 
Pennsylvania,  is  entitled  to  the  floor. 

Mr.  M.  B.  Lowry,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  rise  to  inquire  how  many 
delegates  are  reported  as  coming  from  Nebraska,  and  who  they 
are.  I  am  not  aware  that  there  are  two  sets  of  delegates  from 
that  Territory. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  chairman  of  the  delegation  from  Nebraska 
has  not  yet  reported  the  list  of  delegates.  He  will  please  send 
his  list  to  the  Chair,  as  will  the  chairmen  of  the  other  territorial 
delegations. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hanks,  of  Arkansas,  my  origin  was  in  New  York,  but  I 
have  lived  in  Arkansas  for  twenty-seven  years,  and  I  claim  that 
we  have  a  right  to  be  taken  to  the  bosom  and  under  the  protection 
of  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  We  thank  the  Convention  for  having  ad- 
mitted us  to  seats. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  .Kansas,  I  move  that  the  Committee  on  Reso- 
lutions be  called  upon  to  make  their  report. 

Mr.  A.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  do  I  understand  that  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  has  been  adopted? 
The  PRESIDENT — It  has  been  adopted  as  amended. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  •_>•_'."> 

Mr.  J.  J.  Stewart,  of  Maryland,  as  one  »vho  voted  for  the  adoption 
of  that  report  for  the  purpose  of  moving  a  reconsideration,  I  now 
rise  to  make  that  motion,  and  I  will  state  my  reason  for  so  doing. 
Arkansas,  Louisiana  and  Tennessee  have  been  admitted,  but 
Virginia  has  been  excluded.  ["Order,  order."] 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  is  not  in  order.  The  gentleman 
from  Kansas  has  made  a  motion  calling  for  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions.  The  Chair  rules  that  to  be  in  order, 
and  the  question  is  on  that  motion. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

RESOLUTION.-. 

Mr.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  New  York,  I  am  instructed  by  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  and  Platform  to  present  for  the  con- 
sideration and  action  of  this  convention  the  following  series  of 
resolutions  : 

1.  Resolrert,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American  citi- 
zen  to   maintain   against    all   their  enemies  the   integrity  of  the 
Union  and  the  paramount  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the   United  States  ;  and  that,  laying  aside   all  differences  of 
political  opinion,  we  pledge  ourselves,  as  Union  men.  animated 
by  a  common  sentiment  and  aiming  at  a  common  object,  to  do 
everything  in  our  power  to  aid  the  Government  in  quelling'  by 
force  of  arms  the  Rebellion    now  raging  against  its  authority, 
and  in  bringing  to  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes  the  Rebels 
and  traitors  arrayed  against  it.     [Prolonged  applause.] 

2.  Resolred.  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  Rebels,  or  to 
offer  them  any  terms  of  peace,  except  such  as  may  be  based  upon 
an   unconditional   surrender  of   their  hostility  and   a  return    to 
their  just  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  we   call   upon  the  Government  to  maintain  this 
position,  and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost  possible  vigor 
to  the  complete  suppression  of  the   Rebellion,  in   full  reliance 
upon   the   self-sacrificing  patriotism,  the   heroic   valor  and   the 
undying  devotion  of  the  American  people  to  their  country  and 
its  free  institutions.     [Applause.) 

3.  Resoli-ecl,  That  as  slavery  was  the  cause.and  now  constitutes 
the  strength  of  this   Rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be,  alwaj'S   and 
everywhere,  hostile  to  the  principles  of  Republican  Government. 
justice  and  the  National  safety  demand  its    utter  and  complete 
extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  Republic  [applause]:  and  that, 
while  we  uphold  and   maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by 
which  the  Government,  in  its  own   defence,  has  aimed  a  death- 
blow at  this   gigantic   evil,  we  are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such 
an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  to  be  made  by  the  people  in 
conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall   terminate   and   forever 
prohibit  the  existence  of  Slavery  within  the  limits  or  the  juris- 
diction of   the    United   States.     [Tremendous  applause,  the  dele- 
gates rising  and  waving  their  hats.] 

4.  Sesolred,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to 
the   soldiers   and   sailors  of  the  Army  and  Navy  [applause),  who 
have  periled  their  lives  in  defence  of  their  country  and  in  vindi- 

15 


226  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

cation  of  the  honor  of  its  flag- ;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them  some 
permanent  recognition  of  their  patriotism  and  their  valor, 
and  ample  and  permanent  provisiofi  for  those  of  their  sur- 
vivors who  have  received  disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the 
service  of  the  country  ;  and  that  the  memories  of  those  who  have 
fallen  in  its  defence  shall  be  held  in  grateful  and  everlasting 
remembrance.  [Loud  applause  and  cheers. | 

5.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wis- 
dom, the  unselfish  patriotism   and    unswerving  fidelity  to   the 
Constitution  and  the  principles  of  American  libert}*,  with  which 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  has  discharged,  under  circumstances  of  un- 
paralleled difficulty,  the  great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the 
Presidential  office ;  that  we  approve  and  endorse,  as  demanded 
by  the  emergency  and  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  nation 
and  as  within  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  measures 
and  acts  which  he  has   adopted  to  defend  the  nation  against  its 
open  and  secret  foes  ;  that  we  approve,  especially,  the  Proclama- 
tion of  Emancipation,  and  the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of 
men  heretofore  held  in  slavery  [applause] ;  and  that  we  have  full 
confidence  in  his  determination  to  carry  these  and  all  other  Con- 
stitutional measures  essential  to  the  salvation   of   the  country 
into  full  and  complete  effect.     [Vociferous  applause.] 

6.  Resolved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare 
that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  National  Councils,  and  we 
regard  as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official   trust  those 
only  who  cordially  endorse  the   principles  proclaimed  in  these 
resolutions,  and  which  should  characterize  the  administration  of 
the  government.     [Applause.] 

7.  Resolved,  That  the  Government  owes  to  all  men  employed 
in  its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full  pro- 
tection of  the  laws  of  war  [applause]— and  that  3113'  violation  of 
these  laws,  or  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in  time  of  war,  by 
the  Rebels  now  in  arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of  prompt 
and  full  redress.     [Prolonged  applause.] 

8.  Resolved,  That  foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past  has 
added  so   much   to  the  wealth,  development  of  resources   and 
increase  of  power  to  this  nation,  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of 
all  nations,  should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by  a  liberal  and 
justpoliC3r.     [Applause.] 

9.  Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  speedy  construction  of 
the  railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast.     [Applause.] 

10.  Resolved,  That  the  National  faith,  pledged  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  public  debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate,  and  that  for  this 
purpose  we  recommend  economy  and  rigid  responsibility  in  the 
public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just  system  of  taxation; 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  loyal  state  to  sustain  the  credit 
and  promote  the  use  of  the  National  currency.     [Applause.] 

11.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  Gov- 
ernment that  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  never  regard 
with  indifference  the  attempt  of  any  European  Power  to  over- 
throw by  force  or  to  supplant  by  fraud  the  institutions  of  any 
Republican   Government  on  the  Western   Continent   [prolonged 
applause] — and  that  they  will  view  with   extreme  jealousy,  as 
menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence  of  their  own  country, 
the  efforts  of  any  such  power  to  obtain  new  footholds  for  Monar- 
chial  Governments,  sustained  by  foreign  militar3r  force,  in  near 
proximity  to  the  United  States.     [Long-continued  applause.] 


NATIONAL  Cox VENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  _'J7 

Mr.  C.  S.  Bushnell,  of  Connecticut,  those  resolutions  are  their 
own  argument.     I  move  their  adoption  by  acclamation. 
The  motion  was  agreed  to,  amid  enthusiastic  applause. 

NOMINATION  OF  PRESIDENT. 

Mr.  C.  Delano,  of  Ohio,  I  move  that  this  Convention  now  pro- 
ceed to  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  President  and  Yu-e- 
President  of  the  United  States.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move,  as  a  substitute 
for  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  the  following: 

"Resolved,  That  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  of  Illinois  [great  ap- 
plause], be  declared  the  choice  of  the  Union  party  for  the  Presi- 
dent, and  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN,  of  Maine,  be  the  candidate  for  Vice- 
President  of  the  same  party." 

["No,"  "no."] 

Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  I  call  for  a  division. 

Mr.  William  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  ask,  sir,  if  I  cannot  submit  a 
motion  to  amend  the  resolution,  not  the  substitute  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania,  but  the  original  resolution  ': 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  has  offered 
this  as  a  .substitute  for  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio. 

Mr.  Win.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  move  to  lay  it  upon  the  table. 

The  PRESIDENT  put  the  question  on  the  motion  to  lay  upon  the 
table,  and  declared  that  it  was  agreed  to. 

Xr.  Thaddeua  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others  called  for  a 
vote  by  States. 

Mr.  B.  C.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  I  move  that  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois,  be  declared  the  choice  of  this  Convention.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Win.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  insist  on  my  motion. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Iowa  moved  that  the  res- 
olution offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  be  laid  upon 
the  table.  That  motion  was  put  to  the  House,  and  declared  to  be 
carried;  and  the  Chair  then  recognized  Mr.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  as 
having  the  floor. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  called  for  a  vote  by 
States  before  the  result  was  declared. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  did  not  hear  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  supposed  so,  for  there 
was  a  universal  yell  everywhere. 

Mr.  Wrn.  M.. Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  have  not  yet  yielded  the  floor. 

The  PRESIDENT — Does  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  insist 
upon  a  call  of  the  States,  upon  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from 
Iowa  to  lay  upon  the  table  the  resolution  of  the  other  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Cameron)? 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  do,  sir. 


228  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Several  Delegates — It  is  too  late. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  informs 
the  Chair  that,  before  the  motion  was  put  to  the  Convention,  he 
called  for  a  vote  by  States. 

Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  before  it  was  announced. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  call  was  made  before  the  vote  was  an- 
nounced, but  not  before  the  question  was  put.  Under  the  rules, 
as  I  understand,  before  the  announcement  of  a  vote  upon  a  prop- 
osition, a  delegate  has  a  right  to  call  for  a  vote  by  States;  and 
that  being  so,  the  Convention  will  now  vote  upon  the  adoption  of 
the  substitute  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  J.  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  I  call  for  a  division  of  the 
question  on  the  substitute. 

The  PRESIDENT — That  is  not  now  in  order,  because  the  question 
before  the  Convention  is,  shall  the  resolution  offered  b3^  General 
Cameron  be  laid  upon  the  table?  and  upon  that  question  a  vote 
by  States  is  called. 

Mr.  R.  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  I  wish  to  make  a  motion 
covering  the  whole  subject,  if  I  may  be  allowed  one  moment  to 
do  so.  I  wish  to  move  to  lay  all  these  resolutions  on  the  table  for 
the  purpose  of  declaring  by  acclamation  that  Abraham  Lincoln 
is  our  choice  for  President  of  the  United  States.  [Tremendous 
applause.] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  appeal  to  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania, General  Cameron,  with  the  consent  of  the  Convention, 
to  withdraw  his  resolution.  It  places  us  in  a  very  awkward  pre- 
dicament indeed.  I  do  hope  that  he,  consulting  the  best  interests 
of  the  country,  will  withdraw  his  resolution,  and  let  us  vote  upon 
the  motion  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  allow  me  to  say  a  word  to 
the  gentleman  from  Kansas.  If  he  thinks  it  is  injurious  to  the 
best  interests  of  the  country  for  me  to  persist  in  my  resolution,  I 
will  now  agree,  to  save  all  this  trouble,  to  withdraw  my  proposi- 
tion. [Applause.] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  now  give  us  "Old  Abe."  [Great  cheer- 
ing.] 

The  PRESIDENT — The  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl- 
vania  being  withdrawn,  Mr.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  is  entitled  to  the 
floor. 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  beg  pardon,  I  am  not 
done.  I  was  about  to  say  that  I  would  withdraw  my  resolution 
and  move,  instead  of  it,  that  this  Convention  nominate  by  ac- 
clamation Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  second  term.  [Vociferous 
applause.] 

Mr.  Win.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  do  not  want  the  gentleman  to  cheat 
me  out  of  my  motion.  [Laughter.] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 18M,  i860.  1864.  229 

The  PRESIDENT  —  General  Cameron  withdraws  his  resolution 
upon  condition.  The  Chair  cannot  recognize  the  right  of  the 
gentleman  to  withdraw  upon  condition. 

Several  Delegates— Let  General  Cameron  withdraw  it  uncondi- 
tionally. 

The  PRESIDENT— It  must  be  an  absolute  withdrawal,  or  not  at 
all.  Does  the  gentleman  withdraw  his  resolution '.- 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  modify  my  resolution 
in  the  way  I  have  suggested. 

Mr.  Wm.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  is  the  substitute  of  the  gentleman 
fronj  Pennsylvania  withdrawn? 

The  PEESIDENT— The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  has  not 
answered  the  question  of  the  Chair. 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  say  my  resolution 'is  not 
withdrawn,  but  modified. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  does  not  recognize  that  as  being 
within  the  rules.  The  resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  not  being  withdrawn,  it  is  before  the  House,  and  a 
vote  by  States  has  been  called  for  upon  it. 

Mr.  Henry  J.  Rayjnond,  ot  New  York.  I  understand,  sir,  that  the 
motion  now  before  the  Convention  is  that  substituted  by  the 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  S.  Cameron)  for  the  one  which 
he  offered  a  little  while  ago.  but  afterwards  withdrew;  and  that 
motion  is.  that  Abraham  Lincoln  be  nominated  by  acclamation 
as  our  candidate  for  President.  Now,  sir,  on  that  point  I  desire 
to  say  one  word.  I  take  it  for  granted,  and  I  believe,  that  there  is 
no  man  in  this  Convention,  no  matter  from  what  state  he  may 
come,  who  will  not.  however  the  vote  may  be  taken,  whether  by 
acclamation,  by  a  call  of  States,  or  by  a  call  of  individual  dele- 
gates, give  his  vote  in  just  that  way.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be 
from  any  apprehension  as  to  the  result  of  the  vote,  that  this 
particular  way  of  taking  it  is  proposed.  Hence  we  must  look  to 
other  considerations  in  deciding  how  we  shall  take  it.  Sir,  I  de- 
sire to  submit  one  consideration  to  this  Convention.  It  is  very 
well  known  that  attempts  have  been  made,  though  I  believe  with- 
out success,  to  convey  the  impression  that  the  nomination  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  to  be  rushed  through  this  Convention  by 
.-oine  demonstration  that  will  not  allow  the  exercise  of  individual 
opinion.  Is  it  wise,  under  these  circumstances,  to  take  a  vote  by 
acclamation,  which  cannot  possibly  change  the  result,  which  can 
add  no  weight  whatever  to  it,  but  which  may  give  rise  to  miscon- 
struction: I  suggest,  therefore  (and  I  shall  move  as  a  substitute 
a  resolution  embodying  my  view),  that  the  wisest  course  would 
be  to  allow  the  roll  of  States  represented  in  this  Convention  to  be 
called,  and  let  every  delegation  declare  its  vote,  and  I  believe 
there  will  be  a  unanimous  vote  from  every  delegation  precisely 


230  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

to  the  same  effect.  [Great  applause.]  I  think  the  moral  effect  of 
that  vote  will  be  greater  than  one  taken  originally  by  acclamation. 
It  can  be  reinforced,  as  it  will  be  reinforced  in  this  Convention 
and  throughout  the  country,  by  the  loud  acclamations  of  the 
American  people.  [Renewed  applause.]  Now,  sir,  I  move  as  a 
substitute  for  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania, 
that  the  roll  of  States  be  called,  and  that  each  delegation  be 
called  upon  to  name  its  candidate  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States. 

Mr.  E.  M.  Madden,  of  New  York,  and  upon  that  resolution  I  call 
for  the  previous  question. 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  desire  to  accept  the 
suggestion  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Raymond). 

Mr.  B.  C.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  Mr.  President,  the  State  of  Illinois 
again  presents  to  the  loyal  people  of  this  nation,  for  President  of 
the  United  States,  Abraham  Lincoln.  God  bless  him.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] 

Mr.  Wm.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  in  the  name  of  the  great  West  I  de- 
mand that  the  roll  be  called. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Ohjj^  moved  that  this 
Convention  proceed  to  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President.  Thereupon  a  resolution  was  offered  by 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsj-lvania,  which  has  been  discussed,  and 
upon  that  the  gentleman  from  New  York  moves  that  we  proceed 
to  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President  alone.  I  ask  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  whether  he  accepts  that  as  a  substitute  for 
his  motion. 

Mr.  Wm.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  you  mean. 

Mr.  C.  Delano,  of  Ohio,  allow  me  a  word  of  explanation.  It  was 
with  a  full  comprehension  of  the  necessity  of  having  an  expres- 
sion of  opinion  in  favor  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  order  that  there 
should  be  no  misapprehension,  no  claim  that  he  had  been  nomi- 
nated by  clamor,  and  that  public  sentiment  had  been  suppressed, 
as  has  been  suggested  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  that  I 
desired  to  have  the  nomination  made  in  the  mode  indicated  by 
my  motion.  No  man  desires  his  nomination  more  than  I.  I  assisted 
in  it  in  a  small  majority  in  my  own  delegation  fourj-ears  ago.  I 
thank  God  for  the  privilege.  I  now  accept  the  resolution  offered 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York  as  a  substitute  for  mine,  for 
that  accomplishes  the  object  I  have  in  view,  and  then  I  shall  be 
glad  to  see  gentlemen  express  their  opinions  by  acclamation 
until  their  throats  are  sore. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  before  the  Convention  is  on  the 
motion  that  we  proceed  to  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for 
President  by  the  call  of  States. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  231 

Mr.  W.  X.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  submitted  a  motion  to  lay  on  tin- 
table  the  substitute  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  and 
that  motion  has  been  adopted. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  give  us  a  little  magnanimity,  Stone, 
and  let  us  vote. 

Mr.  \V.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  then  I  moved  that  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois,  be  declared  the  nominee  by  acclamation.  ["You-. 
vote."]  I  accept  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Raymond,  of  New  York, 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Great  West,  I  again  demand  that  the  roll 
shall  be  called.  [Applause.] 

>Ir.  Thompson  Campbell,  of  California,  I  rise,  sir,  to  second  the 
nomination  made  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Illinois. 
Coming  as  I  do  from  one  of  the  most  distant  States  of  this  Union, 
of  which  it  can  be  said  in  truth  that  there  is  no  more  intensely  or 
uncompromisingly  loyal  State,  considering  that  she  is  the  golden 
link  in  that  mysterious  chain  by  which  the  various  parts  of  this 
great  nation  are  bound  together  in  indissoluble  bonds  which 
never  can  be  separated  by  rebellion's  hands — ["Vote,  vote."] — I 
ask  to  be  allowed  to  say  but  half  a  dozen  words.  In  the  name  of 
the  yreat  constituency  which  sent  us  here,  I  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  the  present  President  of  the  United  States,  and  I  feel  as- 
sured that,  under  his  lead,  we  shall  go  on  triumphantly  to  victory 
and  conquer  peace. 

The  PRESIDENT  -The  question  is  on  the  resolution  offered  by 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Raymond). 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  roll  will  now  be  called  by  the  Secretary. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll,  and  as  each  State  was 
called,  responses  were  made  by  the  Chairmen  of  the  respective 
Delegations  as  follows: 

Maine— Maine  casts  her  entire  vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illi- 
nois.— 14  votes. 

New  Hampshire — New  Hampshire,  the  Granite  State,  in  her  con- 
vention on  the  6th  day  of  January  last,  unanimously  passed  a 
resolution,  nominating  Abraham  Lincoln  for  re-election  as  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  New  Hampshire  to-day,  by  her  dele- 
gates, casts  her  ten  votes,  first  and  last,  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois. 

\  ermoiit— The  Green  Mountain  State  casts  her  small  but  entire 
vote  of  ten  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

Massachusetts  —  Massachusetts  gives  her  entire  vote,  twenty- 
four,  to  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Rhode  Island  — Rhode  Island  casts  her  entire  eight  votes  for 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

Connecticut — Connecticut  gives  her  twelve  votes  to  that  pure 
and  patriotic  statesman,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 


232  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

New  York — New  York  casts  sixty-six  votes,  her  entire  vote,  for 
Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  for  President  of  the  United  States. 

New  Jersey  —  New  Jersey  gives  fourteen  votes  for  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Pennsylvania — Pennsylvania  gives  her  entire  vote,  fifty-two,  for 
Abraham  Lincoln,  "nigger"  troops,  and  all.  [Laughter.] 

Delaware — Delaware  gives  her  vote,  six,  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Maryland  —  Maryland  casts  fourteen  votes  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois. 

Louisiana — Louisiana  gives  her  fourteen  votes  for  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Arkansas — Arkansas  casts  all  her  votes,  ten,  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. 

Missouri — Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  Missouri  comes  into  this  Convention 
purified  by  its  action,  and  her  delegates  will  support  the  nomi- 
nees made  here,  and  do  the  utmost  in  ovir  power  to  secure  for 
them  the  electoral  vote  of  the  State.  It  is  but  right  and  proper, 
however,  that  I  should  state  that,  in  the  convention  which  desig- 
nated us  as  delegates  to  this  Convention,  we  were  instructed,  and 
we  cannot,  upon  the  first  ballot,  give  our  votes  in  unanimity  with 
those  who  have  already  cast  their  votes.  ["Order,"  "order."] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  appeal  to  the  Convention  to  hear 
Missouri. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  gentleman  from  Missouri  is  not  in  order 
unless  by  consent  of  the  House. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  move  that  consent  be  given. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  unanimously. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  of  Missouri,  it  is  a  matter  of  much  regret  that 
we  now  differ  from  the  Convention  which  has  been  so  kind  to  the 
Radicals  of  Missouri;  but  we  come  here  instructed.  We  repre- 
sent those  who  are  behind  us  at  home,  and  we  recognize  the  right 
of  instruction,  and  intend  to  obey  our  instructions;  but  in  doing 
so,  we  declare  emphatically  that  we  are  with  the  Union  party  of 
this  Nation,  and  we  intend  to  fight  the  battle  through  with  it,  and 
assist  in  carrying  its  banner  to  victory  in  the  end,  and  we  will 
support  your  nominees,  be  they  who  they  may.  [Great  applause.] 
I  will  read  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  convention  which  sent 
us  here : 

"  That  we  extend  our  heartfelt  thanks  to  the  soldiers  of  Missouri, 
who  have  been,  and  are  now,  baring  their  breasts  to  the  storm  of 
battle  for  the  preservation  of  our  free  institutions.  That  we  hail 
them  as  the  practical  Radicals  of  the  Nation,  whose  arguments 
are  invincible,  and  whose  policy  for  putting  down  the  rebellion 
is  first  in  importance  and  effectiveness." 

Mr.  President,  in  the  spirit  of  that  resolution,  I  cast  the  twen- 
ty-two votes  of  Missouri  for  the  man  who  stands  at  the  head  of  the 
fighting  Radicals  of  the  Nation,  Ulysses  S.  Grant. 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  233 

The  calling  of  the  roll  was  continued  as  follows: 

Tennessee— The  convention  that  sent  us  here  instructed  us  to 
say  that,  in  their  opinion,  the  election  by  the  American  people  to 
the  office  of  President  of  any  other  man  than  he  who  now  fills  tin- 
Executive  Chair,  would  be  regarded  both  a't  home  and  abroad  as 
a  concession  of  something-  to  the  Rebellion,  and  instructed  us, 
by  all  means  in  our  power,  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  and  I  now  give  him  the  fifteen  votes  of  Tennessee. 
[Applause.] 

Kentucky — Kentucky  casts  her  twenty-two  votes  for  Abraham 
Lincoln,  and  will  ratify  that  nomination  in  November.  [Great 
applause.] 

Ohio — Ohio  gives  her  forty-two  votes 'for  "Old  Abe"  for  Presi- 
dent. 

Indiana — Indiana  casts  her  twenty-six  votes  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. • 

Illinois — Illinois  gives  thirt3'-two  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Michigan — Michigan   gives  sixteen  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Wisconsin^Wiscousin  casts  sixteen  votes  for  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Illinois. 

Iowa — Iowa  casts  sixteen  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Minnesota — Minnesota  casts  eight  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

California— California  casts  ten  votes,  all  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Oregon — Oregon  casts  six  votes,  all  of  them,  first,  last  and  all 
the  time  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

Kansas — Radical  Kansas  casts  her  six  votes  for  "Honest  Old 
Ab.-." 

West  Virginia—West  Virginia  remembers  her  friends.  She 
casts  her  ten  votes  in  this  Convention,  the  entire  vote  of  the  State 
of  West  Virginia,  representing  almost  the  entire  loyal  vote  of  the 
State,  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  [Applause.] 

Nebraska — Nebraska  has  one  man  in  her  delegation  who  was 
never  a  Lincoln  man,  but  who  belongs  to  that  proud  party  called 
the  War  Union  Democrats,  and  I  am  requested  by  that  delegate 
to  say,  that  he  submits  to  the  Convention,  and  I  give  the  si\  votes 
of  Nebraska  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  whom  we  regard  as  the  second 
saviour  of  the  world.  [Applause.] 

Colorado — Colorado  casts  her  six  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Nevada     Nevada  gives  six  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln,of  Illinois. 

The  PKESIDIINT  The  call  of  the  States  and  Territories  has  n<>\\ 
been  completed. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  of  Missouri,  the  vote  has  not  been  announced, 
but  I  wish  to  make  a  motion  now.  without  waiting  for  the  an- 
nouncement, inasmuch  as  it  is  well  understood  what  the  result 
of  the  ballot  just  given  is.  I  move  that  the  nomination  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  be  declared  unanimous.  [Applause.] 


234  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN* 

Several  delegates — Change  your  votes. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  of  Missouri,  our  vote  was  given  under  instruc- 
tions, and  therefore  I  do  not  know  that  we  can  change  it. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman's  motion  is  not  in  order  until 
the  vote  shall  have  been  announced. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  announce  the  vote  as  follows  : 

Lincoln.  Grant.  Lincoln.  Grant. 

Maine 14  ..  Ohi9 42 

New  Hampshire 10  ..  Indiana 26 

Vermont 10  ..  Illinois 32 

Massachusetts 24  ..  Michigan 16 

Rhode  Island  8  ..  Wisconsin 16 

Connecticut ,  12  ..  Iowa 16 

New  York 66  ..  Minnesota 8 

New  Jersey..  14  ..  California 7 

Pennsylvania 52  ..  Oregon 6 

Delaware 6    •       ..  West  Virginia 10 

Maryland    14  ..  Kansas 6 

Louisiana 14  ..  Nebraska 6 

Arkansas 10  ..  Colorado 6 

Missouri 22  Nevada 6 

Tennessee 15  ..                                                            —          — 

Kentucky 22                                Total 484            22 

The  PRESIDENT — The  total  number  of  votes  cast  is  506,  of  which 
484  have  been  cast  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  22  for  Ulj'sses  S 
Grant.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  of  Missouri,  I  now  move  that  the  nomination  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  be  declared  unanimous ;  and  I  do  not  care 
whether  the  vote  of  Missouri  is  changed  or  not. 

Several  delegates — Change  the  vote. 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  I  am  authorized  now  to  change  the  vote  of  Mis- 
souri to  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois.  [Great  applause.] 

The  Secretaries  announced  that  the  vote  was  unanimous — 506 
for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  delegates  and  the  audience  simultaneously  rose  to  their 
feet,  and  greeted  the  announcement  with  vociferous  applause. 
The  band  struck  up  "Hail  Columbia"  and  "Yankee  Doodle,''  which 
were  rapturouslj7  received. 

The  PRESIDENT— Gentlemen  of  the  Convention — Although  it  is 
unnecessary  after  what  has  taken  place,  yet,  as  a  part  of  1113-  duty, 
I  announce  the  unanimous  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  for 
the  next  Presidency,  for  the  term  commencing  on  the  4th  of 
March  next.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  W.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  I  move  that  we  now  proceed  to  vote 
for  a  candidate  for  Vice-Presideiit  by  the  call  of  the  States. 

Mr.  Leonard  Swett,  of  Illinois,  I  am  requested  on  behalf  of  the 
delegation  from  Illinois,  to  return  to  this  Convention  their  thanks 
for  the  honor  conferred  upon  our  State,  in  the  nomination  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  We  thank  these  delegates,  we  thank  their 
constituents,  we  thank  all  men  of  all  parties,  who  have  contrib- 
uted to  this  result.  In  1860,  when  the  Convention  at  Chicago, 
from  the  illustrious  list  of  statesmen  there  presented,  selected 
Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  standard-bearer  for  that  great  struggle — 


NATIONAL  Cox YENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  L^r> 

Mr.  Wm.  A.  Dart,  of  New  York,  I  object  to  the  gentleman  locat- 
ing- Mr.  Lincoln  in  Illinois.  He  belongs  to  the  Union. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  thinks  the  point  well  taken. 

Mr.  Leonard  Swett,  of  Illinois,  I  confess  that  the  point  is  well 
taken,  and  also  the  word  was  taken  out  of  my  mouth  which  I  was 
about  saying.  I  was  going  to  say  that  we  felt,  then,  that  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  our  citizen  ;  but  when  we  gave  him,  then,  to  the  country, 
we  felt  that  our  claims  upon  him  were  relieved ;  and  now,  more 
than  ever,  we  feel  that  this  Convention,  in  renominating  him,  has 
nominated  not  especially  the  child  of  Illinois,  but  the  favored 
child  of  this  great  nation.  [Great  applause.)  I  will  not  detain 
this  Convention  by  remarks,  but  I  wish  to  say  that  we  rejoice  at 
the  unanimity  displayed  in  the  selection  of  a  man  whom  we  know 
to  be  honest  and  faithful,  and  who  was  reared  and  has  lived  in 
our  State.  We  do  not  forget  the  honor,  and  we  shall  not  cease  to 
be  grateful  for  it  ;  and  we  shall  manifest  that  gratitude  not  by 
prolonged  words,  but  by  doing,  in  reference  to  the  great  struggle 
still  pending,  what  we  have  done  in  the  past.  We  have  put  one 
hundred  and  seventy  regiments  into  the  field,  and  if  this  war 
shall  last  four  years  more,  we  will  evidence  our  zeal  by  putting 
in  as  many  more,  if  necessary.  I  again  return  the  thanks  of  Illi- 
nois to  the  Convention. 

NEWS    FROM   THE  ARMY. 

The  PRESIDENT — Gentlemen,  I  will  ask  your  attention  to  the 
reading  of  a  despatch,  which  I  have  just  received,  addressed  to 
me  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 

The  despatch  was  read  as  follows: 

"WAR  DEPARTMENT,  June  8, 1864—1:30  p.  m. 

'•A  despatch  from  Mr.  Dana,  at  General  Grant's  headquarters, 
dated  last  night  at  8:30  p.  m.,  announces  a  victory  by  General 
Hunter  over  the  rebels  beyond  Staunton,  and  that  the  rebel  Gen- 
eral Jones  was  killed  on  the  battlefield.  The  despatch  is  as 
follows  : 

"  'Richmond  Examiner  of  today  speaks  of  the  defeat  of  Gen- 
eral W.  E.  Jones  by  General  Hunter,  twelve  miles  beyond  Staunton, 
Ya.  General  Jones  was  killed  on  the  field.  His  successor  retired 
t<>  \\aynesboro,  and  now  holds  the  mountains  between  Char- 
lottesville  and  Staunton.  The  paper  further  states  that  no  hos- 
pital stores  were  captured  by  Hunter.' 

"Another  despatch  announces  that  our  forces  occupy  Staunton. 

"  Hunter's  victory,  and  that  our  troops  occupy  Staunton,  is 
confirmed  by  the  following  despatch,  just  received  from  General 
Butler: 

"  'All  is  quiet  on  my  line.  Richmond  papers  of  June  7  give  in- 
telligence of  a  fight  at  Mount  Crawford  between  General  Hunter 
and  General  Jones,  in  which  Hunter  •was  victorious,  and  Jones, 
rebel  commander,  was  killed.  Staunton  was  afterwards  occupied 
by  the  Union  forces.  The  fighting  was  on  Sunday.' 

"EowiN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War." 

The  reading  of  the  despatch  was  followed  by  great  cheering. 


236  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN- 

OREGON  ELECTION. 

Mr.  T.  H.  Pearne,  of  Oregon,  Mr.  President,  I  have  just  received, 
as  Chairman  of  the  Delegation  from  Oregon,  a  despatch  from 
that  State,  in  reference  to  the  General  State  Election  which  was 
held  on  the  day  before  yesterday.  The  despatch  informs  me  that 
she  has  gone  largely  for  the  Union.  [Applause.]  The  Union 
majority,  in  my  own  county,  is  six  hundred.  Last  election  it  was 
less  than  three  hundred.  It  is  the  first  gun  of  the  campaign. 
[Great  applause.] 

NOMINATION  FOR   VICE-PRESIDENT. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  question  before  the  Convention  is  the 
motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Iowa,  to  proceed  to  the  nomination 
of  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  R.  F.  Andrews,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  rule  relative  to 

debate,  which  was  adopted  by  this  House,  be  so  far  amended  as 

to  allow  each  gentleman  presenting  a  candidate  for  Yice-Presi- 

dent  to  have  twenty  minutes  to  present  the  merits  of  his  claims. 

["  No,"  "  no."J 

Mr.  A.  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  move  that  the  motion  be 
laid  on  the  table. 

The  motion  to  lay  on  the  table  was  agreed  to. 
Mr.  C.  M.  Allen,  of  Indiana,  is  it  now  in  order  to  make  nomina- 
tions for  the  Vice-Presidenc}7? 
The  PRESIDENT— It  is. 

Mr.  C.  M.  Allen,  of  Indiana,  Indiana  presents  the  name  of  An- 
drew Johnson,  of  the  State  of  Tennessee.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  W.  M.  Stone,  of  Iowa,  the  State  of  Iowa  seconds  the  nomina- 
tion'of  Indiana,  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  am  instructed  by  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  to  present  the  name  of  Hannibal  Hamlin 
for  Vice-President.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  R.  K.  Williams,  of  Kentucky,  Kentucky  nominates  General 
L.  H.  Rousseau.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Lyman  Tremaine,  of  New  York,  in  behalf  of  a  portion  of 
the  New  York  delegation,  I  nominate  Daniel  S.  Dickinson.  [Great 
applause.] 

Mr.  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee,  Mr.  President,  we  but  rep- 
resent the  sentiment  of  those  who  sent  here  the  delegation  from 
Tennessee,  when  we  announce  that  if  no  one  else  had  made  the 
nomination  of  Andrew  Johnson,  which  is  now  before  the  Conven- 
tion, it  would  have  been  our  duty  to  make  it  by  one  of  our  own 
delegation.  That  citizen,  known,  honored,  distinguished,  has 
been  presented  to  this  Convention  for  the  second  place  in  the  gift 
of  the  American  people.  It  needs  not  that  I  should  add  words  of 
commendation  of  him  here.  From  the  time  he  rose  in  the  Senate 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  237 

of  the  United  States,  where  he  then  was,  on  the  17th  of  December, 
1860,  and  met  the  leaders  of  treason  face  to  face,  and  denounced 
them  there,  and  declared  that  the  laws  of  the  country  must  and 
should  be  enforced,  for  which  he  was  hanged  in  effigy  in  the  city 
of  Memphis,  in  his  own  State,  by  the  hands  of  a  negro  slave,  and 
burned  in  effigy.  I  know  not  in  how  many  more  places  through- 
out that  portion  of  the  country — from  that  time,  or  during  the 
residue  of  that  session  of  the  Senate  until  he  returned  to  Tennes- 
see, after  the  firing  upon  Fort  Sumter,  when  he  was  mobbed  in 
the  city  of  Lynchburg  in  Virginia,  on  through  the  memorable 
canvass  that  followed  in  Tennessee,  till  he  passed  through  Cum- 
berland Gap  on  his  way  north  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  his  people  ;  his  position  of  determined  and  undying- 
hostility  to  this  Rebellion  that  now  ravages  the  land  has  been  so 
well  known  that  it  is  a  part  of  the  household  knowledge  of  every 
loyal  family  in  the  country.  [Great  applause.]  Of  his  sentiments 
on  the  questions  that  now  agitate  the  public  mind,  and  his  pres- 
ent attitvide  before  the  country,  it  is  equally  unnecessary  for  me 
to  speak.  He  himself  has  spoken  in  words  unmistakable,  not 
only  in  his  own  State,  from  Memphis  on  all  the  way  to  Knoxville; 
not  once,  but  repeatedly  ;  not  in  a  corner,  but  before  thousands  of 
our  own  citizens  and  persons  assembled  from  other  portions  of 
the  State,  and  from  other  States  ;  but  he  has  spoken,  also,  in  the 
capital  of  the  Nation,  spoken,  also,  in  this  city,  spoken,  also,  I 
know  not  in  how  mail}'  State  capitals  throughout  the  entire 
country.  His  opinions  are  upon  record;  the}'  are  known  and 
read  of  all  men.  I  have  only  to  say  in  addition  upon  that  point, 
that  when  he  sees  your  resolutions  that  you  have  adopted  here 
by  acclamation,  he  will  respond  to  them  as  containing  his  senti- 
ments, and  I  pledge  myself  by  all  that  I  have  to  pledge  before 
such  an  assemblage  as  this,  that  whether  he  be  elected  to  this 
high  place,  or  whether  he  retire  to  private  life,  he  will  adhere  to 
those  sentiments,  and  to  the  doctrines  of  those  resolutions  as 
long  as  his  reason  remains  unimpaired,  and  as  long  as  breath  is 
given  him  by  his  Gpd.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  I.yinan  Tremaine,  of  New  York,  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion, in  behalf  of  a  portion  of  the  Ni-w  York  delegation,  I  beg 
your  indulgence  while  I  submit  a  few  considerations  in  favor  of 
the  nomination  of  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York.  I  have  110 
time  to  answer  the  question  who  is  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  and 
what  are  his  claims  to  recognition  in  a  National  Union  Conven- 
tion. Although  an  adopted  son  of  New  York,  he  is  a  native  of 
New  Knglaud,  of  that  same  New  England  which,  thank  God,  is 
not  yet  out  of  the  Union  [applause],  but  is  represented  to-day  on 
the  floor  of  this  Convention  by  representatives  engaged  in  the 
great  work  for  which  her  sons  are  pouring  out  their  life  on  the 


238  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

field  of  battle.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  by  force  of  his  own  talents, 
without  the  aid  of  wealth  or  influential  friends,  has  worked  his 
•way  up  to  an  honorable  and  prominent  position,  having-  held  the 
best  offices  within  the  gift  of  the  people  of  New  York.  He  has 
been  our  Lieutenant-Governor,  our  Attorney-General,  our  Senator 
for  six  years  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  question,  then,  conies  back — is  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  popular 
in  this  State  of  New  York,  that  can  cast  thirty-three  electoral  votes 
for  the  nominees  of  this  Convention?  On  that  subject  let  me  sub- 
mit a  single  statement  of  fact.  In  1861  a  Union  Convention  was 
called  in  the  State  of  New  York,  which  nominated  Daniel  S.  Dick- 
inson for  the  first  office  then  before  the  people,  the  office  of  Attor- 
ney-General, almost  by  acclamation  ;  and  that  nomination  was 
sustained,  by  a  majority  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  votes,  at 
the  ballot-box,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  leading  the  ticket  and  receiv- 
ing a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  eight  thousand  votes.  [Ap- 
plause.] Has  anything  occurred  since  to  change  that  popularitjr? 
If  fidelity  to  the  nominations  and  principles  of  the  party  which 
elected  him,  if  an  undying  zeal  in  the  cause  of  the  Union,  if  to 
plead  with  no  uncertain  sound  wherever  his  services  were  re- 
quired in  favor  of  the  Union  and  against  the  wicked  Rebellion, 
has  weakened  his  popularity,  then,  and  only  under  those  circum- 
stances, is  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  less  able  to  carry  the  State  of  New 
York  to-day  by  one  hundred  thousand  majority  than  he  was  in 
1861.  Nay,  more ;  since  that  time  the  soldiers  of  New  York  have 
been  allowed  to  vote,  and  I  venture  to  express  the  opinion  hereto- 
day,  that  with  Lincoln  and  Dickinson  as  our  standard-bearers,  we 
can  give  to  the  nominees  of  this  Convention  more  than  one  hun- 
dred thousand  majority  in  New  York  at  the  next  election.  I  ask 
for  Daniel  S.Dickinson  a  recognition  as  the  reprseentative  of  the 
War  Democracy,  who  have  joined  their  fortunes  with  the  Union 
party.  [Great  applause.]  It  was  well  said  by  the  temporary  and 
by  the  permanent  Chairman  that  we  meet  not  here  as  Republi- 
cans. If  we  do,  I  have  no  place  in  this  Convention.  I  have  been 
a  life-long  Democrat;  but,  like  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  when  the 
first  gun  was  fired  on  Sumter,  I  felt  that  I  should  have  been  false 
to  my  revolutionary  ancestry  (for  although  I  differed  with  Massa- 
chusetts on  political  questions,  I  should  have  been  false  to  my 
paternal  grandfather,  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  whose  bones 
lie  buried  beneath  the  soil  of  Massachusetts)  if  I  could  have  hesi- 
tated to  cast  partisan  ties  to  the  breeze,  and  rally  around  the  flag 
of  the  Union  for  the  preservation  of  the  Government.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] Daniel  S.  Dickinson  has  cast  all  partisan  prejudices  to 
the  wind.  He  has  received  the  storm  of  obloquy  and  abuse  more 
than  has  been  showered  upon  any  one  by  the  friends  of  Jeff. 
Davis,  and  the  murderous,  traitorous  crew  who  have  rallied 


NATIONAL  Cox VEXTIOXS— 1856,  1860,  1861.  239 

around  him.  I  ask  that  he  be  recognized  by  this  Convention,  not 
for  himself — he  makes  no  claim — when  his  name  was  sponta- 
neously suggested. -he  withdrew  from  attending  at  this  Conven- 
tion as  a  delegate — 

The  PRESIDENT— The  gentleman's  time  is  out. 

Mr.  R.  F.  Andrews,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  gentleman  be 
allowed  to  proceed  ten  minutes  longer. 

The  motion  was  not  agreed  to. 

Mr.  N.  B.  Smithers,  of  Delaware,  I  move  that  we  proceed  to  call 
the  roll,  and  on  that  motion  I  call  for  the  previous  question. 

The  call  for  the  previous  question  was  sustained,  and  the  motion 
was  agreed  to. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll,  and,  as  each  State  was 
called,  the  chairman  of  the  delegation  responded.  The  responses 
were  as  follows: 

Maine — Maine  casts  her  entire  vote  for  Hannibal  Hamlin — 14. 

New  Hampshire — New  Hampshire  gives  one  vote  for  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee;  two  votes  for  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts; three  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York;  and 
four  votes  for  Hannibal  Hamlin.  of  Maine. 

Vermont — Vermont  gives  a  divided  vote  for  Vice-President,  as 
follows:  for  Hannibal  Hamlin,  two  votes;  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 
one  vote;  for  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  two  votes;  for  Andrew  Johnson, 
five  votes. 

Massachusetts — Massachusetts  gives  for  Benjamin  F.  Butler, 
two  votes;  for  Joseph  Holt,  two  votes;  for  Hannibal  Hamlin, 
three  votes;  and  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  seventeen  votes. 

Rhode  Island — Rhode  Island  gives  three  votes  for  Hannibal 

ami  in,  two  votes  for  Ambrose  E.  Burnside.  two  votes  for  Benja- 
min F.  Butler,  and  one  vote  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Connecticut — Connecticut  gives  her  twelve  votes  solid  for 
Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee. 

New  York — New  York  casts  for  Andrew  Johnson,  thirty-two 
votes;  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  twenty-eight  votes;  and  for  Han- 
nibal Hamlin,  six  votes. 

New  Jersey- -New  Jersey  casts  twelve  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickin- 
son, and  two  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Pennsylvania — Pennsylvania  casts  her  fifty-two  votes  for  Han- 
nibal Ham  Jin. 

Delaware— Delaware  throws  six  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Maryland — Maryland  gives  eleven  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 
two  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson,  and  one  vote  for  Hannibal  Hamlin. 

Louisiana — Louisiana  gives  seven  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson, 
and  seven  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Arkansas — Arkansas  gives  ten  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Missouri  Missouri  gives  two  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson,  and 
twenty  for  Benjamin  F.  Butler. 

Tennessee — Tennessee  gives  fifteen  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Kentucky — Kentucky  casts  twenty-one  votes  for  Lovell  H.Rous- 
seau, and  one  for  David  Tod,  of  Ohio. 

Ohio — Ohio  casts  her  forty-two  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee. 

Indiana — Indiana  gives  twenty-six  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Illinois — Illinois  casts  thirty-two  votes  for  Hannibal  Hamlin. 


240  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

Michigan — Michigan  gives  her  sixteen  votes  for  Hannibal 
Hanilin. 

Wisconsin — Wisconsin  gives  four  votes  for  Hannibal  Hanilin, 
two  for  Andrew  Johnson,  and  ten  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Iowa — Iowa  gives  sixteen  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Minnesota — Minnesota  gives  three  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 
and  five  votes  for  Hannibal  Hanilin. 

California — California  casts  five  votes  for  Hannibal  Hanilin, 
and  five  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Oregon — Oregon  casts  six  votes  for  Schiller  Colfax. 

Kansas — Kansas  gives  two  votes  for  Hannibal  Hamliri,  two  for 
Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  and  two  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

West  Virginia — West  Virginia  casts  her  ten  votes  for  Andrew 
Johnson. 

Nebraska — Nebraska  gives  one  vote  for  Preston  King,  of  New 
York;  one  for  Hannibal  Hamlin,  one  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  and 
three  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

Colorado — Colorado  gives  her  six  votes  for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson. 

Nevada — Nevada  casts  six  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  call  of  the  roll  is  completed. 

The  result  of  the  ballot  as  it  stood  when  the  call  was  completed 
was  as  follows : 


Maine 14       

New  Hampshiie  1         432        

Vermont  5212        

Massachusetts  3       17         2        2 

Khode  Island  3         1         2        ..         2        

Connecticut 12        

NewYork 32         6       28        

New  Jersey 2       ..       12       

Pennsylvania 53        

Delaware 6        

Maryland 2         1       11        

Louisiana 7        ..         7        

Arkansas 10        

Missouri 2        ..        ..        20        

Tennessee 15       

Kentucky 21       1 

Ohio 42       

Indiana 26        

Illinois 33        

Michigan 16        

Wisconsin 2         4       10       

Iowa 16        

Minnesota 5         3        

California 5         5        

Oregon 6        

West  Virginia 10       

Kansas 222        

Nebraska 31         1        1 

Colorado 6       

Nevada 6       

200     150     108       28       21         2         6         2         1         1 
While  the  Secretaries  were  computing  the  vote,  the  following 

proceedings  took  place : 
Mr.  R.  K.  Williams,  of  Kentucky,  Kentucky  asks  leave  to  change 

her  vote  by  casting  twenty-one  for  Andrew  Johnson,  instead  of 

for  General  Rousseau.    [Applause.] 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS—  1856,  1860,  1864.  _'4l 


Mr.  T.  H.  Pearne,  of  Oregon,  after  consultation,  the 
from  Oregon  wish  to  change  their  votes,  and  cast  the  six  votes  of 
that  State  for  Andy  Johnson.     [Applause.] 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  desire  to  change  the  vote  of  Kansas, 
and  cast  it  solid  for  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  am  directed  by  the  Penn- 
sylvania delegation  to  change  her  vote,  and  give  her  fifty-two 
votes  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  William  A.  Xewell,  of  New  Jersey,  I  desire  to  record  the 
whole  vote  of  New  Jersey  for  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee. 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  L.  M.  Morrill,  of  Maine,  Maine  desires  to  change  her  vote, 
and  cast  her  entire  vote  for  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee. 
[Great  applause.] 

Mr.  Thompson  Campbell,  of  California,  California  changes  her 
vote,  and  casts  ten  unanimously  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Win.  Haile,  of  New  Hampshire,  New  Hampshire  changes 
her  entire  vote  of  ten  to  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  C.  Bullitt,  of  Louisiana,  Louisiana  directs  me  to  cast  her  en- 
tire vote  of  fourteen  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  S.  Foot,  of  Vermont.  I  am  directed  by  the  delegation  from 
the  Green  Mountain  State  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  State  of  Maine, 
which  surrenders  her  own  son  for  Andrew  Johnson.  Vermont 
oasts  her  entire  vote  for  the  noblest  Roman  in  the  country,  An- 
drew Johnson,  of  Tennessee.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  H.  W.  Hoffman,  of  Maryland,  Maryland  casts  her  fourteen 
votes  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  A.  H.  Bullock,  of  Massachusetts,  Massachusetts  desires  to 
change  her  vote  so  that  it  may  stand  three  for  Daniel  S.  Dickin- 
son, and  twenty-one  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  B.  C.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  Illinois  changes  her  vote  of  thirty- 
two  to  Andrew  Johnson.  [Great  applause.] 

Mr.  M.  B.  Smithers,  of  Delaware,  Delaware  casts  her  six  votes  for 
Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause*.] 

Mr.  J.  F.  Hume,  of  Missouri,  Missouri  changes  her  vote,  and 
casts  her  entire  twenty-two  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson.  [Great 
applause.] 

Mr.  T.  Durfee,  of  Rhode  Island,  Rhode  Island  wishes  to  chan  -•• 
her  vote  so  that  it  shall  stand  seven  for  Andrew  Johnson  and  one 
for  Daniel  S.  Dickinson.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  John  A.  King,  of  New  York,  New  York  desires  to  make  her 
vote  unanimous.  She  casts  sixty-six  votes  for  Andrew  Johnson, 
of  Tennessee.  [Great  applause.] 

The  delegates  from  Colorado  and  Nebraska  also  changed  their 
votes  to  Andrew  Johnson. 

16 


24'J 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


Mr.  A.  Blair,  of  Michigan,  the  delegation  from  Michigan  change 
their  vote  to  Andrew  Johnson.  [Applause. | 

The  various  corrections  having  been  made,  the  result  of  the 
balloting  was  announced  as  follows  : 

Johnson.    Dickinson.    Humlin.    Tod. 

Maine 14 

Nf\\  Hampshire 10 

Vermont 10 

Massachusetts 21  3 

Rhode  Island 7  1 

Connecticut 12 

New  York 6tt 

New  Jersey 14 

Pennsylvania 52 

Delaware (3 

Maryland 14 

Louisiana 14 

Arkansas 10 

Missouri 22 

Tennessee 15 

Kentucky 21  .1 

Ohio 42 

Indiana.  26 

Illinois 32 

Michigan 16 

Wisconsin 2  10  4 

Iowa 16 

Minnesota 3  5 

California  10 

Oregon 6 

West  Virginia 10 

Kansas 6 

Nebraska 6 

Colorado  ,.  6 

Nevada 6 

494  IT  0  1 

The  PRESIDENT — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention — Andrew  John- 
son having  received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes,  is  declared  duly 
nominated  as  the  candidate  of  the  National  Union  Party  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  [Tremendous  applause.] 

Mr.  Ionian  Tremaine,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Johnson  be  made  unanimous. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  unanimously,  amid  great  enthusiasm. 

NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  now  nfcve  that  the  list  of  States  be 
called  over,  and  as  they  are  called,  that  the  chairmen  of  the  re- 
spective delegations  name  one  member  from  each  State  to  con- 
stitute the  National  Committee. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  roll  was  called,  and  the  following  gentlemen  were  named 
to  constitute  the  Committee: 

Maine,  Samuel  F.  Hersey ;  New  Hampshire,  John  B.  Clarke ; 
Vermont,  Abraham  B.  Gardner;  Massachusetts,  William  Claflin; 
Rhode  Island,  Thomas  G.  Turner ;  Connecticut,  N.  D.  Sperry  ; 
New  York,  Henry  J.  Raymond  ;  New  Jersey,  Marcus  L.  Ward  ; 
Pennsylvania,  S.  A.  Purviance;  Delaware,  Nathaniel  B.  Smithers  ; 
Maryland,  H.  W.  Hoffman  ;  Florida,  Calvin  L.  Robinson  ;  Louis- 
iana, Cuthbert  Bullitt  ;  Arkansas,  James  M.  Johnston  ;  Missouri, 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  243 

S.  H.  Boyd  ;  Tennessee,  Joseph  S.  Fowler;  Kentucky,  R.  K.  \\ii- 
liams;  Ohio.  G.  B.  Senter,  Indiana,}.  D.  Defrees;  Illinois,  Burt  C. 
Cook  ;  Michigan,  Marsh  Gidtlings  ;  Wisconsin,  S.  Judd  ;  Iowa,  D. 
B.  Stubbs;  California,  James  Otis;  Minnesota,  Thomas  Simpson  ; 
Oregon,  Erasmus  D.  Shattuck;  West  Virginia,  A.  W.  Campbell  ; 
Kansas,  James  H.  Lane  ;  Colorado,  Jerome  P.  Chaffee  ;  Nebraska, 
W.  H.  H.  Waters  ;  Nevada,  H.  D.  Morgan  ;  Dakota,  G.  M.  Binney  ; 
Utah,  John  W.  Kerr ;  Washington,  A.  A.  Denny;  Idaho,  William 
H.  Wallace  ;  Arizona,  James  S.  Turner;  Montana,  N.  P.  Lankford  ; 
New  Mexico,  John  S.  Watts  ;  District  of  Columbia,  J.  J.  Coombs. 

RIGHT  OF  TERRITORIES  TO  VOTE. 

Mr.  Francisco  Perea,  of  New  Mexico,  I  ask  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  convention  to  allow  the  delegates  from  New  Mexico  to 
record  their  votes  for  President  and  Vice-Presidetit  of  the  United 
States. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  motion  is  not  in  order. 

Mr.  Francisco  Perea,  of  New  Mexico,  I  ask  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  J.  S.  Watts,  of  New  Mexico,  I  move  that  the  remaining  orga- 
nized territories  of  the  United  States,  which  have  sent  delegates 
to  this  Convention,  be  now  called,  and  that  their  delegates  be 
permitted  to  record  their  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States.  We  are  ready  to  pour  out  our  life-blood  in 
carding  your  glorious  heaven-born  banner  wherever  the  honor 
of  our  country  requires  it  to  be  carried.  We  feel  as  patriotic  and 
as  much  disposed  to  sustain  it  as  any  other  portion  of  the  coun- 
try, and  I  hope  that  we  shall  not  be  denied  the  privileges  which 
have  been  granted  to  other  sister  territories  upon  this  floor.  I 
want  an  opportunity  to  record  our  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Andrew  Johnson. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  move  to  amend  the  motion  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  Mexico,  by  including  South  Carolina  and 
the  District  of  Columbia.  ["Oh,  no."] 

Mr.  J.  S.  Watts,  of  New  Mexico,  1  object  to  that.  Sir,  I  think  the 
gentleman  from  Kansas  should  not  make  that  motion.  His  state 
has  been  built  up  by  our  trade.  We  take  $2,000,000  worth  of  pro- 
duce from  the  State  of  Kansas  into  New  Mexico;  and  I  hope  he 
will  not  turn  his  back  upon  us  when  we  ask  the  privilege  of  being 
heard  on  this  floor. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  desire  to  state  that  there  is  a  delega- 
tion here  from  South  Carolina,  and  one  from  Florida,  and  one 
from  Virginia,  and  one  from  the  District  of  Columbia.  They 
represent  loyal  men.  This  is  a  small  boon  to  extend  to  them,  the 
privilege  of  recording  their  votes,  after  they  have  been  at  the  "ex- 
pense of  traveling,  at  a  good  deal  of  exposure,  this  great  distance. 
It  seems  to  me  that  this  small  boon  should  be  extended  not  only 
to  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  but  to  all  those  states  which  are 


244  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

wrestling,  as  Kansas  wrestled  at  an  early  day,  to  overthrow  the 
accursed  institution  of  human  slavery. 

Mr.  Francisco  Perea,  of  New  Mexico,  the  question,  I  understand, 
is  on  the  motion  of  my  colleague,  which  is,  that  all  the  territories 
which  have  not  already  voted  be  allowed  to  record  their  votes  on 
the  question  of  the  Presidency  and  the  Vice-Presidenc}-. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  gentleman  from  Kansas  has  moved  to 
amend  that  motion  by  including  Virginia,  South  Carolina  and 
Florida,  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Mr.  E.  M.  Madden,  of  New  York,  I  call  for  a  division,  so  that  we 
may  take  the  question  on  the  motion  to  admit  New  Mexico  alone. 

Mr.  J.  S.  Watts,  of  Mew  Mexico,  I  hope  my  friend  from  Kansas 
will  do  me  the  favor  to  withdraw  his  amendment,  and  present  it 
as  a  separate  proposition,  if  he  desires  to  have  it  voted  upon.  In 
the  name  of  justice  and  in  the  name  of  right,  do  not  embarrass  so 
small  an  act  of  justice  as  I  propose,  with  any  other  considerations. 
There  has  never  been  any  question  about  the  loyalty  of  New 
Mexico. 

The  PRESIDENT— It  is  always  an  unpleasant  duty  to  the  Chair 
not  to  respond  to  the  generous  arid  patriotic  promptings  of  gen- 
tlemen who  may  submit  motions  to  be  entertained  by  the  Conven- 
•  tion;  but  the  Chair  regards  the  propriety  of  this  motion  as  being  so 
questionable,  that  he  will  ask  the  advice  of  the  Convention  before 
he  entertains  the  motion.  The  Convention  will  bear  in  mind  that 
when  it  was  full,  some  hours  since,  it  determined  by  its  recorded 
vote  that  the  territories  and  the  states  embraced  within  the 
motion  and  the  amendment  now  pending  should  not  be  allowed 
to  cast  votes  in  this  body.  The  Convention  will  also  bear  in  mind 
that  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency  have  been  voted  upon, 
and  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Andrew  Johnson  have  been  declared 
the  unanimous  nominees  of  this  Convention.  That  has  gone  over 
the  wires  to  the  farthest  extent  of  the  country.  It  is  now  proposed, 
with  the  Convention  very  much  thinned  out,  to  allow  other  votes 
to  come  in,  which  may  change  the  unanimity  of  this  Convention 
in  regard  to  the  candidates  that  have  been  nominated;  and  I 
therefore  ask  the  advice  of  the  Convention  before  I  putthe  motion. 
I  do  not  want  the  Convention  to  vote  down  a  proposition  such  as 
that  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  New  Mexico,  which  appeals 
to  the  heart  of  every  member  present  as  it  will  appeal  to  the 
country. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  the  question  of  propriety  sviggested 
by  the  Chair  strikes  me  with  a  great  deal  of  force,  and  therefore 
I  will,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  withdraw  my  amendment. 

Mr.  A.  W.  Randall,  of  Wisconsin,  I  do  not  understand  how  we 
can  proceed  any  further  with  this  question,  unless  we  reconsider 
the  previous  action  of  this  Convention. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  I860,  1864  'J4~> 

Mr.  J.  S.  Watts,  of  New  Mexico,  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
House  can  permit  the  remaining-  territories  to  be  called,  and  re- 
cord their  votes. 

Mr.  T.  H.  Pearne,  of  Oregon,  I  move  that  the  delegates  from  New 
Mexico  be  allowed  to  record  their  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Andrew  Johnson. 

Mr.  J.  S.  Watts,  of  New  Mexico,  I  accept  the  amendment. 

Mr.  T.  E.  Cochrane,  of  Pennsylvania,  it  seems  to  me  impossible 
that  that  motion  should  be  entertained.  It  is  in  direct  conflict 
with  the  solemn  vote  of  the  Convention  taken  today  by  States. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  will  not  entertain  the  motion  unless 
by  unanimous  consent. 

Several  delegates  objected. 

The  PRESIDENT — The  Chair  is  compelled  very  reluctantl3r  to 
overrule  the  motion  of  tin-  gentleman  from  New  Mexico. 

Mr.  E.  Delafield  Smith,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  Secretaries 
receive  an}'  communications  that  these  various  delegations  may 
see  fit  to  make,  showing  their  sentiments  in  favor  of  the  nomina- 
tion of  Lincoln  and  Johnson,  in  order  that  those  communications 
may  go  on  the  minutes. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE    TO    WAIT    <  >\    N<  >M  I  N  i:  I •:.-. 

Mr.  C.  S.  Bushnell,  of  Connecticut,  I  move  that  the  President  of 
this  Convention  be  authorized  to  select  one  from  each  State  as  a 
Committee  to  inform  President  Lincoln  and  Andrew  Johnson  of 
their  nomination. 

Mr.  George  W.  Curtis,  of  New  York,  I  move  to  amend  the  mo- 
tion by  providing  that  the  roll  of  the  convention  be  now  called, 
;iml  that  each  State,  by  the  chairman  of  its  delegation,  name  a 
member  of  that  Committee. 

The  amendment  was  adopted,  and  the  motion  as  amended  was 
agreed  to. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  before  the  roll  is  called,  I  move  that 
tin'  President  of  the  Convention  shall  be  Chairman  of  that  Com- 
mittee, and  I  will  put  the  motion  myself. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  unanimously. 

The  PRESIDENT— The  Chair  is  under  very  great  obligations  to 
the  Convention  for  this  expression  of  their  kindness.  The  roll 
will  now  be  called  for  the  purpose  of  naming  members  of  the 
Committee. 

The  roll  was  called,  and  the  following  gentlemen  were  named 
to  constitute  the  Committee  : 

Maine,  Josiah  H.  Drummond  ;  New  Hampshire,  Thomas  E. 
Sawyer;  Vermont,  B.  Barlow;  Massachusetts,  A.  H.  Bullock; 
Rhode  Island.  A.  M.  Campbell  ;  Connecticut,  C.  S.  Bushnell ;  New 


246  THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 

York,  George  Wm.  Curtis  ;  New  Jersey,  William  A.  Newell;  Penn- 
sylvania, Henry  Johnson  ;  Delaware,  N.  B.  Smithers  ;  Maryland, 
W.  L.  W.  Seabrook;  Louisiana,  A.  A.  Atocha;  Arkansas,  Val.  Dell; 
Missouri,  John  F.  Hume  ;  Tennessee,  M.  M.  Bryan  ;  Kentuckv,  G. 
W.  Haight;  Ohio,  E.  P.  Pyffe  ;  Indiana,  Cyrus  M.  Allen  ;  Illinois, 
\V.  Hushnell;  Michigan,  L.  P.  Alexander;  Wisconsin.  A.  W.Ran- 
dall ;  Iowa,  Peter  Valinda  ;  California,  John  Bidwell  ;  Oregon, 
Thomas  H.  Pearne  ;  West  Virginia,  Lero}-  Kramer;  Kansas,  A.  C. 
Wilder;  Nebraska,  A.  S.  Paddock;  Colorado,  John  A.  Nj-e  ;  Ne- 
vada, T.  Winter. 

THANKS  TO  THE  OFFICERS. 

Mr.  John  A.  King,  of  New  York,  I  beg  leave,  sir,  in  behalf  of  this 
Convention,  to  tender  the  thanks  of  its  members  to  the  President 
and  other  officers  for  their  able  and  continued  services  in  behalf 
of  the  Convention  ;  and  I  do  it  with  the  more  pleasure  as  there 
has  been  nothing  which  has  occurred  among  us  to  mar  its  har- 
mony or  to  make  it  otherwise  than  unanimous  and  honorable  to 
the  gentlemen  who  are  here.  I  therefore  make  that  motion. 

The  Vice-President  (Mr.  W.  A.  Newell)  pvit  the  question  on  the 
resolution  of  thanks,  and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

PUBLICATION   OF  PROCEEDINGS. 

On  the  motion  of  Mr.  W.  J.  Grow,  of  New  York,  it  was  ordered 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  be  published  in  pamphlet 
form,  under  the  direction  of  the  officers. 

Mr.  T.  H.  Pearne,  of  Oregon,  I  move  that  the  Secretary  be  in- 
structed to  send  a  copy  of  the  pamphlet  to  each  member  of  the 
Convention. 

Mr.  J.  W.  Ray,  of  Indiana,  I  would  suggest,  as  one  of  the  Secre- 
taries, that  the  result  of  that  would  be  to  require  the  Secretary  to 
pay  two  cents  postage  for  the  privilege  of  accommodating  each 
member. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

ADDITIONAL   MEMBERS  OF  COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  J.  J.  Reddick,  of  Nebraska,  at  the  time  the  Committees  on 
Credentials  and  on  Resolutions  were  appointed,  the  Territory  of 
Nebraska  had  not  been  admitted  with  the  right  to  vote,  and  there- 
fore was  not  represented  on  the  Committee.  I  therefore  suggest 
that  the  Secretary  be  directed  to  add  to  those  Committees  the  fol- 
lowing names 

Mr.  J.  Y.  Scammon,  of  Illinois,  do  not  let  us  make  ourselves 
ridiculous  by  saying  here,  at  the  end  of  this  Convention,  things 
that  are  not  true.  If  we  comply  with  the  request  that  has  just 
been  made,  we  shall  insert  on  our  record  what  we  all  know  is  not 
true;  and  the  motion  is  not  in  order. 

The  VICE-PRESIDENT  (Mr.  Newell)— In  the  opinion  of  the  Chair. 
the  motion  cannot  be  entertained. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864.  247 

INVITATIONS,   \-C. 

The  President  read  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Almira  Lincoln  Phelps, 
presenting-  to  the  Convention  a  copy  of  her  book — "Our  Country'' 
— for  each  of  the  States,  to  be  deposited  in  the  State  libraries. 

They  were  received  with  the  thanks  of  the  Convention,  and  dis- 
tributed to  the  different  chairmen  of  the  delegations. 

An  invitation  was  received  to  visit  Patterson  Park  Hospital, 
where  over  one  thousand  wounded  men,  representing-  all  the 
States  of  the  Union,  will  be  gratified  to  meet  their  delegates. 

Mr.  G.  W.  Curtis,  of  New  York,  I  move  that  the  thanks  of  the 
Convention  be  returned  to  the  officers  who  have  sent  the  invita- 
tion, and  that  the  delegates  will,  if  possible,  avail  themselves 
of  it. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

THANKS  TO  CITY  COUNCILS. 

>Ir.  A.  B.  Butler,  of  Ohio,  I  move  that  the  thanks  of  this  Conven- 
tion be  tendered  to  the  City  Councils  of  Baltimore  for  having-  pre- 
pared and  provided  this  room  for  the  use  of  the  Convention. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to  unanimously. 

ADJOURNMENT   SINE   DIE. 

Several  delegates  moved  that  the  Convention  adjourn  sine  die. 

The  PRESIDENT  —  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  There  is  no 
further  business  for  the  Convention,  except  for  me,  on  behalf  of 
the  officers  of  the  Convention,  as  well  as  for  myself,  to  tender 
their  thanks  and  my  thanks  for  the  very  kind  resolution  offered 
by  the  gentleman -from  New  York,  and  for  the  very  kind  treat- 
ment the  Chair  has  received  from  the  Convention  during  its 
sitting.  I  ventured  to  predict,  in  the  few  remarks  that  I  had  the 
honor  to  make  on  taking  the  Chair,  that  the  proceedings  of  this 
Convention  would  be  marked  with  the  greatest  harmony.  That 
prediction  has  been  fulfilled,  and  that  spirit  of  harmony  which 
has  prevailed  and  been  the  leading-  characteristic  of  the  Union 
organization  since  its  first  inception,  has  been  illustrated  by  the 
acts  and  the  conduct  of  this  Convention  to-day. 

I  congratulate  you,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  upon  these 
auspicious  results.  I  congratulate  you  upon  what  you  have  done 
in  presenting  to  the  country  two  such  men  as  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Andrew  Johnson  for  the  two  highest  offices  within  the  gift 
of  the  people.  I  congratulate  3rou  upon  the  news  received  to-day, 
showing  that  our  armies  are  making-  steady  progress  towards  the 
suppression  of  this  Rebellion.  I  congratulate  you  upon  all  the 
indications  of  the  future  so  far  as  it  pleases  Providence  to  make 
those  indications  known  to  us. 

No\\ .  uentlemen.  having  returned  you  the  thanks  of  the  officers 
of  the  Convention  and  my  own,  nothing  remains  to  be  done  on 
my  part  except  to  express  my  earnest  wish  and  sincere  prayer 
that  it  may  suit  the  purposes  of  Providence  to  take  you  all  safely 
to  your  homes  to  meet  your  families  in  health  and  prosperity, 
and  your  constituents  approving,  as  I  have  no  doubt  they  will 
approve,  the  acts  of  this  Convention. 

The  Convention  now  stands  adjourned  sine  die. 


248 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


LIST  OF  DELEGATES. 


MAINE. 

Delegates  at  Large.  P.  O.  Address.  Alternate* 

N.  A.  Farwell Kockland. 

S.  F.  Hersey Bangor. 

John  H.  Burleigh South  Berwick. 

James  Drummond  Bath. 

Delegates. 

,  j  J.  H.  Drummond Portland. 

1 1  Thomas  Quiniby Biddtford. 

9j  Lot  M.  Morrill Augusta. 

*1  Nahum  Morrill Auburn. 

.,  I  B.  W.  Norris Skowhegan. 

(  Joseph  Clarke Waldboro. 

t  \  Geo.K.  Jewett Baugor. 

(E.G.  Dunn ; Aroostook. 

-  j  Wm.McGilvery  Searsport. 

0  |  L.  L.  Wadsworth Pembroke. 

NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

Delegate*  at  Large. 

Onslow  Sterns Concord. 

Wm.  Haile .Hinsdale. 

John  B.  Clarke Manchester. 

Thomas  C.  Sawyer Dover. 

Delegates. 

,  j  Joseph  B.  Adams Portsmouth.    D.  H.  Buffmn. 

M  B.  J.Cole Lake  Village.    A.  T.Joy. 

9  j  Edward  Spaulding Nashua.    Chas.  P.  Danforth . 

I  David  Cross Manchester.    J.  B.  Perkins. 

o  j  Shepard  L.  Bowers Newport.    E.  L.  Goddard. 

*  I  E.  L.  Colby Lancaster.    T.  P.  Oheney. 

VERMONT. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Solomon  Foot Rutland.  T.  W.Park. 

E.  P.  Walton — Montpelier.  Moses  Kettridge. 

A.  P.  Hunton Bethel.  A.  Stoddard. 

Carolus  Noyes Burlington.  W.  C.  Smith. 

Delegates. 

-,  j  Edwin  Hammond Middlebury.  Bela  Hawe. 

I  A.  B.Gardner Bennington.  Henry  C.  Dwight. 

2  j  Horace  Fairbanks St.  Johnsbury.  S.  P.  Flagg. 

1  B.  W.  Bartholomew Washington.  Artemus  Cushman. 

3  j  Bradley  Barlow St.  Albans.  -Jed.  P.  Ladd. 

I  Henry  Stowell Cambridge.  James  Simpson. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Alexander  H  Bullock Worcester.  William  Whit  in  z. 

William  Claflin... Newton.  Julius  Rockwell. 

John  A.  Andrew Boston.  Moses  Kimball. 

James  T.  Robinson North  Adams.  Jonathan  E.  Field. 

Delegates. 

j  <  Geo.  Wanton Barnstable.  C.  F.  Swift . 

I  T.  Bourne,  Jr New  Bedford.  Foster  Hooper. 

.,]  B.  W.  Harris East  Bridgewater.  B.  F.  White. 

I  H.  A.  Scudder Dorchester.  Caleb  Swan 

oj  Geo.  A.Shaw Boston.  Albert  J.  Wriirht . 

°l  Ginery  Twitchell Brookline.  Geo.  S  Hale. 

.  •  I".  B.  Fay Chelsea.  E.  F.  Porter. 

i  R.  I.  Burbank Boston.  Isaac  F.  Morse. 

KJ8.  H.  Phillips Salem.  Edwin  Waldon. 

°lJ.G.Hurd Amesbury.  H.  B.  Smith. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  1864. 


249 


A(  G.  VV.  Cochran Methuen.  F.  M.  Stone. 

°}  G.  O.  Brastow Somerville.  N.B.bryant. 

7j  C.  R.  Train Framingham.  J.  C.  Ayer. 

1 1  T.  Wentworth Lowell.  G.  S.  Boutwell. 

a  t  A.  O.  Mayhew Milford.  O.  D.  Wheeler. 

8  I  C.Adams,  Jr N.  Brookfield.  F.  W.  Bird. 

Q  t  C.  G.  Stevens Clinton.  Henry  James. 

»  Chas.  A    Stevens Ware.  A.  H.  Merriam. 

10J  Henry  Alex  under.  Jr Springfield.  R.  W.  Kellogg. 

I  A.  J.  Waterman Lenox.  Henry  Chickering. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Thomas  Durfee Providence. 

Joel  M.  Spencer Coventry. 

Edward  Harris Cumberland. 

Asa  M.  Gammell Warren. 

Delegates. 

1  <  Jas  DeWolf  Perry Bristol. 

1  Henrv  H.  Fay Newport. 

Oj  G.  D. "Cross Westerly. 

~  1  John  J.  Reynolds North  Kingston. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Joseph  R.  Haw  Icy Hartford. 

A  n<rustus  Brandagee New  London. 

<     Si  Bushnell ..New  Haven. 

Wm.  T.  Minor Stamford. 

Delegates. 

,  I  H.  A.  Grant Endfield. 

1  I  Jasper  H.  Bolton Stafford. 

9  J  Orville  H.  Plat  t Meriden. 

*  t  Samuel  L.  Warner Middletown. 

oj  G.  W.  Phillips Putnam. 

I  James  Lloyd  Green Norwich. 

,  j  Oliver  H.  Perry South  port. 

4|W.  W.Welch Norfolk. 

NEW  YORK. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Henry  J.  Raymond New  York.  Geo.  Babcock. 

DanielS.  Dickinson Binghamton.  I.  S  T.  Stranahan. 

Lyman  Tremaine Albany.  Thomas  Hilhouse. 

Preston  King Ogdensburgh.  Noah  Davis. 

Delegates. 

.  >  (it-o.  Wm  Curtis North  Shore.  Geo.  Huntington. 

1  John  A.  King.. Jamaica.  F.  A.  Potts. 

9  J  Charles  L.  Benedict Brooklyn.  Henry  Hill. 

"(A.M.  Bliss Brooklyn.  Wm.  M.  Thomas. 

.,  t  W.  A   Cobb Brooklyn.  George  Ricard. 

/  Anthony  F.  Campbell Brooklyn.  John  Cashow. 

,  j  J.  B.Taylor N.Y.  O.  W.  Brennan 

*{  Sheridan  Shook B.  F.  Weymouth  . 

,j  David  Miller Reuben  C.  Mills 

)  Sanford  L.  Macomber John  L.  Seymour. 

,.  t  Simeon  Draper Hugh  Gardner. 

**1  JobnKeyser H.  Van  Schaick. 

-jW.E.Duryea John  Lalor. 

'(R.F.  Andrews Lewis  J.  Klrke. 

aJT.R.Murphy R.  Busteed. 

8  i  Wm.  R.  Stewart J.  D.  Ottlwell. 

Q  \  Abram  Wakeman James  E.  Coulter. 

."1  Amor  J.  Williamson Ira  A.  Allen. 

1ft 3  W.  H.Robertson Katonah.  S.  D.  Gifford. 

IU  i  John  W.  Ferdon Pierrnont.  A.  Rider. 

t1  t  William  J  Groo Monticello.  David  Clements 

11  /  E.  M.  Madden Middletown.  Ezra  Farrington. 

-.aj  John  Cadman Chatam  Four  Corners.  John  S  Ray. 

1    )  Jolin  IJ.  Dutcher Pawling.  R.  Peck. 

-,.,  j  William  Masten Kingston.  Wm.  S.  Kenyon. 

*  I  Reuben  Coffin Catskill.  John  S.  Donnelly . 

14  )  Geo.  Wolford Albany.  Alexander  Greer. 

(  Clark  B.  Cochranc Albany.  Hobart  Krum. 


250 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


,-jAschelC    Greer Troy.  J.  Thomas  Davis. 

I  John  T.  Masters Greenwich.  Dennis  P.  Ney . 

1ft  (  Geo.  W.  Palmer Plattsburgh.  Byron  Pond. 

I  W.  W.  Rockwell Saratoga  Springs.  Orlando  Kellogg. 

17  (  W.  S.  Dickinson Bangor.  Hiram  Horton. 

"iW.A.Dart Potsdam.  C.  T.  Hurlburd. 

10jCharles  Stanford Schenectady.  H.  Baker. 

1B<A.H.  Ayer Fort  Plain.  J.S.Landon. 

1Q  I  L.  J.  Walworth.  D.  H.  Clark. 

1  R.  S.  Hughston Delhi.  Barman  Bennett. 

on  j  J.  O.  Donnell Lowville.  E.  A.  Brown. 

•^H.M.Burch Little  Falls.  A.  H.  Prescott. 

o,  j  Ellis  H.  Roberts Utica.  D.  B.  Danforth. 

<  Samuel  Campbell Utica.  J.  S.  A  very. 

0,5L.  H.  Conklin Mexico.  H.  K.  W.  Bruce. 

**<  Charles  L.  Kennedy Morrisville.  Harvey  Palmer. 

ooJT.  B.Fitch Syracuse.  D.  McCarthy. 

-d|  R.  H.  Duell Cortlandville.  C.  T.  Longstreet. 

0  j  S.  B.  Gavitt Lyons.  S.K.Williams. 

I  Wm.  Burroughs Seneca  Falls.  J.  K.  Webster. 

„.  i  M.  H.  Lawrence Penn  Van.  S.  H.  Torrey. 

-°<W.H.  Smith Canandaigua.  Geo.  N.  Wilson. 

OKJM.  M.  Oass Watkins.  Geo.  W.  Schuyler. 

-°1  W.  S.Lincoln Newark  Valley.  Geo.  Bartlett. 

o~  (  Asher  Tyle- Elmira.  G.  G.  Harrower. 

W1B.  D.  Loveridge Cuba.  A.  B.Hull. 

«,]  Dan.  H.  Cole Albion.  H.  H.  Sperry. 

i  John  Van  Voorhies Rochester.  A.  M.  Ives. 

oqj  Harry  Wilbur Batavia.  A.  W.  Haskell. 

I  Hiram  Gardner Lockport.  M.C.Richardson. 

.JAJ  Rufus  Wheeler Buffalo.  Jacob  Beyer. 

^lO.J. Green Buffalo.  J.  B.  Youngs. 

01  j  Henry  Van  Aernum Franklin  ville.  John  Man  ley. 

01  I  Geo.  W.  Patterson Westfleld.  O.  E.  Jones. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Wm.  A.  Newell Allentown.  G.  D.  Homer. 

Marcus  L.  Ward Newark.  Benj.  Buckley. 

Joseph  T.  Crowell Rahway.  John  Chetwood. 

James  M.  Scovell Camden.  P.  C.  Brink. 

Delegates. 

<  I  Edward  Bettle Camden.  Joseph  L.  Reeve. 

1 )  T.  Paulding Pittsgrove,  Salem  Co.  J.  F.  Learning. 

0J  W.  F.  Brown Point  Pleasant,  Ocean  Co.  D.  L.  Wilbur. 

"I  S.  A.  Dobbins Mount  Holley.  A.  B.  Dayton 

oj  John  J.  Blair Belvidere.  Moses  F.  Webb. 

d|  A.  D.  Hope Somerville.  E.  R.  Bullock. 

4l  Joseph  Coult Newton.  C.  H.  Voorhees. 

I  Socrates  Tuttle Paterson.  Richard  Speer. 

-I  Charles  R.  Waugh Newark.  Walter  Rutherford. 

°(  Benj.  G.  Clark.. Jersey  City.  Cornelius  Walsh. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

DeleQate*  at  Large. 

Simon  Cameron Harrisburg. 

A.  K.  McClure Chambersburg. 

W.  W.  Ketchum Wilkesbarre. 

M.B.Lowry  Erie. 

Delegates. 

.  j  A.  B.  Slonaker Philadelphia.    James  Gillingham. 

NEliotWard John  M.  Butler. 

oJ  Peter  C.  Ellmaker John  Thompson. 

"1  John  Holmes Isaac  Colesbury. 

.,  j  J.  M.  Fox  John  G.  Clothier. 

I  William  Andrews Amon  Knight. 

4IC.A.  Walborn Henry  Carey  Lea. 

I  Charles  Thompson .     Geo.  S.  Keyser. 

ej  Stephen  H.  Phillips. 
51.T.  G.  Kurd. 

,.  j  Dnniel  O.  Hitner Norristown.    Wm.  Mintzer. 

I  John  H.  Oliver Allentown.    E.  J.  More. 

-  i  William  E.  Barber. 

'  i  H.  Jones  Brooke M-edia.    Joshua  P.  Eyre. 

ftj  Lev!  B.  Smitli Reading.    W.  M.  Beard. 

°1  Edward  Brooke    Birdsboro.    Wm.Trexler. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  18(30,  1864. 


251: 


0  j  Thaddeus  Stevens  Lancaster. 

I  Thomas  E.  Franklin Lancaster. 

10  (  James  H.   Campbell Potts ville. 

I  G.  Dawson  (Joleman Lebanon. 

,,  J  Andrew  H.  Reeder Easton. 

11 1  William  Lilly •    Maunch  Chunk. 

10j  Galusha  A.  Grow  Glenwood. 

I  F.  T.  Atherton Wilkesbarre. 

,.,jB.  F.  Powell Towanda. 

I  P.  John  Bloomsburg. 

,4  j  George  Bergner Harrisburg. 

I  John  B.  Packer Suubury. 

,.  j  Thomas  E.  Couhran York.    David  E.  Small. 

10  I  Levi  Kau  if  man Mechanicsburg.    A.  K  Rheem. 

,A5  Jolin  Stewart   Chambersburg.    E.  G.  Fahnestock.. 

10  I  Edward  Scull Somerset.    Geo.  W.  Rupp. 

17  )  R.  B.  Wigton Huntingdon. 

11 1  J.  E.  Chandler Johnstown. 

,0  t  Henry  Johnson  Murray,  Ly coming  Co. 

18|S.  F.  Wilson We  llesboro',  Tioga  Co. 

,ft  j  Joseph  Henderson Brookville. 

IJ(  William  Denson Erie. 

2n(  David  V.  Derrickson  .   Meadville. 

j  L.  J.  Rogers ..Franklin.. 

01  j  Wm.  R.  Spear Blairs  ville,  Indiana  Co 

I  Cyrus  P.  Markle West  Newton. 

oo  *  A.  M.  Brown Pittsburg. 

~-<  Wm.  B.  Negley 

2.,lS.A   Purviance 

I  A.  Reynolds Kittanning. 

.,,  *  .las.  A.  ,].  Buchanan Waynesboro'. 

-4"(  W.  W.  Irvin New  Brighton. 

DELAWARE. 

Delegates. 

Edward  G.  Bradford Wilmington. 

George  Z.  Tybout  Red  Lion,  N.  C.  Co. 

William  Cummins      Smyrna.  Kent  Co. 

Nathaniel  B.  Smithers  Dover,  Kent  Co. 

Jacob  Moore Georgetown,  Sussex. 

Benjamin  Burton Hillsboro',  Sussex. 

MARYLAND. 

Delegates  at  La  rye. 

H.  H.  Goldsborougb Easton. 

Henry  W.  Hoffman Baltimore. 

John  A  J.  Creswell Elkton. 

Albert  C.  Green Frostburg. 

Delegates. 

,  I  W.  J.  Leonard Berlin. 

I  L.  E.  Stauglm Cambridge. 

.,  \  Joseph  J.  Stewart Townsonton. 

-  i  E.  M.  Allen Darlington. 

o  t  Archibald  Sterling  Baltimore. 

•j  /  HiiKh  L.  Bond 

,  \  Frederick  A.  Schley Frederick. 

»  Is.-iac  Ne-bitt Hagerstown. 

-  i  .In  In  i  < '.  Holland Cantons  ville' 

i  W.  L.  W.  Seabrook Annapolis. 

OHIO. 

Delegates  at  Lame. 

Win.  Dennison Columbus.    D.  D.  Shryrock. 

David  Tod Youngstown.    G.  B.  Seiiter. 

Columbus  Delano Mt.  Vernon.    D.  8.  Shorter. 

G.  Volney  Dorsey Columbus.    Joseph  Landon. 

Delegate*. 

,  *  N.  A.  Jacobi Cincinnati. 

'"*A.  F.  Perry 

o  *  S.  F.  Cary "  J.  O.  Bauni. 

*?M.P.  Gftddte ••  L.A.Harris. 

oJGeo,  R.  Sage Lebanon.    Warren  Munj^er,  Jr. 

I  L.  Dunham       Eaton. 

.  j  W.  A.  Weston ..Greenville. 

ME.  P.  I  vile  Urbana. 


252 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


,\J.  D.  Clark Van  Wert. 

1C.  Parmenter Lima. 

«  (  Chambers  Baird Georgetown. 

BJ  W.  K.  Smith Hillsborough. 

,JE. F.Drake Xenia.    W.  T.  Bascuiu. 

')  A.  B.  Buttles Columbus     A.  To'.aud. 

at  P.  B.  Cole..     Marysville. 

81  H  C.  Hedges Mansfield. 

Delegates. 

oj  L.  Q.  Rawson Fremont.    C.  Foster. 

l  L.  G.  Harkness Norwalk.    —  Sanders. 

m  t  Geo.  William Perrysburgli. 

10  ID.  W.H.Howard Wauseon. 

,,  J  Geo.  A.  Waller Portsmouth. 

11 'i  Wm.  Ellison West  Union. 

12  *  John  A.  Hunter Lancaster. 

i  Daniel  Kilgore Waverly. 

joj  Johu  C.  Devin Mt.  Vernon. 

I  E.  E.  Evans Zanesville. 

,j  l  Smith  Orr Wooster. 

14'l  H.G.Blake Medina. 

,=  j  Jos.  Kessinger Athens. 

10 1  Ed.  Archbold Woodsfield. 

,fi  1  Chas.  Hare Caldwell. 

I  Isaac  Morton Cambridge. 

17 5  L.  W.  Potter New  Lisbon.    Kent  Jarvis. 

"l  Robert  Sherrard Steubenville.    J.  H.Tripp. 

laj  W.  H.  Ups.in Akron.    John  Johnson. 

10  t  D.  R.  Tilden Cleveland.    Peter  Thatcher. 

10j  M.C.  Canfield Chardon. 

Jy|  F.  Kinsman Warren. 

INDIANA. 

Delegate*  at  Large. 

Daniel  Mace Lafayette. 

James  L.  Yater Verseilles. 

John  Beard Cniwfordsville. 

Isaac  Jenkinson — Fort  Wayne. 

Delegates. 

,  <  L.  Q.  De  Bruler Rockport.  Victor  Bisch. 

JO.  M.  Allen Vincennes.  John  E.  Mann. 

9J  Jesse  J.  Brown New  Albany.  C.  H.  Mason. 

6  >  H.  Woodbury Leavenworth.  D.  W.  La  Follett. 

0  )  W.  M.  Dunn Madison.  T.  M.  Adams. 

I  Geo.  A.  Buskirk Bloomington.  Smith  Vawter, 

4  j  Wilson  Morrow  W.  A.  Cullen. 

{  John  Ferris Lawrenceburg.  Jarues  Berkshire. 

-i  Miles  Murphy Newcastle.  Silas  Colgrove. 

5  l  Benjamin  F.  Miller Liberty.  John  F.  Kibby. 

« 5  John  W.  Ray Indianapolis.  P.  Foley. 

0 1  LevI  Eitter Danville.  J.  B.  McFadden. 

7  i  Dr.  Stevenson Green  Castle.  J.  M.  H  inkle. 

'  1  Ezra  Reed Terre  Haute.  D.  C.  Staukard. 

ft  I  D.  P.  Vinton Lafayette. 

B)  Lewis  B.Simms Delphi. 

0  i  J.  M.  Reynolds St.  Joseph.  J.  D.  Turner 

"1  D.  R.  Bearss Peru.  J.  M.  Justice. 

in  I  Isaac  Jenkinson  Fort  Wayne.  W.  M.  Clap. 

1U  i  James  S.  Collins Columbia  City.  C.  W.  Chapman. 

.,  t  John  L.  Wilson Blufton.  J.  M.  Haym>>. 

11 1  Daniel  L.  Brown Noblesville.  T.C.  Phillips. 

IOWA. 

Delegate*  at  Large. 

W.  M.  Stone Des  Moines.  J.  H.  Rotherock. 

J.T.Clark New  oresron.  J.  R.  Needham. 

Francis  Springer Wapello.  J.  W.  Bell 

D.  D.  Chase  Webster  City.  Benj.  Crabbe. 

Delegates. 

,  (G.  W.  McCrarey Keokuk.  A.  H.  C.  Scott. 

1 1  D.  P.  Stubbs Fairfleld.  G.  W.  Edwards. 

ojD.W. Ellis Clinton.  Cbas.  Oberman. 

I  John  8.  Stacy Anamosa  John  W.  Earl. 

.,  I  J.  S.  Woodward Independence.  J.  M.  Bray  ton. 

I  G.  Kerndt Dutlanbarg.  J.  Nicholas. 

,)D.  G.  Worden Signory.  .I.X.Allen. 

*l  J.M.  Hendrick  ..  ..Ottawa.  N.Udell. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  18(50,  1864. 


253 


-jCole  Noel Adel.  J.  Street. 

I  Frank  Street Council  Bluff.  Charles  Henton. 

Bj  G.  M.  Woodbury Marshalltown.  F  G.  Woodruff. 

I  P.  Melendy Onawa  A.  Olener. 


ILLINOIS. 

Delegates  at  Lame. 

B.  C.  Cook Ottawa. 

Leonard  Swett Bloornington. 

J.  A.  Powell Peoria. 

A.  II.  Burley. 

Delegates. 

1  j  J.  Y.  Scammon Chicago. 

I  Lorenz  Brentano Chicago. 

9j  Geo.  S.  Bangs Aurora. 

6  \  E.  P.  Ferry  Waakegan. 

..J  J.  W.  Shaffer  Freeport. 

I  James  McCoy Fulton  City. 

,  (  Harrison  Dills. 
1  Solon  Burroughs. 
-  \  H.  F.  Royce. 
/  Clark  E.  Carr Princeton. 


A  j  Josepli  L.  Braden. 
81  W.  Bushnell. 
-j  G.  W.  Reeves. 

I  James  Cone. 
a  JR.  H.  Fell. 
8  I  J.  M.  Brown. 
,.  \  W.  A.  (irimshaw. 
"1W.  B.  Green 
in  i  J.  L.  Morrison. 
1U'(  J.  T.  Alexander. 
,,  j  W.  H.  Robinson. 
"ID.  T.M.  Sams. 
,0  I  John  Thomas. 
'(  William  Copp. 
inj  L.  Rhodes. 

I  Morris  P.  Brown. 

MINNESOTA. 
Delegates  at  Large. 

Thos.  Simpson Winona. 

W.G.Butler Clear  Water. 

Daniel  Cameron La  Crescent. 

Charles  M.  Daily St.  Paul. 

Delegates. . 

.  5  Charles  Taylor    Faribault. 

I  John   McCusick Stillwater. 

Oi  D.  G.  Shillock  New  Ulm. 

~!  Warren  Bristol Red  Wing. 

KANSAS. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

J.  H.  Lane Lawrence. 

A.  H.  Insley. 

A.  C.  Wilder Lawrence. 

F.  W.  Potter. 

Delegates 
T.  M.  Bowen. 
M.  W.  Delahey. 

MICHIGAN. 
Delegates  at  Large. 

Austin  Blair Jackson. 

Marsh  Giddings Kalamazoo. 

Neil  Gray Romeo. 

C.  W.  Clisbee Blumfleld. 

Delegates . 

*  jH.  Kiefer Detroit. 

1 1  Win.  R.  Noyes Detroit. 

oj  L.  P.  Alexander Buchanan. 

~  I  J.  H.   Kelsey Three  Rivers. 

oj  C.  T.  Gorham Marshall. 

I  E.  Lawrence Ann  Arbor. 

4  j  Osmond  Tower Ionia. 

I  W.I.  Cornwell Newaygo. 


G.  W.Ga-e. 
John  E.  Rosette. 
Chas.  Atkinson. 

Isaac  Miller. 

C.  N.  Holden. 
E.  S.  Isham. 

D.  B.  James 
J.  S.  Ilildrelh. 
Joseph  Utlrv. 
Henry  A.  Mills. 
James  Stark. 
Robert  Moir. 
W.  S.  Wiley. 
Geo.  Henderson. 
J.  P.  South  worth. 

E.  A.  Lake. 

John  Cunningham. 
J.  Bold. 
R.  D.  Cassell. 
J.  T.  Jenkins. 

A.  E.  Babcock. 
W.  K.  Ray. 

B.  Sammons. 
David  Pearson. 
J.W.  Welshear. 
S.  P.  Tufts. 
A.W.  Metcalf. 
John  Stehr 
J.C.  Barbour. 
.John  Wheeler. 


Thos.  N.  Armstrong. 
/..  M.  Mitchell. 
Geo.  F.  Potter. 
Andrew  R.  Kieffer. 

George  Watson. 
R.  Blukeley. 
E.  B.  Freeman. 
Eli  Robinson. 


EmmonsBuell. 
Perry  Hannah. 
Perley  Bills. 

D.  C.  Gage. 

W.  R.  Noyes. 

E.  Dorch. 

B.  F.  Frankenberg. 
D.Monroe. 
Eugene  Pringle. 
Henry  A.  Shaw. 
James  A.  Sweezey. 
A.  X.  Carey. 


2.14 


THE  FIRST  THREE  REPUBLICAN 


-I  Charles  Draper Fontiac.  J.  P.  Bii.srhatn. 

I  O.  D.  Conger Port  Huron.  James  Tiirrill. 

«  t  J.  B.  Walker Flint.  D.  G.  Slafter. 

°1  R.  Sheldon Houston.  J.W.Edwards. 


WISCONSIN. 

Delegates  at  Lax.i< . 

Edward  Saloman Milwaukee. 

A.  W.  Randall Washington.  D.  C. 

Angus  Cameron La  Crosse. 

Stocdard  Judd Fox  Lake. 

Delegates. 

1  I  John  F.  Potter Montreal,  Canada. 

I  C.  C.  Sholes Kenosha. 

«j  J.  P.  Moak Watertown. 

i  J.  B.  Cassoday Janesville. 

.,j  S.  S.  WUkinson Baraboo. 

I  J.  A.  Bingham.  Monroe. 

,  i  L.  H.  Carey Sheboygan. 

4)J.M.  Gillet FonduLac. 

E  j  'P.  Sawyer Oshkosh. 

•t  M.  L.  Kimball Berlin. 

R  j  L.  E.  Webb. 

0  |  U.  C.  Pope Black  River  Falls. 

MISSOURI. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Chaunceyl.  Filley St.  Louis. 

Benj.  F.  Loan St.  Joseph. 

C.D.Drake St.  Louis. 

J.  F.  Benjamin St.  Louis. 

Delegates. 

,  (  George  K.  Budd St.  Louis. 

M  J.  W.  Parish  St.  Louis. 

.Oj  John  F.  Hume St.  Louis. 

*  >  H.  T.  Blow St    Louis. 

o.)  A.  M    Jackson 
I  James  Lindsay. 

4JS.  H.  Boyd Springfield. 

}  John  B.  Clark,  Jr Jefferson  City. 

-j  J.  W.  McClurg. 

0  •  A.  C.  Widdecombe  Boonville. 

fij  R.  T.  Van  Horn  Kansas  City. 

(A.   Holcomb Kansas  City. 

7t.T.  A.  G.   Barker St.  Joseph. 

/A.J.Holland Savannah. 

0  j  A.  L.  Gilstrap ...Macon  City. 

°?C.  H.  Howe Macon  City. 

.0J  Wallis  Lovelace. 
*1  I.  J.  Staubler. 

KENTUCKY. 

Delegates  at  iMrge. 

R.  J.  Breckinridge Danville. 

Samuel  Lusk. 

R.  K.  Williams Mayfield. 

F.  Bristow Elkton. 

Delegates. 

1  j  L.  Anderson Paducah. 

*)J.  Bellinger Paducah. 

0<  William  Davenport. 

(  H.  C.  Burges. 

Delegates. 

George  D.  Blakely .  Bowling  Green. 

.I.W.Calvert Bowling  Green. 

George  White Elizabethtown. 

R.  L.  Wintersmith. 
A.  B.  Temple. 

James  Speed Louisville. 

Green  Clay  Smith Covlngton. 

William  Trimble. 

J.  A.  Prall Paris. 

A.G.Hodges Frankfort. 


O.  H.  Waldo. 
A.  G.  G.  Darwin. 
Carson  Graham. 
E.  H.  Galloway. 

F..  M.  Danforth. 
J.  M.  Bundy. 
J.  M.  Bingham. 
S  J.  Todd 
W.  R.  Beach. 
J.  H.Vivian. 
L.  Frost. 
G.  S.  Graves 
C.  B.  Goodwin. 
H.  Briirns. 
C.  B.Co.x 
G.  E.  Foster. 


George  Babcock. 
Enos  Clark. 

D.  Q.  Gale. 

A.  Valle. 
James  Lindsay. 
G.  W.   Wheeler. 

J.  B.  Clark,  Jr. 
S.  H.  Boyd. 
J.  T.  Mack. 

F.  Cooley. 

George  Smith. 

J.  S.  K.  Hay  ward. 

E.  A.  Katzer. 

M.  L.  Harrigher. 
J.  H.  Ellis. 
W.  B.  Adams. 
J.  H.  Wadsworth. 


S.  F.  Swope. 
George  Dewny. 
Lucian  Anderson. 
James  Weir. 

J.  W.  Finney. 
Col.  Henry. 
C.  Maxwell. 
Q.  C.  Shanks. 

Joseph  R.  Glover. 
Richard  Vance. 
J.  M.  Fiddler. 
T.  Q.  Walker. 
R.  Ayres. 
Edwin  Bryant. 
C.  A.  Preston. 
J.  C.  Recarcl. 
S.  S.  Goodloe. 
Milton  Stevenson. 


NATIONAL  CONVENTIONS— 1856,  1860,  186-t. 


„  i  .1.  W.  Coperton.  *  J.  G.  Pond. 

*  \  W.  B.  Anderson.  \V.  H.  Randall. 

Oj  O.  E.  Roberts.  P.  S.  Lay  ton. 

I  J.  J.  Anderson.  ,(olin  Beaton 

CALIFORNIA. 

Delegate*  at  Large. 

Thompson  Campbell San  Franc  i>ru. 

John  Bldwell. Chlco.  David  Mahoney. 

M.  C.  Briggs Sacramento  City.  Samuel  Brannan. 

A.  S.  Randall Albion,  N.  Y.  Jolin  s.  Newell. 

Delegates. 

t  (  James  Otis San  Francisco.  W.  H.  Culver. 

1  W.  S.  McMurtry San  Jose.  A.  P.  Jourdan. 

0  j  O.  H.  Bradbury Janestown.  C.  P.  Huntington. 

~  I  William  Hitter Sacramento  City.  C.  C.  Kynerson. 

.,  *  Nathan  Coombs Sacramento  City.  A.  G.Snyder. 

I  Robert  Gardner Sacramento  City.  A.  W.  Thompson. 

OREGON. 

Delegates  at  Large.  NOTE. 

T.  H.  Pearne Portland.  There  are  no  alter- 

Hiram  Smith Harrisburg.  nates  elected  from  this 

F.  A.  Charman Oregon  City.  State,  and  all  of  the 

Josiah  Failing Portland,  delegates  are   elected 

J.  W.  South  worth Corvalla.  at    large,  there  being 

M.  Hirsch _ Salem,  but  one  district  in  the 

State. 

NEBRASKA. 

Delegates  at  Large. 
John  I.  Hedick Omaha  City. 

B.  F.  Lushbaugh Omaha  Citv. 

D.  II.  Wheeler.   .  Plattsmouth. 

W.  H.  H.  Water.- Nebraska  City. 

A.  S.  Paddock Omaha  City. 

S.  G.  Uailey Brownsville. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

Lewis  Clephane Washington.    William  P.  Wood. 

J.  R.  El  vans Washington.    Henry  Ulke. 

Contestants. 

Joseph  J.  Coombs.  Asbury  Lloyd. 

Noble  D.  Lamer.  Joseph  F.  Hodgson. 

DAKOTA. 

Delegate  at  Large. 
William  E.  Gleason.  George  M.  Pinuey. 

COLORADO. 

Delegates  at  Large. 

John  A.  Nye Denver  City. 

S.S.Curtis DenverCity. 

S.  H.  Ebert Denver  City. 

J.  B.  Una  tree  Central  City. 

Edward  Brown Central  City. 

NK\V  MEXICO. 
Delegates  at  Large. 

Francisco  Perea Taos. 

John  S.  Watts Santa  Fe. 

Joshua  Jones,  Jr Port  Union. 

WASHINGTON. 
Delegate  at  Large. 
Hugh  A.  Goldsborough Washington,  D.  C. 


INDEX. 


Page 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  of  Massachusetts,  remarks  of,  1856 48 

Adjournment,  sine  die,  1856 82 

Sine  die,  1860 169 

Sine  die,  1864 247 

Allison,  Hon.  John,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of,  1856 59-62 

Proposing  Abraham  Lincoln  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  1856 61 

Andrew,  Hon.  John  A.  of  Massachusetts,  endorsing  Lincoln's  nomination,  1860  156 

Armour,  Charles,  Lee,  Maryland,  remarks  by,  1860 113,  116,  147 

Army,  news  from 235 

Ashinim,  Hon.  George,  Massachusetts,  elected  permanent  president,  1860 101 

Remarks  by 101 

Remark  accepting  gavel 104 

Resolution  of,  thanks  to,  1860 168 

Valedictory  address  of,  1860 168 

Ballot,  formal,  for  President.  1856 58 

First,  for  President,  1860 149 

Second,  for  President,  1860 152 

Third,  for  President,  1860 153 

For  President.  1864 234 

Tirst,  for  Vice-President,  1864 240 

Second,  for  Vice-President,  1864 242 

Baltimore,  thanks  to  City  Councils  of  1864 247 

Bunks.  Nathaniel  P.,  of  Massachusetts,  vote  received  for  President,  1856 53 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 53 

Withdrawal  of 64 

Proposed  for  Vice-President,  1860 .  160 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1860 160 

Batrs.  Edward,  proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  received  for  President,  1660 149,  152, 153 

Benuing,  Henry.  Chairman,  communication  from,  In  behalf  of  working  men, 1860  144 

Benton,  Jacob,  New  Hampshire,  remarks  by,  1860 146 

Blair.  Austin,  Michigan,  endorsing  Lincoln's  nomination,  1860 157 

Seconding  nomination  of  Wm.  H.  Reward,  1860 148 

Blair.  Frank  P..  Missouri,  nominating  Edward  Bates  for  President,  1860 148 

Blair.  Montgomery,  Maryland,  remarks  by,  1860 118 

Remarks  by  on  additional  credentials,  from  Maryland,  1860 145 

Blakey,  Kentucky,  remarks  by,  1856 80 

Blow.  Henry  T.,  Missouri,  temporary  Secretary,  1860 87 

Bout  well,  Geo.  S.,  Massachusetts,  remarks  by.  1860 94 

Brandazee,  A.,  Connecticut,  remarks  by,  1864 185  208 

Remarks  by,  on  Missouri  case.  1864.. 209 

Braues,  Rev.  Albert,  prayer  by,  1856 21 

Breckinridge.  Hon.  Robert  J.,  of  Kentucky,  chosen  temporary  President  1864.  177 

Acceptance  speech  of,  1864 177  181 

Remarks  by,  1864,  on  Missouri  case 210 

Brownlow.  Rev.  W.  G.,  "  Parson."  Tennessee,  speech  by.  1864 188-9 

Browning.  O.  H.,  Illinois,  response  by.  relative  to  Lincoln's  nomination.  I860..  159 
17 


1>.->S  INDEX. 

Buckland,  Maine,  remarks  by,  I860  m 

Business,  Order  of,  report  of  Committee  on,  1856 27 

Order  of,  Committee  on,  1860 89 

Order  of,  report  of  Committee  on,  1860 109 

Order  of  and  Rules,  report  of  Committee  on,  1860 125 

Order  of  and  Rules,  adoption  of  report  of  Committee  on,  1860 129 

Order  of,  appointment  as  Committee  on.  1864 197 

Order  of  and  Rules,  report  of  Committee  on,  1864 201 

Burnside,  Gen.  Ambrose  E.,  vote  received  for  Vice  President  by,  1864 240 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  vote  received  for  Vice  President  by 240 

Call,  the  first  preliminary.  1856 7 

For  first  nominating  Convention 14 

California,  acknowledgement  of  nomination  o*  Fremont  by,  1856 68 

Cameron,  General  Simon,  proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  of  for  President,  1860 149-152 

Withdrawal  of,  1860 152 

Remarks  by,  1864 183-184  186 

Resolution  by  relative  to  nomination  of  President  and  Vice  President. 

1864 227 

Campbell,  Thompson,  California .  remarks  by,  1864 184 

Oarey,  Henry  C.,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Carpenter,  Hiram,  Vermont,  remarks  by,  1856 , 76 

Cartter,  D.  K.,  Ohio,  remarks  by,  1860 92 

Remarks  of,  on  platform,  1860 136 

Nominating  Salmon  P.  Chase  for  President,  1860 148 

Chandler,  Zachariah,  of  Michigan,  reading  of  dispatch  from  Detroit  by,  1856..  69 

Chandler,  L.  H..  Virginia,  remarks  by,  1864 190.  191,  192 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  letter  of,  withdrawing  as  a  candidate  for  President,  1856 59 

Proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  received  for  President,  1860 141).  152,  153 

Chicago,  invitation  of  Board  of  Trade  of  1860 91 

Clay,  Cassius  M,,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Vote  received  for  President.  1860 152,  153 

Proposed  for  Vice-President,  1860 160 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1860 160,  161 

Cleveland,  Ex-Governor  of  Connecticut,  remarks  of,  1856 56 

Remarks  of,  1856 67 

Remarks  by,  1860 118 

Coale,  of  Maryland,  remarks  by  on  Maryland  credentials,  1860 145 

Collamer,  Jacob,  of  Vermont,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Vote  of  for  President 149 

Colfax,  Schuyler,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1864 240 

Cook,  R.  C.,  Illinois,  remarks  by 227 

Committee,  Republican  National,  resolution  by  Dr.  George  Harris,  of  Mary- 
land, to  constitute,  1856 ...  23 

Republican  National,  1856 4,' 

National,  members  of  1860 166 

National,  1864 242 

Contested  Seats,  action  on,  1864,  laid  over 187 

Convention,  call  for  the  first,  1856 7 

The  Pittsburg  Republican,  1856 7-13 

The  Pittsburg,  organization  of,  1856 10 

Call  for  first  nominating,  1856 14 

Roll  of  Members  of  1856 35.42 

National  Young  Men's,  1856 81 

National  Republican,  at  Philadelphia,  1856 15-82 

AtChicago,  1860 83-174 


INDEX.  '259 

Page 

At  Baltimore,  1864 :... .175-255 

Officers  of,  I860 102 

Roll  of  Members  of,  1856 35-42 

Roll  of  Members  of,  I860 170-174 

Union  National,  call  of,  1864 175 

Opening  of 175 

Roll  of  Members  of  1864., 248-256 

Corwin,  Thomas,  remarks  nominating  John  McLean  for  President.  1860 148 

Crawford,  M.  S.  C.,  of  Texas,  remarks  of,  1860 121 

Credentials,  Committee  on,  1856 , 21 

Report  of  Committee  on,  1856 27 

Resolution  relative  to,  18&) 88 

Committee  on,  1860 89 

Discussion  on,  1860 80.94 

Report  of  Committee  on.  1860 110 

Report  of  the  Committee  on,  recommitted,  I860 123 

Adoption  of  Report  of  Committee  on,  1860 124 

Appointment  of  Committee  on,  1864 193 

Report  of  Committee  on,  1864 203 

Minority  Report  from  Committee  on,  1864 204 

Amendments  to  Report  of  Committee  on,  1864 208-216,  217-222 

Creswell,  J.  A. .!.,  Maryland,  motion  of,  restricting  rules,  1864 193 

Curtis.  George  William,  New  York,  remarks  of,  on  platform,  1860 141 

Remarks  by.  on  Missouri  case 112 

Davis.  Henry  Winter,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1860 160 

Dayton.  William  L.,  of  New  Jersey,  proposed  for  Vice-President,  1856 80 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Changes,of  votes  for,  1856 66 

Nomination  of,  for  Vice-President,  1856 66 

Proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  of,  for  President,  1860 149,152,153 

Vote  for  Vice  President,  1860 160 

Delano,  Columbus,  of  Ohio,  seconding  nomination  of  Lincoln,  1860 149 

Remarks  and  motion  of,  1864 230 

Delegates,  motion  as  to,  1864 183-4-5 

Missouri  radical  admitted,  1864 216 

Rollof,1864 248-256 

Delegations,  Chairmen  of,  roll  of.  1864 201 

Dennison,  Hon.  William,  of  Ohio,  chosen  permanent  President,  1864 195 

Acceptance  speech  by,  on  taking  chair  as  permanent  President,  1864 196-7 

Remarks  by  on  declaring  Convention  adjourned  sine  die 247 

Di-troit,  salute  of  100  guns  by,  1856 69 

Dickinson,  Daniel  S,  proposed  for  Vice  President.  1864 236 

Vote  received  for  Vice  President  by,  1864 240-242 

Dorsey,  G.  Volney,  Ohio,  remarks  by,  1864 211 

Dorsheimer,  Philips.,  New  York,  remarks  by.  1856 75 

Drake,  Hon.  E.  F.,  Ohio,  report  by  from  Committee  on  Rules,  1864 201 

Dudley,  New  Jersey,  nominating  Wm.  L.  Dayton  for  President,  1860 148 

Eggleston,  Ben.,  Ohio,  remarks  by,  1860 95-122 

Elder,  Dr.,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of,  1856 47 

Elliott,  Thomas  D.,  of  Massachusetts,  remarks  of,  1856 56 

Emmet,  Hon.  Robert,  of  New  York,  elected  temporary  President,  Philadel- 
phia, 1856 15 

Speech,  accepting  the  temporary  Presidency 15-20 

Resolution  of  thanks  to,  1856 81 

Evarts,  Willisim  M.,  of  New  York,  nominating  William  11.  Seward  for  Presi- 
dent, 1860 148 


260  INDEX. 

Page 

Remarks  of  on  motion  to  make  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  unani- 
mous, 1860 155 

Ewing,  John  H.,  Pennsylvania,  remarks  by,  1860 112 

Fisher,  John  Adams,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of  proposing  David  Wilmot 

for  Vice  President,  1856 61 

Fogg,  George  G.,  of  New  Hampshire,  temporary  Secretary,  1856 20 

Ford,  Gov.  Thomas,  of  Ohio,  withdrawal  of,  1856 65 

Vote  received  for  Vice  President 65 

Fremont,  Gen.  John  C.,  of  California,  vote  received  for  President,  1856 53 

Nominated  for  President,  1856 .• 58 

Vote  received  for  President,  1860 149 

Gaddis,  Rev.  M.  P.,  prayer  by,  1864 •. 109 

Gavel,  presentation  of,  1860 103 

Gazzard,  Mr.,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of,  1856.. 57 

Giddings,  Hon.  Joshua  R,,  Ohio,  remarks  of.  1856  53,  55 

Vote  received  for  Vice- President,  1856 63 

Remarks  by,  1860    98 

Remarks  of  on  platform,  1860 135 

Resolution  of  1860 165 

Goodrich,  Aaron,  of  Minnesota,  remarks  by 91 

Remarks  and  resolutions  of  thanks  of  to  Chicago,  1860 1(57 

Grant,  Ulysses  S..  vote  received  for  President,  1864 232,234 

Greeley,  Horace,  daily  and  mail  report  of  proceedings  of  Preliminary  Con- 
vention, 1856 8,  13 

Greeley,  Horace,  of  Oregon,  remarks  by,  1860  89 

Green,  Rev.  M.,  prayer  by,  1860 143 

Grimm,  editor  Belleville  Zeltung,  remarks  of,  1856 99 

Grinnell,  Moses  H.,  of  New  York,  remarks  of,  1856 51 

Hacklemann,  P.  A.,  Indiana,  remarks  of,  1860 121 

Hale,  John  P..  New  Hampshire,  remarks  by.  1856 72,  74 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  proposed  for  Vice-President,  1860 160 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1860 160.161 

Nomination  of  for  Vice-President,  1860 162 

Resolution  relative  to  nomination  of.  1864 227 

Proposed  for  Vice-President,  1864  236 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President 240,  242 

Hanks,  Arkansas,  remarks  by,  1864 189 

Hassaureck,  Fred..  Ohio,  temporary  Secretary,  1860 87 

Remarks  of,  on  platform,  1860 ' 13!i 

Hickman,  John,  proposed  for  Vioe-President.  1860 160 

Vote  of.  Vice  President,  1860 160-61 

Hoadley,  Judge,  Ohio,  Remarks  by,  1856 77 

Hoar,  E.  R.,  Judge,  of  Massachusetts,  Remarks  of,  1856 57 

Hood,  Rev.  Anson,  Prayer  by,  1850 35 

Hume,  J.  F.  Missouri,  Remarks  of 232 

Humphrey,  Rev.  Z.,  Prayer  by,  1860 87 

Invitation  from  Chicago  Board  of  Trade,  1860 91 

Report  on 99 

From  Ellsworth's  Zouave  Guards,  1860 106 

From  Chicago*  Rock  Island  Railroad,  1860 108 

From  Galena  &  Chicago  Union  Railroad,  1860 144 

Acceptance  of,  1860 167 

1864 247 

.1  nines  Remarks  of  on  Rules,  1860 128 

•lay,  W.,  of  New  Jersey,  Remarks  of,  1856 61 

Johnson,  Andrew,  Proposed  for  Vice  President,  1864 236 

Vote  Received  for  Vice  President,  1864 240-42 


INDEX.  U61 

Page 

Nomination  of  for  Vice  President,  1864 242 

i,  Whit  field  S..  vote  received  for  Vice  President,  1856 63 

Judd.  H«>n.  Norman  B.,  elected  Secretary  National  Committee,  1856 42 

Norman  B..  Illinois,  remarks  by,  1860 , 85 

Remarks  by,  on  presenting  a  gavel 103 

Nominating  Abraham  Lincoln  for  President,  1860 148 

Kelley,  Win.  I)..  Pennsylvania,  remarks  by,  1860 96 

Remarks  of,  on  rules,  1860 127 

Kent.  Gov..  of  Maine,  resolution  to  amend  Seeley's  resolution  and  remarks  of,       47 
Remarks  by.  1856 77 

Kiiuball.  F.  D.,  of  Ohio,  resolution  of,  relative  to  permanent  organization,  1856,       22 

King.  John  A.,  of  New  York,  vote  received  for  Vice  President,  1856 63 

Remarks  by.  1856 75 

King,  Preston.  New  York,  remarks  by,  1860 97 

Report  of  Committee  on  Credentials,  made  by,  1864 203 

Remarks  by.  1864 204,206,207,208 

King,  amendments  proposed  by,  186t 206-208,  ?16,  217-222 

Lane,  Col.  Henry  S.,  of  Indiana,  elected  permanent  president,  1856 24 

Speech  of.  accepting  permanent  presidency  of  Convention,  1856 25-27 

Resolution  of  thanks  to,  1856 82 

Remarks  of.  pledging  Indiana  to  Lincoln  and  II  ami  in.  1860 166 

Lane.  J.  II.,  Kansas,  amendment  by.  1864 187 

Remarks  by.  1864 188-192 

Minority  report  on  Credentials  read  by,  1864 205 

Law.  George,  communication  of.  from  National  American  Convention 52 

Leigh.  '.  liarle-  C.,of  New  York,  resolution  relative  to  Young  Men's  National 

Convention 60 

Lincoln.  Abraham,  of  Illinois,  named  for  Vice-President  by  John  Allison,  1856       61 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Withdrawal  of.  1*56 65 

Proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  received  for  Presiden t .  18t50 149-152, 153 

Resolution  relative  to  nomination  of,  1864 227 

Vote  received  for  President,  1864 234 

N  'Miniated  for  President.  1864 234 

Littlejohn.  DeWitt  I'.,  resolution  of,  relative  to  Law  communication 52 

Remarks  of,  1856 56 

Logan,  John  A.,  proposing  three  cheers  for  all  the  candidates  of  the  Repub- 
lican party.  I860 149 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  of  Illinois,  prayer  by.  1856 7 

Remarks  by 20,  31,  57 

Maun.  Wm.  B.,  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of ,  1860 129 

Mass  Meeting.  Pittsburg 12-13 

Maynard.  Horace,  Tennessee,  remarks  by,  1864 188 

Remarks  by,  on  admission  of  delegates  from  Tennessee.  1864 221 

Remarks  of.  proposing  Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-President,  1864 236 

McClure,  A.  K.,  report  of  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  by,  1864 195 

McLean,  John,  Judge,  of  Ohio,  letter  of  withdrawal  as  a  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent, 1858 49 

Withdrawal  as  a  candidate  for  President  withdrawn,  1856 53 

Vote  received  for  President.  1856 53 

Vote  of.  for  President,  1860 149-152-153 

^IcCrillis.  of  Maine,  remarks  by,  1860 121 

Remarks  responding  to  nomination  of  Hanilin,  I860 163-4 

Minority,  reports  by.  from  Committee  on  Credentials,  1864 204-205 

Mi— ouri  ca-t- 208-216 

Mitchell,  Thomas  G.,  of  Ohio,  temporary  Secretary 20 

Morgan,  Hon.  Edwin  D.,  of  New  York,  address  at  opening  of  Philadelphia,  1856       15 


_>IVJ  INDEX. 

Page 

Elected  Chairman  National  Committee,  1856  42 

Opening  address  of  1860 83 

Opening  address  of,  Baltimore  Convention,  1861 176 

Morrill,  Hon.  Lot  M.,  of  Maine,  remarks  by,  1864 183-4 

National  American  Convention,  communications  from.  1856 52 

National  American  Convention,  report  on,  1856 63 

North,  John  W.,  Minnesota,  seconding  nomination  of  Seward,  1860 14t< 

Notification.  Committee  of,  1856 67 

Committee  of ,  1860 165 

Order,  decision  by  the  Chair  upon  question  of 96 

Officers,  thanks  to 246 

Oregon,  election  in,  news  of 236 

Organization,  earliest  of  record.  1855 3 

Washington  Republican,  1855 3-6 

Resolutions  relative  to  permanent,  1856 22 

Committee  on  permanent.  1856 22 

Report  of  Committee  on  permanent,  1856 24 

Permanent,  resolution  relative  to,  1860 87 

Permanent,  Committee  on,  1860 88 

Permanent,  report  of  Committee  on,  1860 101 

Temporary,  1864 181 

Permanent,  Committee  on,  1864 l!»4 

Permanent,  report  of  Committee  on,  1864 195 

Oyler,  S.  P.,  Indiana,  remarks  by,  1860  94-119 

Palmer,  John  M.,  of  Illinois,  remarks  of,  1856 62 

Patten,  Rev.  W.  W.,  prayer  by,  1860 107 

Patterson,  Geo.  W.,  New  York,  remarks  by,  1864 184 

Pennsylvania  National  Republican  Party  of,  communication  from,  1856 62 

Pennington,  Aaron  S,  vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Philadelphia,  resolution  of  thanKS  to  citizens  of,  1856 82 

Phillips,  Wm.  A..  Kansas,  remarks  by,  1860 215 

Seconding  nomination  of  Seward,  1860 149 

Platform,  committee  on,  1856 22 

Proposed  amendments  to,  1856 45 

Natioual  Republican,  1856 43,  45 

Resolution  relative  to,  1860 103 

Committee  on,  1860 105 

Report  of  committee  on,  1860  130 

Amendments  of,  1860 133,  142 

And  resolutions,  committee  on,  1864 194 

And  resolutions,  report  of  committee  on,  and  adoption  of.  1864 225,  226,  227 

Pomeroy,  Samuel  C.,  vote  received  for  Vice. President,  1856 63 

Remarks  by,  1856 80 

Pomeroy,  Theodore,  New  York,  temporary  Secretary,  1860 87 

Pratt,  Daniel  D.,  Reading  Secretary,  thanks  to,  1860 168 

Proceedings,  resolution  authorizing 2 

Publication  of  resolution  relative  to,  1864 246 

Raymond.  Henry  J.,  of  New  York,  remarks  by,  1864 185,  186 

Report  of  Committee  on  Resolutions,  by,  1864 225 

lieeder,  Andrew  H.,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  by,  1880 92,93,  120 

Remarks  by,  1864 192,  207 

Remarks,  nominating  Simon  Cameron  for  President,  1860 148 

Proposed  for  Vice- President,  1860 ....      160 

Vote  of,  for  Vice  President,  1860 160 

Keiley,  Rev.  McKendree,  prayer  by,  1864 181 

Report,  minority,  on  order  of  business.  1860 109 


INDEX.  263 

Page 

Republican  movement,  circular  to  friends  of 4 

Rousseau,  Gen.  L.  H.,  proposed  for  Vice-President,  1864 236 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President  by,  1864 240 

Rules,  Report  ot  Committee  on,  1856 27 

And  business,  1860 ...  89 

Adoption  of.  House  of  Representatives,  1864 193 

Appointment  of  Committee  on  permanent,  1864 19? 

Report  of  Committee  on,  1804 201 

Sargent,  A.  A.  California,  remarks  by,  on  Maryland  credentials,  1860 145 

Schneider,  Editor,  remarks  of,  1856 67 

Schurz,  Carl,  of  Wisconsin,  remarks  of,  on  platform,  1860 138 

Seconding  nomination  of  Wm.  H.  Seward,  1860 149 

Endorsing  Lincoln's  nomination,  1860 157 

Secretaries,  permanent,  1856 24 

Temporary,  1860 87 

List  of,  1864 195 

s.-.'i-i-tary,  instructions  of,  to  print  proceedings 246 

Seeley,  John  E..  of  New  York,  resolution  relative  to  informal  vote  for  Presi- 
dent, 1856 45-49 

Seward,  Hon.  William  H..  vote  of,  for  President,  1856 53 

Proposed  for  President,  1860 148 

Vote  of,  for  President,  1860 149-152, 153 

Sherwood,  Lyman,  of  New  York,  remarks  of,  1856 57 

Sholes,  C.  C.,  Wisconsin,  remarks  by,  1864 201! 

Smith.  Hon.  Caleb  B..  of  Indiana,  remarks  of,  1856 28 

Sri-onding  Lincoln's  nomination,  1860 148 

Remarks  endorsing  nomination  of  11  a  ml  in.  1860 162 

Smith.  E.  D.,  South  Carolina,  remarks  by 224 

Spaulding.  Judge,  of  Ohio,  withdrawal  by  of  Judge  McLean's  letter  of  with- 
drawal, 1856 53 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  despatches  from 235 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  of  Pennsylvania,  remarks  of,  1856 51 

Motion  relative  to  contested  seats  by,  1864 187 

Remarks  by  on  Missouri  case,  1864, 215 

Stone,  A.  P.,  of  Ohio,  resolution  relative  to  credentials,  1856 21 

Resolution  by,  1856  72 

Seconding  the  nomination  of  Lincoln,  1860 149 

Stone,  Wm.  M.,  Iowa,  motion  and  remarks  of,  1864 227,  228.  229 

Sumner,  Charles,  Hon.,  of  Massachusetts,  vote  received  for  President,  1856 —  53 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Withdrawal  of,  1856 64 

Vote  of  for  President,  1860 149 

Sweetser.  Theodore  H.,  Massachusetts,  remarks  by,  1860 95 

Swett,  Leonard,  Illinois,  remarks  by,  on  nomination  of  Lincoln,  1864 234 

Tennessee,  delegation  from  admitted 280 

Territories,  delegates  from,  1864 193 

Report  of  Committee  of  Credentials  on.  1864 223 

Right  to  vote  of,  1864 243 

Tarr,  Campbell,  West  Virginia,  remarks  by 

Test,  Judge,  Illinois,  remarks  by,  1856 77 

Thanks,  resolution  of,  to  Vice  Presidents  and  Secretaries,  1860 168 

To  President,  Vice  President  and  Secretaries,  1856 82 

To  officers  of  Convention.  1864 246 

To  City  Council  of  Baltimore 247 

Tliuyer,  Eli.  Oregon,  remarks  by 93 

Tremaine,   Lyman,  of  New  York,  remarks  of,  proposing  Daniel  S.  Dickinson 

for  Vice  President,  1864 237 


264  .  IXDEX. 

Page 

Tyler,  Judge.  Connecticut,  1856 79 

Underwood,  Virginia,  remarks  by  1856 80 

Van  Dyke,  J..  of  New  Jersey,  remarks  by,  1856 69 

Viele,  John  J.,  of  New  York,  resolution  relative  to  Free  Soil  Democracy  of 

New  York 23 

Vice-Presidents,  permanent,  1856 24 

Vice-President,  Informal  ballot  for,  1856 63 

Formal  vote  for,  1856 65 

First  ballot  for,  1860 160 

Second  ballot  for,  I860 16) 

Result  of  balloting  for,  1860 162 

Announcement  of  nomination  of  Hannibal  Hamlin  for,  1860 162 

Vice-Presidents,  list  of,  1864 195 

Vice-President,  vote  received  by  all  candidates  for,  1864 240 

Nomination  of.  1864 240,  242 

Virginia,  report  of  committee  on  credentials  in 224 

Vote,  announcement  of  for  President,  1856 58 

Votes,  changing  of, for  President,  1860 153,  154.  155 

Changes  of  for  Vice-President,  1864 240,  242 

Voting,  ratio  of,  resolution  relative  to 168 

Wade,  Benjamin,  vote  of  for  President,  1860 !49 

Webb,  Gen.  James  Watsou,  of  New  York,  remarks  of 45,  54 

Whelpley,  Edward  W.,of  New  Jersey,  resolution  of  to  take  informal  ballot  for 

Vice-President,  1856 60 

Remarks  of,  naming  Win.  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  for  Vice-President, 

1856 60 

Wills,  John  A.,  of  California,  remarks  of,  1856 68 

Wilinot,  Hon.  David,  of  Pennsylvania,  resolution  relative  to  platform,  1856. ..        21 

Report  of,  of  platform,  1856 43 

Remarks  of,  1856 55 

Proposed  for  Vice-President,  1856 61 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Withdrawal  of.  1856 64 

Remarks  by,  1856 79 

Appointed  temporary  President,  1860 85 

Remarks  accepting  temporary  presidency,  1860 85 

Remarks  by,  1860 111,115,116 

Remarks  of,  on  platform.  1860 137 

Wilson,  Hon.  Henry,  of  Massachusetts,  remarks  of,  1856 31-35 

Vote  received  for  Vice-President,  1856 63 

Withdrawal  of,  1856 65 

Remarks  by,  1856    77,  79 

Workingrnen,  communication  of,  1860 *  .      144 

Wyse,  James,  District  of  Columbia,  remarks  by,  1860 113 


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